FROM  THE  TOW-PATH  TO  THE  WHITE  HOUSE. 


THE 


EARLY  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER 


OF 


JAMESA.GARFIELD, 


MAJ.  GEN'L  U.  S.  A. 


THE  RECORD  OF  A  WONDERFUL   CAREER  WHICH,  LIKE  THAT  OF  ABRAHAM 
LINCOLN,   BY    NATIVE    ENERGY*  AND  UNTIRING    INDUSTRY,   LED 
THIS  MAN  FROM    OBSCURITY  TO  THE    FOREMOST   POSI 
TION    IN    THE    COUNCILS    OF   THE   NATION. 


.    INCLUDING  ALSO  A  SKETCH   OF  THE   LIFE  OF 

HON.  CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


BY  GEN'L  JAS.  S.  BRISBIN, 

AUTHOR  OF  "LIFE  OF  GRANT  AND  COLFAX/'    "BELDEN,  THE  WHITE  CHIEF,"    "THE 
BEEF  BONANZA,"  AND  OTHER  POPULAR  WORKS. 


PUBLISHED    BY 
HUBBARD  BROS.,,  PHILADELPHIA; 
SPRINGFIELD,  MASS.;  CHICAGO;  CINCINNATI;  ATLANTA,  GA. 
C.  H.  LILLINGSTON  &  Co.,  ST.  Louis :  T.  PROTHERO,  EMPORIA, 
KANSAS:  A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  Co.,  SAN  FRANCISCO,  CAL. 


COPYRIGHTED,  1880. 


TO 


JAMES   A.  GARFIELD, 

THIS  VOLUME, 

Recording,  though  poorly,  the  steps  in  a  splendidly  typical 
American  career — a  career  that  will  incite  every  one  who 
reads  it  to  a  braver,  better  life — is  inscribed  by  his  friend, 

THE  AUTHOR. 


TO    THE    READER. 

THIS  book  is  not  written  in  any  spirit  of  political  par 
tisanship  but  merely  to  give  to  my  countrymen  a  true 
account  of  the  life  and  character  of  our  fellovr-citizen 
JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

JAS.  S.  BRISBIN. 


Chingledamouche 

Snow  SAoe,  Pa.t  July  zbth,  2880. 


PUBLISHER'S  NOTICE. 


The  American  nation  is  about  entering  on  a  campaign 
which  is  destined  to  be  ever  memorable  in  the  political  annals 
of  the  country.  The  strife  of  factions  has  already  begun,  and 
from  now  until  tie  issue  is  decided  on  the  2d  of  next 
November,  there  will  reign  paramount  a  war  of  words,  a 
hurricane  of  argument.  The  Democratic  Party  enters  the 
struggle  flushed  with  the  applause  of  its  first  reputable  nomi 
nation  in  a  long  period,  and  confident  that  the  waiting  honors 
are  to  be  its  own.  The  Republican  Party  presents  a  man  for 
the  suffrages  of  the  nation,  who  fitly  and  fully  embodies  in  his 
public  services  the  grand  principles  for  which  the  party  has 
victoriously  striven  during  a  deserved  ascendency  of  twenty 
years. 

It  would  have  been  more  than  wonderful,  if  during  this  long 
continuance  in  power,  the  Republican  Party  had  not  some  act 
to  regret,  some  measure  of  the  public  welfare  unfulfilled  to 
lament,  some  blunder  for  which  to  need  an  apology.  It  is  im 
possible  in  the  procession  of  measures  and  men  to  avoid  here 
and  there  a  failure.  The  ideal  is  never  accomplished.  Re- 
membering'this,  the  defections,  the  grumblings,  the  dissatisfac 
tion  that  sprung  up  within  the  party  four  years  ago  are  readily 
understood  and  appreciated.  These  were  based  partly  upon 
the  unfitness  of  a  great  soldier  to  be  a  great  statesman.  This 
is  no  disparagement  of  the  military  achievements  of  General 
Grant,  they  stand  unrivaled  in  the  history  of  the  New  World. 
But  as  a  statesman,  in  the  eyes  of  some,  he  was  a  failure.  He 
had  not  the  necessary  training ;  for,  clearly,  his  life  was  intended 
to  be  shaped  with  the  sword.  The  nomination  by  the  Republi 
can  Party  this  year,  has  overcome  every  objection  just  hinted  at, 

M70535 


PUBLISHER'S  NOTICE. 

and  solidly  together  as  of  yore,  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  the 
ranks,  the  party  appeals  to  the  nation  and  furnishes  the  high 
est  justification  for  the  nation's  confidence  ever  offered — a 
nominee  as  able  and  brilliant  as  the  great  principles  of  the 
party  he  represents. 

The  Democratic  Party  has  chosen  as  its  standard-bearer,  & 
soldier  of  pre-eminent  soldierly  qualities,  but  a  man  untried  in 
the  devious  ways  of  government,  unversed  in  the  subtleties  of 
power,  unknown  in  the  paths  of  legislation.  To  oppose  him 
there  is  one  whose  views  upon  the  vital  issues  of  the  hour  are 
not  guesses ;  whose  theories  of  governing  have  been  proved  by 
the  fire  of  experience  to  be  axioms  of  government;  whosft 
statesmanship  has  excited  admiration  and  challenged  criticism 
for  a  score  of  years  ;  whose  manly  defense  at  all  times  of  the 
best  and  of  the  right,  has  attracted  applause  even  from  his 
enemies,  and  whose  courageous  patriotism  can  never  be  over 
looked  by  a  nation  of  brave  men — James  Abram  Garfield. 

The  story  of  his  life  and  services  illustrates  but  sketchily 
the  wonderful  career  and  magnificent  record  of  this  man.  In 
the  haste  necessarily  attendant  upon  the  production  of  a  cam 
paign  biography,  much  has  perhaps  been  omitted  that  would 
be  received  by  the  reader  with  grateful  relish.  At  the  same 
time  care  and  diligence,  time  and  trouble,  and  money  have 
been  expended  on  the  story,  and  it  is  as  complete  as  it  is  possi 
ble  to  make  it  under  the  circumstances. 

The  story  is  fascinating  in  its  romance,  in  its  faithful,  well 
drawn  picture  of  a  representative  American  career ;  for  General 
Garfield  illustrates  with  peculiar  force  the  grandest  principle 
of  American  life  and  American  liberty,  its  equality.  Begin 
ning  with  no  greater  blessings  than  a  sound  constitution  and  a 
strong  ambition,  he  has  risen  to  the  top  of  the  ladder,  every 
round  of  which  has  been  a  merited  elevation.  His  life,  indeed, 
is  a  national  lesson,  a  march  of  honor.  As  a  boy,  he  was  an 
humble  worker  on  the  tow-path  of  an  Ohio  canal,  as  a  man, 
he  becomes  the  first  citizen  of  the  Republic,  the  Chief  Magis 
trate  of  the  first  power  among  the  civilized  nations  of  the 
globe.  The  incidents,  the  struggles,  the  reverses,  the  successes, 
the  shadow  and  the  sunshine  of  such  a  life  are  as  instructing  as 


PUBLISHERS  NOTICE. 

they  are  entertaining,  and  in  the  following  pages  the  reader 
will  find  a  story  that  will  command  his  admiration,  excite  his 
emulation  and  justify  the  confidence  of  the  vote  he  proposes  to 
cast  for  its  hero. 

The  sketch  of  the  life  of  General  Chester  A.  Arthur,  has 
been  compiled  with  great  care  and  will  be  found  a  readable 
story  of  the  life  of  the  distinguished  gentleman  who  has  been 
nominated  for  Vice-President  upon  the  ticket  so  worthily 
headed  by  General  Garfield. 
Philadelphia,  July  1,  1880. 


CONTENTS. 


GARFIELD  AS  A  BOY  AND  MAN.  * 

CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE. 

A  Fire  and  its  Result 21 

CHAPTER  II. 
The  Home  in  Early  Days 30 

CHAPTER  III. 
Days  of  Earnest  Work , 35 

CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Pirate's  Own  Book 41 

CHAPTER  V. 
Inter  Folio  Fructus — Fruit  between  leaves 59 

CHAPTER  VI. 
Garfield  at  Williams 75 

CHAPTER  VII. 
A  College  President 89 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
The  Birth  of  a  Political  Career 104 

GARFIELD  AS  A  SOLDIER. 

CHAPTER  IX. 
The  Storm  Bursts 115 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  X. 

PAGE. 

At  the  Head  of  a  Regiment 123 

CHAPTER  XI. 
Opening  the  Big  Sandy  Campaign 133 

CHAPTER  XII. 
Hail  Columbia's  Soldier  at  the  Battle  of  Middle  Creek...  150 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
A  Steamboat  Captain  and  the  Capture  of  Pound  Gap 167 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
Off  to  Aid  Grant 184 

CHAPTER  XV. 
Garfield  as  Chief-of-Staff. 197 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
The  Battle  of  Chickamauga 208 

GARFIELD  AS  A  STATESMAN. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
He  Appears  in  Congress 241 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
The  Ladder  of  Honor 247 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
An  Ornament  of  Congress 262 

CHAPTER  XX. 
The  Orator's  Power .....f.. 269 


CONTENTS.  xj 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

PAGE. 

Questions  of  Political  Economy 278 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
Arraigning  his  Enemies 290 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 
A  Visit  to  Lawnfield .., 310 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 
The  Family  Circle 329 

CHAPTER  XXV. 
Two  Pen  Portraits 351 

THE  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION. 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 
Preparing  for  Battle 359 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
The  Battle  Begun 374 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 
The  Second  Day's  Fight 386 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 
War  to  the  Knife,  and  Knife  to  the  Hilt 399 

CHAPTER  XXX. 
The  Thunders  of  Oratory 418 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 
A  Day  of  Doubt , 459 


X|J  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

PAGE. 

The  People's  Choice 470 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 
How  it  Happened,  and  What  was  Said  of  It 486 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 
A  Tour  of  Triumph 505 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 
The  Future 530 

LIFE  OF  HON.  CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 

CHAPTER  I. 
Arthur's  Early  Life 537 

CHAPTER  II. 
Arthur  as  a  Lawyer 542 

CHAPTER  III. 
Arthur  in  Politics 548 

APPENDIX. 

CHAPTER  I. 
A  Victim  of  Success 551 

:HAPTER  n. 

De  Golyer  Contract 578 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE. 

FRONTISPIECE — James  A.  Garfield. 
"  Chester  A.  Arthur. 

Home  of  Garfield's  Childhood 20 

James  A.  Garfield  at  the  age  of  Sixteen 43 

Young  Garfield  Conquering  a  Peace 53 

Hiram  College 91 

The  Fight  at  Paintville 143 

Battle  of  Middle  Creek 153 

Now,  Boys,  we  must  go  at  them 161 

View  of  Pound  Gap 165 

View  of  Middle  Creek 165 

Pickets  on  Duty 185 

Army  Head-quarters 185 

The  Battle  of  Chickamauga 213 

Chattanooga  Battle-field  and  Approaches 217 

General  George  H.  Thomas 223 

Missionary  Ridge 223 

Block  House  at  Chattanooga 227 

Head-quarters  of  Thomas , 227 

Battle-field  as  it  appears  to-day 233 

Redoubt  on  Lookout  Mountain 233 

General  Garfield's  Home,  Mentor,  Ohio 313 

Parlor — General  Garfield's  Home 317 

Dining-room — General  Garfield's  Home 343 

Reception  of  General  Garfield  at  the  Depot 5°9 

General  Garfield  Addressing  the  People 5*3 


GENERAL  GARFIELD'S  CREED. 

The  Republican  party  of  this  country  has  said,  and  it  says 
to-day ',  that,  forgetting  all  the  animosities  of  the  war,  forgetting 
all  the  fierceness  and  the  passion  of  it,  it  reaches  out  both  its 
hands  to  the  gallant  men  who  fought  us  and  offers  all  fellow* 
ship,  all  comradeship,  all  feelings  of  brotherhood,  on  this  sole 
condition,  and  that  condition  they  will  insist  forever:  That  in 
the  war  for  the  Union  we  were  right,  forever  right,  and  that 
in  their  war  against  the  Union  they  were  wrong,  forever  wrong. 
We  never  made  terms,  we  never  will  make  terms,  with  the  man 
who  denies  the  everlasting  rightfulness  of  our  cause.  That 
would  be  treason  to  the  dead  and  injustice  to  the  living;  and 
on  that  basis  alone  our  pacification  is  complete.  We  ask  that 
it  be  realized,  and  we  shall  consider  it  fully  realized  when  it  is 
just  as  safe  and  just  as  honorable  for  a  good  citizen  of  South 
Carolina  to  be  a  Republican  there  as  it  is  for  a  good  citizen  of 
Massachusetts  to  be  a  Democrat  here. 

Speech  of  Genera/  Garfo/d,  at  Faneuil  Hall,  1878. 


GARFIELD  AS  A  BOY  AND  MAN. 


Poverty  is  uncomfortable,  as  I  can  testify ;  but  nine  times 
out  of  ten  the  best  thing  that  can  happen  to  a  young  man  is 
to  be  tossed  overboard  and  compelled  to  sink  or  swim  for 
himself.  In  all  my  acquaintance  I  never  knew  a  man  to  be 
drowned  who  was  worth  the  saving. 

Garfi eld"1  s  Address  to  the  Students  of  Hiram  College. 


CHAPTER  I. 

.'         9 

A   FIRE  AND   ITS   RESULT. 

ABRAM  GARFIELD,  worn  out  with  a  night 
of  bitter  toil,  bead-drops  of  perspiration 
standing  upon  his  forehead  and  coursing 
down  his  heated,  cinder-stained  cheeks,  walked  to 
his  home  with  a  weary  step.  All  night  long  the 
fires  had  ravaged  the  woods  surrounding  his  little 
homestead,  and  all  night  long,  assisted  by  the 
stout  arms  of  his  neighbors,  he  had  valiantly 
fought  the  flames  that  threatened  his  all,  twenty 
acres  of  good  wheat  growing  on  the  land  he  him 
self  had  cleared  around  his  cabin. 

The  fires  were  now  well  down,  the  trunks  of 
unburnt  trees  stood  out  against  the  sky,,  black 
ened  witnesses  of  destruction,  and  the  wind  was 
scattering  the  ashes  hither  and  thither,  as  the 
farmers,  knowing  their  scanty  crops  were  saved, 
turned  homeward. 

Abram  Garfield,  honest,  hard-working  farmer 
that  he  was,  naturally  had  taken  pride  in  his  grain, 
a  pride  he  could  not  afford  to  see  humbled  by  the 
agency  of  a  vagrant  fire  in  the  woods.  When  it 
approached  the  edge  of  his  fields,  he  had  gone 
forth  to  the  fight,  and  after  hours  of  exhausting 
work,  succeeded  in  getting  the  better  of  his  enemy. 


21 


22  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

Reaching  his  cabin,  he  sank  wearily  on  a  three- 
legged  stool  that  stood  by  the  open  door  and 
raised  his  hat,  that  he  might  wipe  away  the  per- 
rsfdra,tion'bearfin,g  his  forehead.  With  no  thought 
but  that  of  "rest",  he  allowed  the  breezes  that  blew 
hi S^sa-MeaL  wheat  fields  to  cool  his  face  with 
their  grateful  breath. 

In  this  most  natural  act  he  contracted  a  severe 
cold  and  sore  throat,  the  over-tension  of  his  system 
laying  it  open  to  influences,  that  his  otherwise 
hardy  nature  would  have  easily  withstood. 

Chill  followed  chill,  and  inflammation  set  in,  be 
coming  rapidly  so  intense,  that  his  good  wife  Eliza 
determined  to  send  for  the  only  doctor  the  county 
boasted,  a  semi-quack,  who  lived  several  miles 
away.  The  leech  responded  promptly,  came,  and 
with  many  a  profound  gesture  that  illustrated 
nothing  so  well  as  his  profound  ignorance,  ordered 
a  blister  for  the  sick  man's  throat — it  was  applied 
with  all  the  instant  virulence  of  quack  practice  in 
an  unsettled  country.  The  treatment  was  in  faith 
so  heroic,  that  Abram  Garfield  shortly  after  the 
blister  was  applied  choked  to  .death.  Feeling 
that  the  last  great  act  of  his  life  had  come,  he 
motioned  his  wife  to  his  side,  and  said,  with  thick, 
broken  utterance :  "  I  am  going  to  leave  you, 
Eliza.  I  have  planted  four  saplings  in  these 
woods,  and  I  must  now  leave  them  to  your  care." 

Then,  giving  a  last,  long  look  upon  his  little 
farm  as  it  stretched  beyond  the  window  toward 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  2  ^ 

the  rising  sun,  he  called  his  oxen  by  name,  turned 
upon  his  side,  and  expired. 

The  poor  widow  was  stunned  by  the  sudden 
ness  of  her  great  misfortune.  It  had  come  upon 
her  so  quickly,  it  was  impossible  to  realize  at  the 
moment  of  her  husband's  passing  away,  the  full 
extent  of  her  loss.  Gradually,  the  iron  entered 
her  soul,  she  became  aware  of  her  loneliness. 
Bowing  her  head,  she  wept  bitterly. 

"  Do  not  cry,  my  mother,  I  will  take  care  of 
you,"  said  her  son  Thomas,  a  mere  slip  of  a  boy, 
who  stood  by  her  side,  scarce  comprehending 
what  he  said,  or  why  he  said  it. 

"  God  bless  you,  my  son ;  I  will  try  to  be  brave  for 
your  sweet  sakes,"  said  the  stricken  woman,  as  she 
wound  her  arms  convulsively  about  the  boy.  Ris 
ing,  she  called  two  little  girls  to  her  side,  and  ex 
plained  to  them  their  loss — the  death  of  their 
father.  Tenderly  she  lifted  them  in  her  arms  and 
bade  them  kiss  the  cold,  calm  face,  for  the  last 
time.  Then  from  the  cradle  she  lifted  the  young 
est,  her  baby-boy,  James,  almost  two  years  old,  the 
pride  of  her  hearth-stone.  The  boy  looked  down, 
wonderingly,  out  of  his  great  blue  eyes  at  his 
father's  face  so  still  upon  the  pillow.  With  a 
childish,  questioning  look,  he  lisped,  "Papa  sleep?" 
The  mother's  tears,  flowing  rapidly,  was  the  only 
answer. 

Two  days  later,  Abram  Garfield  was  laid  to  rest, 
and  the  baby-boy  was  carried  to  the  funeral  in  the 


*>A  LHE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

arms  of  his  uncle,  William  Letcher.  The  child, 
as  was  natural  in  one  so  young,  paid  no  attention 
to  the  sad  ceremonies,  until  he  was  brought  beside 
the  coffin  to  take  a  last  look  at  the  dead.  Rec 
ognizing  his  father,  he  called  aloud  for  him,  the 
tears  following  each  other  rapidly  down  his  face. 
When  the  earth  was  thrown  upon  the  coffin,  the 
child  continued  his  cries,  until  the  whole  company 
burst  into  tears. 

Who  of  us  that  have  passed  through  such 
a  scene,  can  ever  forget  it  ?  The  agony  of  a  few 
brief  moments  then,  often  lives  forever.  They 
are  to  the  mind  what  scars  are  to  the  body,  and 
remain  upon  us  while  life  lasts,  teaching  always, 
however,  their  lesson,  just  as  the  rock,  when 
rent,  discloses  the  gem,  or  the  little  obstacle  that 
impedes  the  onward  progress  of  the  brook  serves 
to  make  music  and  keep  pure  its  water.  So  with 
Eliza  Garfield.  The  influence  of  her  chastening 
is  upon  her;  it  will  be  to  her  a  softening  thought 
and  one  to  nerve  her  arm,  for  hers  is  a  heroic 
soul — she  comes  from  no  common  mould;  she 
will  come  forth  from  the  death-chamber  well  armed 
for  the  battle  of  life.  In  her  veins  runs  the  blood 
of  the  Puritans,  and  all  the  energy,  intelligence 
and  perseverance  of  that  grand  old  race  lies 
mingled  in  her  frame.  No  danger  it  will  fail  her 
now ;  no  danger  but  that  such  a  woman  will  suc 
ceed  ;  no  danger  but  that  such  a  mother  is  a  fit 
woman  to  raise  a  President. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  2r 

Her  lineage  will  guarantee  this  anywhere.  Let 
us  look  back  a  moment  at  the  names  that  stand 
sponsor  for  her  courage  and  devotion.  When  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  was  revoked,  Maturin  Ballou  fled 
to  America  and  took  refuge  at  Cumberland, 
Rhode  Island.  The  fifth  in  descent  from  this 
great  man  was  James  Ballou,  who,  after  some 
vicissitudes,  finally  found  a  home  at  Richmond, 
New  Hampshire,  and  a  wife  in  the  person  of  Me- 
hetabel  Ingalls,  of  that  place.  Four  children 
were  born  to  Ballou,  one  of  whom  was  christened 
Eliza.  Soon  after  her  birth,  on  September  2ist, 
1 80 1,  at  the  age  of  eight,  her  father  dead,  she  re 
moved  with  her  mother  to  Worcester,  Otsego 
County,  New  York.  At  the  close  of  the  War  of 
1812,  a  removal  was  again  thought  advisable,  this 
time  once  more  toward  the  West.  Zainesville, 
Ohio,  was  selected  as  the  Mecca  of  this  pilgrim 
age,  and  after  the  household  effects  had  been 
loaded  into  heavy  carts,  the  adventurous  party  set 
out.  Six  weeks  were  occupied  in  the  journey,  and 
six  more  in  settling  in  the  new  home.  At  the  age 
of  eighteen,  Eliza  Ballou  fell  in  love  with  the  man 
whose  death  we  have  just  described,  Abram  Gar- 
field. 

His  lineage  was  as  strongly  marked  by  all  the 
qualities  that  made  "  men  "  in  the  brave  days  of 
old,  as  was  that  of  the  woman  he  chose  to  be  his 
wife.  In  the  stout,  strangely-shaped  ship  that 


2 5  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

brought  the  famous  Governor  Winthrop  to  the  in 
hospitable  shores  of  his  New  England  home,  to 

"  The  stern  and  rock-bound  coast," 

came  also  Edward  Garfield,  a  Welshman  of  brave 
heart,  who  left  his  birthplace  (Chester  in  Wales) 
for  an  unknown,  untried  home  in  the  New  World. 
The  name  he  bore  was  probably  in  those  days 
pronounced  differently  to  the  way  it  is  now 
sounded,  for,  as  old  names  always  did,  it  meant 
something.  In  Anglo-Saxon  it  meant  "field 
watch."  Was  this  prophetic  of  the  military 
honors  coming  to  the  name  of  Garfield  in  later 
years?  An  ancient  coat  of  arms,  derived  from 
Gaerfili  Castle,  in  Wales,  has  on  the  shield  a  gold 
ground  crossed  by  three  red  horizontal  bars,  and 
in  the  upper  dexter  corner  (left  hand  looking 
toward  the  shield)  on  an  ermine  canton,  is  a  red 
Maltese  cross,  (croix  fi rmcc) .  The  crest  consists 
of  a  helmet  with  a  raised  visor,  above  which  is  an 
arm  with  a  drawn  sword,  similar  to  the  familiar 
device  in  the  State  seal  of  Massachusetts.  The 
motto  is  "In  cruce  vinco"  (Through  faith  I  con 
quer).  The  Maltese  cross  seems  to  indicate  that 
the  bearer  had  been  in  the  Crusades,  and  the 
ermine  signifies  that  the  coat  of  arms  was  con 
ferred  by  the  king. 

Edward  Garfield  thought  little  of  this  as  he 
landed  in  Massachusetts  Bay.  He  had  come  to  a 
i-ountry  where  such  heraldic  glories  were  of  little 


JAMES  A.   CAR  FIELD.  2J 

moment.  He  settled  at  Watertown,  Massachu 
setts,  where  he  and  some  of  his  descendants  lie 
buried.  Solomon  Garfield,  one  of  Edward  Gar- 
field's  descendants,  soon  after  the  Revolutionary 
War,  in  which  the  Garfields  upheld  fully  the  honor 
of  their  name,  moved  with  his  children,  one  of 
whom  bore  the  name  of  Thomas,  to  Worcester, 
Otsego  County,  New  York.  It  was  here  that 
Abram  Garfield  was  born. 

When  the  question  came  up  in  the  quiet  of  the 
simple  family  circle :  What  shall  we  name  the 
boy?  not  many  minutes'  discussion  decided  that 
he  should  be  called  after  his  uncle  Abram,  a  man 
who  deserved  well  of  his  country,  for  he  served  it 
well.  He  was  among  the  foremost  of  the  farmers 
who,  with  their  rusty  rifles,  hastened  to  repulse  the 
British  assault  on  Concord  Bridge;  and  he  was 
selected,  with  John  Hoar,  grandfather  of  the  pres 
ent  Judge  Ebenezer  Rockwood  Hoar,  as  witnesses, 
whose  depositions  concerning  the  British  assault 
were  taken  at  the  request  of  the  Continental  Con 
gress,  which  wished  to  show  that  the  British  gov 
ernment  made  the  first  illegal  aggression,  and 
began  the  War  of  Independence. 

The  young  Garfield  bearing  his  uncle's  worthy 
name,  was  born  in  December,  1 799.  When  two 
years  old  he  lost  his  father  by  an  attack  of  the 
small-pox,  and  the  boy  henceforth  was  under  the 
care  of  a  mother  who  possessed  a  sufficient  meas 
ure,  of  those  sterling  virtues  the  women  of  our 


2$  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

Revolution  always  displayed,  to  give  him  a  sturdy 
start  in  life.  What  education  he  gathered  was 
obtained  at  the  maternal  knee,  and  his  constitution 
became  hardened  and  moulded  on  the  broad  fields 
of  the  family  farm.  As  a  boy,  rugged  and  sun 
tanned,  he  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  prim 
little  girl,  born  in  a  New  England  town,  Eliza  Bal 
lon  by  name,  who  interested  him  not  a  little,  and 
who  occupied  such  of  his  moments  as  were  given 
over  to  heart  hopes  and  heart  troubles.  But 
Eliza  Ballou  moved  West,  and  left  Abram  Garfield 
alone  in  his  Eastern  home.  He  was  not  long  fol 
lowing  where  his  heart  prompted,  and  in  the  au 
tumn  of  1819  he  journeyed  westward  to  meet 
and  win  his  bride. 

The  leisure  hours  from  his  occupation — a  con 
tractor's  work  on  the  Ohio  Canal — were  agree 
ably  filled  in  with  the  courtship  of  Eliza  Ballou, 
whom  he  in  due  course  married.  His  contractor's 
work  over,  the  canal  built,  with  a  fair  profit  in  his 
pocket,  he  moved  to  Orange,  Cuyahoga  County, 
and  bought  a  piece  of  land.  He  moved  practi 
cally  into  the  wilderness,  for  there  was  but  one 
house  within  seven  miles.  Life  here  flowed 
quietly  on,  just  as  in  many  another  Western  log 
cabin.  The  father  managed  his  farm,  and  added 
an  acre  or  two  of  clearing  to  it  every  year.  The 
mother  looked  after  the  cabin  comforts,  and  did 
what  she  could  to  make  her  children  fit  for  the 
struggle  of  existence.  The  father  prospered  fairly. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  2g 

The  little  country  town  grew  rapidly,  neighbors 
gathered  on  other  farms,  and  a  larger,  more  vigor 
ous  life  settled  upon  the  little  place.  Everything 
went  well  until  the  outbreak  of  the  fire  mentioned 
at  the  opening  of  this  chapter.  The  death  of 
Abram  Garfield  was  the  first  cloud  upon  a  life  of 
successful  happiness. 

The  children,  who  were  around  their  father's 
death-bed  on  that  mid-summer  morning,  in  1831, 
were  four,  the  eldest,  a  girl,  Mehetabel,  bearing 
her  grandmother's  Puritan  name;  the  second, 
Thomas,  called  after  his  uncle;  the  third,  Mary, 
and  the  last,  the  blue-eyed  baby,  James  Abram, 
christened  for  his  great  uncle,  almost  as  soon  as 
he  was  born  (November  igth,  1831). 

It  is  the  life  of  this  boy,  James  Abram  Garfield, 
that  is  portrayed  in  the  following  pages. 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   HOME   IN   EARLY    DAYS. 

ELIZA  GARFIELD  had  but  a  sunless 
prospect  before  her  the  morning  after  her 
husband  was  buried.  A  small  farm  in- 
cumbered  with  debt,  a  dense  forest  only  partially 
broken  by  clearings,  a  scattered  population  almost 
as  poor  as  herself,  made  up  her  immediate  envi- 
ronment^.  Putting  aside  the  mistaken  but  kindly- 
meant  advice  of  friends,  she  said  the  house  should 
not  be  broken  up,  the  children  should  not  be  scat 
tered.  Advisers  yielded  to  her  will,  and  she  had 
her  way.  She  took  up  the  mantle  of  head  of  the 
family,  and  with  that  brevet  rank  which  widowhood 
never  fails  to  confer  upon  deserving  women,  she 
made  herself  thoroughly  respected  by  her  sterling 
force  of  character  and  high  resolve  to  dare  and  do 
for  the  weal  of  her  children.  Though  small  of 
stature,  and  thirty  years  of  age,  she  had  the  ability 
and  energy  of  a  larger  ^nd  older  woman.  The 
farm  was  to  be  kept  up,  the  home  continued  as  it 
had  been  since  1830,  the  "four  saplings"  cared 
for  until  they  were  ready  to  be  transplanted. 
Then,  and  not  till  then,  would  she  give  up  the 
farm. 

This  was  a  resolve  that  boded  a  harvest  in  its 


JAMES  A.  CARFIELD.  3  ! 

fruition.  For  there  was  nothing  strikingly  beau 
tiful  in  the  country  where  she  dwelt,  there  was 
nothing  remarkably  attractive.  The  soil  was  not 
noticeably  excellent.  There  were  a  thousand 
farms  that  surpassed  it,  and  she  had  nothing  to 
work  with  but  energy  and  willingness.  She  rose 
early  and  retired  late.  Her  work  never  sought 
her,  she  sought  it.  The  homestead  assumed  a 
more  homelike  appearance  each  year,  as  new 
comforts  were  added  by  the  thrifty  woman  who 
managed  it.  The  young  orchard  which  Abram 
Garfield  had  planted  grew  amazingly,  and  the 
trees  fulfilled  the  promise  of  their  planting. 
Cherries,  apples  and  plums,  and  later  currants, 
proved  quite  an  addition  to  the  frugal  fare  of  the 
family,  and  the  gathering  of  these  was  always  a 
delight  to  the  children.  Often  could  young  James 
be  seen  perched  on  the  top  of  a  tree,  with  a  pail, 
picking  cherries  for  his  mother  to  preserve,  or 
gathering  apples  for  her  to  dry.  Out-door  life  to 
the  boy,  who  had  already  toddled  through  infancy 
and  was  now  a  rousing  youngster  of  eight,  pre 
sented  many  an  attraction  that  some  children 
never  seem  to  perceive. 

Indian  histories,  then  the  liveliest  and  most  vivid 
of  all  border  reminiscences,  were  often  told  over 
in  the  twilight  to  the  eager  boy,  eager  for  any 
news  of  that  world  to  which  his  yet  unformed  fan 
cies  had  carried  him  but  which  he  was  yet  unable 
to  people  properly  or  quite  understand.  He  car- 


32  LIFE  AXD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

ried  his  bright  fancies  into  his  play  and  every  tree 
in  the  orchard  received  at  his  hands  the  name  of 
some  noted  author  of  whom  he  had  but  imperfectly 
heard  and  still  more  imperfectly  admired;  or  of 
some  statesman  who  had  figured  in  the  scraps  of 
American  history  which  he  had  listened  to;  or 
better  still  of  some  noted  Indian  Chief  whose  deeds 
had  excited  the  boy's  admiration.  The  noblest 
tree  of  the  orchard  received  in  the  boy's  estimation 
the  noblest  name  Tecumseh. 

As  a  boy  he  was  always  a  busy  spectator  and 
assistant  at  the  various  harvest  ceremonies;  cider 
making,  apple  gathering  for  butter,  corn  husking 
and  the  like.  So  seldom  perhaps  has  an  apple- 
butter  boiling  on  the  border  been  seen  by  any  of 
our  readers  that  we  may  be  pardoned  perhaps  for 
turning  aside  a  moment  to  describe  one.  In  those 
days  there  were  no  carriages  and  but  very  few 
roads.  Paths  through  the  forest  led  from  one  farm 
to  another,  and  it:  was  only  the  highways  between 
the  larger  villages  that  rose  to  the  dignity  of 
township  roads.  'Everybody  rode  on  horseback 
and  the  men  generally  carried  the  women  behind 
them  upon  the  same  horse.  In  the  fall  when  the 
apples  were  gathered  it  was  given  out  far  and 
near  that  there  would  be  an  apple-butter  boiling 
at  a  certain  farm-house  and  all  the  neighbors  were 
cordially  invited  to  attend.  In  the  afternoon  came 
the  older  women  who  pared  the  apples  and  made 
ready  for  the  night.  Large  tubs  full  of  pared, 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  33 

quartered  and  cored  apples  stood  about  the 
kitchen,  and  a  great  black  kettle  was  hung  in  the 
yard.  As  night  approached  youths  and  maidens, 
some  on  foot  and  some  on  horseback,  came  from 
miles  around  and  then  the  fire  under  the  kettle 
was  lighted.  The  kettle  was  filled  about  two- 
thirds  full  of  cider  and  a  bushel  of  quartered  ap 
ples  thrown  in  as  soon  as  the  cider  came  to  a  boil. 
It  had  to  be  unceasingly  stirred  with  a  long  handled 
stirrer  lest  it  burn.  With  a  maid  to  assist,  a  young 
man  took  charge  of  the  kettle  and  standing  face 
to  face  with  their  hands  on  the  stirrer,  they  moved 
the  apples  about  in  the  kettle  and  chatted  of  love, 
war  or  the  gossip  of  the  neighborhood.  What 
man  that  has  ever  stirred  apple  butter  with  his 
sweetheart  has  forgotten  it?  And  who  of  these 
cannot  now  remember  with  a  thrill  of  delight  the 
paring  bees  and  the  fun  of  counting  the  apple 
seeds  to  know  if  the  girl  next  you  really  loved 
you?  And  who  but  recalls  the  sweet  blushes  as 
the  tell-tale  seeds  revealed  the  hidden  secret,  the 
agitated  flight  of  the  maiden  to  escape  the  shock 
ing  public  announcement  of  the  discovery  just 
made? 

The  frolics  of  apple-butter  boiling  were  hardly 
forgotten  before  the  corn-huskings  lightened  the 
cool  autumn  days,  and  gave  to  labor  wings  of 
pleasure.  Here  young  Garfield  was  in  his  ele- 
ment,  as  he  assisted  everybody  in  the  long  line  of 
men  and  women  who,  with  many  a  happy  jest, 


34 


LIFE  AA'D  PUB  1. 1C  CAREER  OF 


many  a  frolic,  vigorously  applied  the  shucker  to 
the  yielding  leaf.  Here,  again,  the  youth  and 
maiden  were  found  side  by  side.  She  working 
assiduously,  he  less  earnestly,  though  more  watch 
fully  for  fear  some  red  ear  not  noticed  might  lose 
him  the  privileged  kiss.  They  were  happy  days, 
those  before  the  modern  march  of  machinery  in 
vaded  our  harvest  fields  to  shorten  our  labor,  and 
to  steal  away  all  the  sweet  privileges  that  the  cus 
tom  of  decades  had  interwoven  with  it.  But  while 
they  lasted  upon  the  Orange  farm  of  the  Gar- 
fields  young  James  took  his  share  of  the  romping, 
for  he  was  fond  of  it,  or  of  the  work,  of  which  he 
was  fonder.  For  there  was  not  a  lazy  bone  in  his 
body,  and  he  possessed  the  full  boyish  enthusiasm 
that  oftentimes  makes  die  whole  world  seem  ob 
tainable. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  *  ? 


CHAPTER  III. 


DAYS    OF    EARNEST   WORK. 


THE  early  spring  of  1843  finds  the  Garfield 
family  still  humbly  prosperous.  The  not 
over-productive  farm  yields  a  subsistence, 
a  subsistence  made  somewhat  more  bountiful,  now 
that  the  children  are  all  able  to  do  work  that 
counts.  The  elder  son  works  the  farm  with  the 
aid  of  hired  hands,  and  James,  now  twelve  years  of 
age,  is  beginning  to  help.  He  drives  in  the  cattle, 
carries  wood,  hoes  the  potatoes  and  corn,  builds 
fires  and  does  whatever  his  little  hands  can  find  to 
do.  The  girls  assist  their  mother  with  her  house 
hold  duties ;  and  the  family,  though  poor,  is  thor 
oughly  happy.  James  has  obtained  some  tools — 
a  saw,  a  chisel,  a  gimblet,  and  a  shaving-knife — 
and  with  these  he  mends  the  chairs,  puts  latches 
and  hinges  on  the  doors,  and  is  so  handy,  his 
brother  says,  he  will  "  surely  be  a  carpenter  some 
day  and  build  houses." 

In  winter  the  children  go  to  the  village-school, 
and  are  fast  acquiring  the  rudiments  of  knowledge. 
The  mother  helps  them  with  their  little  lessons. 
The  district  school  only  lasts  for  a  few  months  in 
winter,  and  often  the  weather  is  so  inclement  the 
children  cannot  go  out.  Then  the  mother  teaches 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


them  herself,  reads  to  them,  and  as  the  embers 
crackle  and  sparkle  in  the  open  fire-place,  diffusing 
a  gentle  warmth,  the  family  gathers  about  it,  and 
little  heed  is  paid  to  the  driving  storm  without.  At 
night  stories  are  told,  the  scanty  library  over 
hauled  and  its  precious  information  repeated  with 
out  end.  There  is  one  book  which  is  a  source  of 
never-ending  comfort,  the  Holy  Bible,  and  from 
this  the  mother  reads  every  night  to  her  children 
selecting  those  interesting  Bible  stories  which  their 
young  minds  can  comprehend. 

Among  the  books  were  two  of  greatest  interest 
to  young  James,  Weem's  "  Life  of  Marion,"  and 
Grimshaw's  "  Napoleon."  "  Mother,  read  to  me 
about  that  great  soldier,"  he  says  almost  every 
night,  and  as  the  martial  deeds  of  the  first  man  of 
France  are  recited  the  boy's  eyes  dilate,  his  breast 
swells,  and  once  he  exclaims,  enthusiastically^ 
44  Mother,  when  I  get  to  be  a  man,  I  am  going  to 
be  a  soldier." 

At  this  the  girls  laugh  heartily,  and  James, 
chagrined,  says,  "  Well,  you  will  see  that  I  will  be 
a  soldier,  and  whip  people  as  Napoleon  did.'' 
The  good-natured  and  matter-of-fact  Thomas  re 
minds  him  that  it  is  far  better  to  be  a  farmer,  and 
so  the  matter  drops. 

The  little  school  that  he  attends  is  not  far  from 
the  house,  and  within  its  walls  on  due  effort,  he 
easily  leads  the  boys  and  girls  who  are  his  class 
mates.  One  day,  he  and  his  brother  are  caught 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  -,  7 

•j  I 

whispering,  and  the  teacher  sends  them  home. 
Thomas  stays  around  the  school-house,  hoping 
that  somehow  he  will  be  forgiven.  Jim  runs  right 
home  and  then  right  back  again.  When  he  comes 
into  the  room  the  teacher  says:  "James,  I  thought 
I  sent  you  home.  Didn't  I  ?" 

"Yes,  ma'am,"  says  Jim. 

"Well,  why  didn't  you  go  ?" 

"I  did  go,  I  just  got  back,"  and,  with  a  laugh, 
the  teacher  allows  Jim  to  stay.  He  was  very 
clever  at  this  age,  and  not  infrequently  he  would 
go  to  Sunday-school  with  the  teacher  and  would 
sit  on  the  desk  and  ask  the  boys  Bible  questions, 
such  as  these:  "Who  was  the  wisest  man?" 
"Who  was  the  meekest  man?"  "Who  was  in  the 
whale's  belly?"  The  boys  did  not  know,  and  then 
Jim's  superior  knowledge  would  come  into  play, 
and  he  would  gravely  inform  them,  and  always 
with  accuracy.  Thus  the  winter  passes  away,  and 
the  summer  comes  on  all  too  soon. 

With  the  opening  leaves,  the  summer's  work 
begins.  The  manure  has  to  be  hauled  out  and 
spread  upon  the  land,  then  the  land  is  plowed,  har 
rowed  mellow,  and  made  ready  for  the  corn.  Far 
rowing  out,  or  marking  the  earth  for  the  corn,  is  a 
neat  job,  and  often  a  boy  has  to  ride  the  horse  to 
keep  him  going  straight.  The  dropping  of  the 
corn  is  always  done  by  boys  and  girls.  With  a 
basket  full  of  kernels  on  one  arm,  four  grains  at 
a  time  are  taken  out,  and  put  in  a  hill.  Some  take 


~g  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

a  handful  out  at  a  time,  and  measure  out  fouf 
grains  with  the  thumb  and  the  two  front  fingers, 
letting  them  slide  off  into  the  hill.  The  hills  must 
be  put  the  same  distance  apart,  and  the  droppers 
generally  w  ilk  in  the  farrow,  planting  the  kernels 
just  in  front  of  the  big  toe,  three  feet  being  allowed 
between  hills.  The  girls  and  boys  run  in  their 
bare  feet,  and  each  one  vies  with  the  other  in  plant 
ing  the  hills  regularly  and  with  expedition.  What 
jolly  races  we  have  had  along  the  corn  rows  to 
beat  the  hoers  out  and  have  time  to  gather  the 
raspberries  that  grew  in  the  fence  corners !  Each 
corn-dropper"  is  followed  by  a  man  with  a  hoe,  who 
carefully  covers  up  the  seed,  and  grumbles  inces 
santly  if  the  kernels  are  scattered  too  far  apart. 

After  the  corn-planting  season  comes  the  stone- 
picking  from  the  land  that  is  to  be  mowed,  and 
this  must  be  done  early,  before  the  grass  gets  so 
high  as  to  conceal  the  smaller  stones.  To  prop 
erly  cleanse  a  piece  of  grass  land  from  stones  is 
no  small  job,  and  often  have  we  seen  the  boys 
with  their  finger-nails  worn  into  the  quick,  and  the 
skin  so  thin  on  their  fingers  that  the  blood  oozed 
through.  In  those  days,  before  reapers  and  mow 
ers  were  known,  the  smallest  stone  would  spoil  a 
scythe,  and  every  one  had  to  be  carefully  picked 
up  and  carried  away  or  placed  in  little  heaps, 
around  which  the  scythe  men  could  mow. 

Planting  potatoes,  cultivating  the  corn  to  keep 
down  the  weeds,  hoeing  potatoes,  weeding  in  the 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  39 

garden,  milking  the  cows,  churning  and  butter- 
making  occupied  the  time  until  the  grass  was 
grown,  and  then  came  the  hay  making.  Who 
that  has  ever  lived  on  a  farm  will  forget  the  jolly 
time  when  the  scythes  were  broughtOut,  and  the 
whet-stones  rang  against  their  blue-  steel  blades  ? 
What  music  was  sweeter  than  the  sonof  of  the 

o 

mowers  ?  And  when  the  hay  was  turned  to  dry  in 
the  sun,  we  raked  it  into  windrows  for  the  pitch 
ers.  Then  the  wagon,  with  its  wide  ladders ;  the 
bright  forks,  with  their  long  handles ;  the  fragrant 
odor  of  the  grass,  as  it  was  pitched  on  the  wagon, 
to  be  caught  in  our  arms,  and  built  into  a  long, 
wide  sugar  loaf  overhanging  the  wheels;  the  sun 
shining,  the  meadow-larks  singing,  and  our  own 
little  sweetheart  adding  her  tender  voice,  as  with 
nut-brown  hands  and  disheveled  hair  she  rakes 
the  fragrant  hay!  It  is  always  the  province  of  a 
farm  boy  to  build  the  hay  on  the  wagon,  and  often 
the  little  maid  assisted,  sometimes  tramping  with 
naked  feet  on  a  hidden  brier,  which  causes  her  to 
scream  gently,  and  necessitated  a  search  for  the 
nasty  jagger. 

The  haying  season  is  speedily  followed  by  the 
grain-cutting.  "The  harvest  is  ripe,"  is  a  welcome 
announcement  to  the  husbandman,  but  not  always 
to  the  farmer's  son,  for  it  means  "strength,  labor  and 
sorrow"  to  him.  Up  at  daylight  to  turn  the  grind 
stone  for  the  cradle-scythes,  out  with  the  lark  to 
bring  in  the  cows  and  get  the  morning  work  done,  be- 
3 


4O  LirE  AA'D  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

fore  the  harvesters  begin.  Then  following  the  reap 
ers  and  binders,  to  gather  up  the  sheaves  for  the 
shocks,  while  the  sun,  each  hour  grows  hotter  and 
hotter,  until  the  light  quivers  with  waves  of  heat. 
The  bringing  out  of  the  ten  o'clock  piece,  the  carry 
ing  of  water  for  the  thirsty  men,  and  the  toiling  until 
the  welcome  dinner-bell  rings !  How  often  have 
we  thought  it  never  would  ring,  and  the  great,  hot, 
red  sun  seemed  to  have  been  commanded  by  an 
other  Joshua  to  stand  still  in  the  sky.  Then  the 
sweet  noon  rest  under  the  trees,  the  renewal  of 
labor,  the  long,  hot  afternoon,  with  night  at  last ! 
What  farmer-boy  does  not  remember  these  days 
in  his  early  life  ? 

To  James  Garfield  such  life  was  pregnant  with 
interest,  engendered  by  duty.  He  was  not  an  en 
thusiastic  farmer,  but  he  was  an  enthusiastic  helper 
of  his  mother,  and  from  the  time  he  was  able — he 
was  always  willing — he  shouldered  his  full  share 
of  all  the  farm-work,  finding  his  special  province 
in  the  lighter  labors  of  seed-time  and  harvest.  In 
the  fall,  "chores"  about  the  barn-house,  until  the 
winter's  snowy  mantle  covered  the  ground,  and 
the  district  school-teacher  summoned  the  boys  and 
girls  to  reopen  their  neglected  books,  for  another 
season.  And  so  the  years  fled  their  even  course 
until  1846. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  PIRATE'S  OWN  BOOK. 

THERE  was  a  wide  difference  between  the 
Garfield  boys.  Thomas,  the  older  brother* 
was  quiet,  unambitious,  and  aspired  to 
nothing  more  than  the  honest,  regular  round  of  a 
farmer's  life.  James,  the  younger,  was  enterpriz- 
ing,  ambitious  and  pushing  in  his  temperament. 
It  is  more  than  doubtful  if  he  ever  intended  to  be 
a  farmer,  and,  probably,  from  his  earliest  years  his 
brain  was  tenanted  with  visions  of  greatness. 
He  had  now  become  so  expert  in  the  use  of  tools 
that  he  could,  while  yet  a  mere  boy,  make  or  build 
almost  anything,  and  his  talent  as  a  carpenter  was 
in  constant  demand.  Hardly  a  building  or  enter 
prise  of  any  kind  in  the  section  of.  Ohio  where  he 
lived,  but  bore  some  marks  of  his  skill.  He  had 
a  carpenter's  bench,  and  on  this  he  worked  early 
and  late,  though  his  labor  brought  him  but  small 
financial  return.  The  land  on  which  the  Garfields 
lived  was  so  poor  it  yielded  them  but  a  scanty 
living,  and  James  felt  the  necessity  of  "working 
out,"  as  it  was  called,  to  increase  the  limited  re- 
sources  of  the  family.  He  was  early  and  late  in 
the  village,  and  among  the  neighbors,  seeking  odd 
jobs  for  his  dexterous  hands,  and  soon  came  to  be 


42  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

known  as  the  most  industrious  lad  in  all  Orange. 
His  life  was  a  hard  one,  but  James  was  patient — 
bein"'  willing  to  "labor  and  wait"  for  the  better 

o  o 

times  that  he  knew  would  come  when  he  deserved 
them. 

His  popularity  with  the  citizens  of  Orange  was 
great,  and  they  often  put  themselves  out  to  do  a 
favor  for  the  youth  who  was  so  firmly  resolved  to 
become  a  fully  equipped  man,  and  they  gave  him 
employment  mornings,  evenings  and  Saturdays. 
In  this  way  he  earned  enough  to  clothe  and  main 
tain  himself,  and  also  help  the  family  a  little.  The 
summer  vacation  afforded  him  more  time  to  work, 
and  added  largely  to  his  earnings.  He  was  sober 
and  steady,  a  gaint  in  labor,  and  never  seemed  to 
even  give  himself  time  to  rest.  The  savings  of 
his  busy  vacations,  earned  with  a  jack-plane  and 
hammer,  made  a  full  purse  to  the  lad  whose  pre 
vious  supplies  of  money  had  been  more  than 


meagre. 


From  his  earliest  appreciable  days,  young  Gar- 
field  had  been  fond  of  books.  Before  he  could  read, 
he  loved  to  listen  to  what  others  would  tell  him, 
treasuring  every  word  his  unpracticed  memory 
could  recall.  When  he  was  able  to  read,  his  ap 
petite  for  it  grew  with  every  hour  of  his  life. 
What  he  could  obtain  in  the  way  of  literature  he 
devoured,  not  merely  read,  but  re-read  and  re-read, 
until  every  word  was  more  than  a  "  twice  told 
tale.'  Books  of  adventure,  talcs  of  daring,  lives 


UAMES  A.  GARFIELD 


*T  THE  AGE  OF  SIXTEEN.     FROM  A  PHOTOGRAPH. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


45 


of  freebooters,  seemed  to  fascinate  his  mind  the 
most.  The  air  of  wild  freedom,  the  nonchalance 
and  absence  of  care  with  which  pirates  lived,  was 
a  great  attraction  to  the  boy's  spirit,  already  equal 
in  its  boldness  to  the  most  daring  freebooter  the 
sea  ever  knew.  "  The  Pirate's  Own  Book  "  was  a 
treasure-house  of  stories  in  which  Garfield  took 
an  extreme,  ever  vivified  delight.  No  matter  how 
many  times  he  pored  over  the  book ;  no  matter 
how  often  he  absorbed  its  wild  life  and  seemed  to 
breathe  the  very  atmosphere  in  which  his  heroes 
lived  and  moved,  it  was  ever  a  well-spring  of 
pleasure  to  him.  He  shared  in  all  the  dangers  of 
the  pirates,  he  made  the  bivouac  with  them  on  the 
lonely  beach  among  the  shadows,  he  drank  their 
coffee,  he  eat  their  biscuits  and  fruit,  he  stole  with 
them  on  stealthy  foot  over  the  difficult  paths  to 
where  the  gold  was  buried  from  the  last  great 
prize,  a  Spanish  treasure  galleon,  he  boarded  the 
stranger  ship,  he  carried  a  torch  that  set  her  on 
fire  with  the  best  of  them,  and  he  joined  with  all 
a  boy's  ardor  in  the  lusty  cheer  as  the  prize  went 
down.  He  lived  their  lives  over  again,  he  was 
every  brave  chief  in  turn,  and  he  loved  the  salt 
waves  with  the  most  enthusiastic  of  them  all. 

It  was  perhaps  fortunate  at  this  juncture  that 
there  were  no  opportunities  to  gratify  the  wild 
fancies  thus  born  within  the  boy's  heart,  fancies 
the  black  shadows  of  which  he  hardly  saw.  As  it 
was  the  Pirate's  Own  Book  only  fired  his  ambition 


46 


LIEE  A. YD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


to  be  something,  and  so  did  no  harm.  He  saw  too 
that  his  ambition  could  only  be  gratified  with 
money  and  upon  a  larger  field  of  life  that  opened 
to  him  in  the  Cuyahoga  wilderness  or  was  con 
tained  within  the  bounds  of  Orange. 

One  day  he  came  to  his  mother  and  said, 

"Mother,  I  have  engaged  to  chop  a  hundred 
cords  of  wood  for  twenty-five  dollars." 

"But  are  you  sure  you  are  quite  strong  enough 
for  such  an  undertaking?"  inquired  the  careful 
woman. 

"Oh,  yes,"  replied  James,  laughingly,  "I  shall  get 
through  with  it  some  how." 

He  went  bravely  to  work,  but  soon  found  he 
had  indeed  undertaken  a  formidable  task.  His 
pride  forbid  him  to  give  up.  He  had  said  he 
could  do  it  and  do  it  he  would  let  it  cost  what  it 
might.  The  task  was  that  of  a  man,  and  his  boy's 
strength  began  to  fail  him  before  it  was  half  over, 
but  he  toiled  on  day  after  day.  At  every  stroke 
of  the  axe  he  could  look  up  and  catch  the  sun's 
glimmer  on  the  slaty-blue  waves  of  Lake  Erie. 
It  prompted  all  the  imaginings  of  his  young  heart 
so  deeply  stirred  by  the  Pirate's  Own  Book.  He 
thought  the  lake  to  be  the  sea  and  already  he 
saw  Jiimself  a  bold  rover  with  a  gallant  crew,  com 
manding  a  staunch  black  ship  that  proudly  carried 
the  black  flag  at  the  peak,  floating  out  upon  its 
restless  bosom.  And  when  he  would  lie  down  at 
night  his  day  thoughts  turned  into  dreams  of  the 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  ,~ 

sea  and  its  life  of  wild  attractiveness.  In  his 
dreams  he  was  ever  a  sailor. 

When  his  wood-chopping  was  done  and  his  hun 
dred  cords  were  neatly  piled,  he  went  to  the  New- 
burg  farmer,  for  whom  he  had  worked,  received 
his  twenty-five  dollars  and  carried  it  straight  to 
his  mother.  Mrs.  Garfield  looked  at  the  pale  boy, 
and  though  proud  of  his  manly  achievement,  she 
saw,  with  some  apprehension,  that  he  had  over 
tasked  himself.  She  softly  remonstrated  with  his 
ardor,  urging  it  as  a  caution  for  the  future.  It  was 
precisely  this  future  that  was  on  the  boy's  mind, 
and  still  strong  in  his  sailor  fancies,  it  was  this  that 
he  had  come  to  speak  about. 

"  Mother,  I  want  to  be  a  sailor,  and  I  am  going 
to  sea,"  said  he,  abruptly. 

Mrs.  Garfield  turned  pale,  for  she  knew  too 
well,  alas  !  this  meant  a  separation  for  years,  and, 
perhaps  forever,  from  her  son. 

"  Nay,  James,"  she  replied,  gently;  "why  not  be 
content  with  us  at  home?  the  sea  is  a  hard  life,  and 
I  fear  I  could  not  part  with  you  just  yet.  The  hay 
ing  season  is  at  hand,  and  your  brother  will  need 
your  assistance  on  the  farm.  I  pray  you  give  up 
this  sea-faring  idea  for  the  present." 

James  said  not  a  word,  but  went  about  the  work 
on  the  farm.  He  assisted  in  the  hay-fields  and 
the  gathering  of  the  harvest,  but  when  it  was  all 
over  he  came  again  to  his  mother,  and  announced 
to  her  that  he  could  no  longer  restrain  his  desire 


48  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER   OF 

fora  life  on  the  wave.  He  had  resolved  to  imme 
diately  depart.  Then  he  packed  a  few  clothes  in 
a  bundle,  and  placing  them  on  a  stick  across  his 
shoulder,  like  all  the  boys  in  pictures  he  had 
ever  seen,  set  out  on  foot  for  Cleveland.  Amid 
prayers  and  forebodings,  the  poor  mother  had 
bidden  him  good-bye,  and  he  carried  with  him 
her  kiss  and  her  blessing,  as  his  only  fortune 

He  plodded  along  cheerfully.  His  heart  never 
failed  him,  his  courage  never  sank. .  He  was  always 
hopeful  and  in  good  spirits.  After  a  tramp  of  sev 
eral  days,  he  reached  Cleveland,  and  at  once  sought 
the  harbor,  that  paradise  wherein  he  believed 
he  should  find  a  career  of  indescribable  happiness. 
There  was  but  one  ship  in  port.  This  he  boarded, 
and  not  without  some  trepidation  inquired  for  the 
captain. 

His  idea  of  a  ship's  captain  had  been  formed 
from  his  reading,  and  then  gilded  with  the  honest 
goodness  of  his  own  nature.  He  imagined  that  any 
man  who  was  good  and  great  enough  to  command 
a  ship,  must,  at  least,  be  a  dashing,  brave  and 
gallant  fellow,  capable,  when  occasion  required,  of 
performing  desperate  deeds,  but  disposed  to  be,  as 
a  general  thing,  generous  to  a  fault.  To  his  ques 
tion,  where  he  could  see  the  captain,  a  deck-hand 
replied:  "The  cap'n's  below,  he'll  be  up  soon." 
Garfield,  somewhat  disturbed,  waited  the  fulfillment 
of  the  deck-hand's  information.  In  a  moment  it 
proved  true.  The  "cap'n"  came  on  deck,  an- 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  *g 

nouncing  his  coming"  with  volley  after  volley  of 
oaths  that  would  have  done  no  disgrace  to  "our 
army  in  Flanders."  A  second  after  the  oaths 
came  the  captain,  and  then  he  greeted  the  as 
tonished  youth: 

"  What  do  you  want  hyar  ?"  rolled  out  in  gruff 
est  thunder. 

"  I  would  like  to  ship  as  a  hand  on  board  your 
vessel,"  promptly  replied  our  hero,  as  he  recollec 
ted  his  errand.  His  only  answer  was  a  renewed 
volley  of  oaths,  fired  directly  at  him  instead  of 
into  space,  followed  by  a  suppresed  titter  from  the 
men.  Hurt,  shocked  and  stunned,  young  Gar- 
field  left  the  vessel. 

Once  on  shore,  he  sat  down  to  consider  his 
plans,  and  resolve  on  his  next  move.  The  sea 
after  all  did  not  seem  quite  as  blue,  and  quite  as 
attractive  as  it  had  earlier  in  the  day.  He  went 
back  to  the  city.  As  he  strolled  on,  his  philoso 
phic  mind  reasoning  on  his  situation,  he  chanced 
upon  the  canal.  "As  the  canal  is  to  the  lake,  so  is 
the  lake  to  the  sea.  I  will  go  to  work  on  the 
canal  and  learn  there  first." 

Armed  with  this  new  resolve,  which  now  seemed 
to  be  reinforced  with  all  the  love  and  ambition  he 
had  originally  felt  for  his  sea-faring  project,  he 
sought  out  a  canal  boat.  The  EVENING  STAR, 
Captain  Amos  Letcher,  was  tied  to  the  bank. 
Stepping  on  board,  he  asked  to  see  the  captain. 
Amos  Letcher  looked  into  the  boy's  frank,  open 


cO  LIFE  AMD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

countenance  and  his  bright  blue  eye,  and  was  men 
tally  prepossessed  in  his  favor.  Letcher  is  still 
living,  and  recalls  his  boy-driver  to-day  in  the  fol 
lowing  fashion : 

"  There  was  nothing  prepossessing  about  him  at  that  time, 
any  more  than  he  had  a  free,  open  countenance.  He  had  no 
bad  habits,  was  truthful,  and  a  boy  that  everyone  would  trus 
on  becoming  acquainted  with  him.  He  came  to  me  in  the 
summer  of  1847,  when  I  was  Captain  of  the  EVENING  STAR, 
and  half  owner — B.  H.  Fisher,  now  Judge  Fisher,  of  Wichita, 
Kansas,  being  my  partner.  Early  one  morning,  while  dis 
charging  a  cargo,  Jim  Garfield  tapped  me  on  the  shoulder  and 
said:  'Hello,  Ame,  what  are  you  doing  here?'  'You  see 
what  I'm  doing.  What  are  you  doing  here?'  'Hunting 
work.'  What  kind  of  work  do  you  want?'  'Anything  to 
make  a  living.  I  came  here  to  ship  on  the  lake,  but  they 
bluffed  me  off,  and  called  me  a  country  greenhorn.'  'You'd 
better  try  your  hand  on  smaller  waters  first ;  you'd  better  get 
so  you  can  drive  a  horse  and  tie  a  tow-line.  I  should  like 
to  have  you  work  for  me,  but  I've  nothing  better  than  a 
driver's  berth,  and  suppose  you  would  not  like  to  work  for 
twelve  dollars  a  month?'  '  I  have  got  to  do  something,  and, 
if  that  is  the  best  you  can  do,  I  will  take  the  team.'  'All 
right,  I  will  give  you  a  better  position  as  soon  as  a  vacancy 
occurs.'  I  called  my  other  driver,  and  said,  '  Ikey,  go  and 
show  Jim  his  team.'  Just  as  they  were  going  to  start,  Jim 
asked,  'Is  it  a  good  team?'  'As  good  as  is  on  the  canal.' 
'  What  are  their  names?'  '  Kit  and  Nance.'  Soon  after  we 
were  in  the  '  eleven-mile  lock,'  and  I  thought  I'd  sound  Jim 
on  education — in  the  rudiments  of  geography,  arithmetic  and 
grammar.  For  I  was  just  green  enough  those  days  to  imagine 
that  I  knew  it  all.  I  had  been  teaching  school  for  three  win 
ters  in  the  backwoods  of  Steuben  County,  Ind.  So,  I  asked 
him  several  questions,  and  he  answered  them  all ;  and  then 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  r  i 

he  asked  me  several  that  I  could  not  answer.  I  told  him  he 
had  too  good  a  head  to  be  a  common  canal  hand. 

"As  we  were  approaching  the  twenty-one  locks  of  Akron,  I 
sent  my  bowsman  to  make  the  first  lock  ready.  Just  as  he  got 
there,  the  bowsman  from  a  boat  above  made  his  appearance, 
and  said :  '  Don't  turn  this  lock,  our  boat  is  just  round  the 
bend,  ready  to  enter. '  My  man  objected,  and  began  turning 
the  gate.  By  this  time,  both  boats  were  near  the  lock,  and 
their  headlights  made  it  almost  as  bright  as  day.  Every  man 
from  both  boats  was  on  hand  ready  for  a  field  fight.  I  mo 
tioned  my  bowsman  to  come  to  me.  Said  I :  '  Were  we  here 
first?'  'It's  hard  telling,  but  we'll  have  the  lock  anyhow.' 
'  All  right,  just  as  you  say.'  Jim  Garfield  tapped  me  on  the 
shoulder,  and  asked :  '  Does  that  lock  belong  to  us  ?'  'I  sup 
pose,  according  to  law,  it  does  not.  But  we  will  have  it  any 
how.'  '  No,  we  will  not.'  '  Why  ?'  said  I.  '  Why  ?'  with  a 
look  of  indignation  I  shall  never  forget,  '  why,  because  it 
don't  belong  to  us.'  Said  I :  '  Boys,  let  them  have  it.' 

"  Next  morning,  one  of  the  hands  accused  Jim  of  being  a 
coward,  because  he  would  not  fight  for  his  rights.  Said  I : 
'Boys,,  don't  be  hard  on  Jim.  I  was  mad  last  night,  but  I 
have  got  over  it.  Jim  may  be  a  coward  for  aught  I  know, 
but  if  he  is,  he  is  the  first  one  of  the  name  that  I  ever  knew 
that  was.  His  father  was  no  coward.  He  helped  dig  this 
canal,  and  weighed  over  two  hundred  pounds,  and  could  take 
a  barrel  of  whisky  by  the  chime  and  drink  out  of  the  bung- 
hole  and  no  man  dared  call  him  a  coward.  You'll  alter  your 
mind  about  Jim,  before  fall.' 

"The  next  trip,  Jim  was  bowsman.  Before  we  got  to 
Beaver — we  were  bound  for  Pittsburg — the  boys  all  liked  him 
first-rate.  Before  we  got  back  to  Cleveland,  Jim  had  the 
ague.  He  left  my  boat  at  the  eleven-mile  lock,  and  struck 
across  country  to  his  home." 

On  this,  his  first  trip,  he  had  his  first  fight.  He 
was  holding  his  "  setting-pole  "  against  his  shoul 
der  ;  Dave,  a  hand,  was  standing  a  short  distance 


r2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

away,  when  the  boat  took  a  sudden  lunge,  the 
pole  slipped  from  the  young  man's  shoulder  and 
flew  with  terrible  force  toward  Dave.  A  loud  call 
"  Look  out,  Dave !"  was  not  in  time  to  warn  him, 
and  he  was  struck  a  painful  blow  in  the  ribs. 
Furiously  enraged,  he  threatened  to  thrash  the 
offender  within  an  inch  of  his  life,  and  with  his 
head  down,  rushed  like  a  mad  bull  at  Garfield. 
The  latter  took  in  the  situation  at  a  glance,  and 
stepping  aside  he  waited  Dave's  approach  with 
quiet  confidence.  When  he  was  close,  he  dealt 
him  a  terrible  blow  under  the  ear,  that  felled  him 
to  the  deck  of  the  boat.  In  an  instant  he  was 
upon  him  with  his  clenched  fists  raised  to  strike. 
"  Pound  him,  •  —  him !"  called  out  Captain 
Letcher,  "  -  —  if  I  interfere.  A  man  who'll  git 
mad  at  an  accident  orto  be  thrashed."  Jim  didn't 
strike.  He  saw  his  antagonist  was  helpless  and  he 
let  him  up.  Dave  and  he  arose,  shook  hands  and 
were  ever  after  fast  friends.  This  fight  was,  how 
ever,  but  preliminary  to  many  others  during  his 
three  months  on  the  tow-path,  as  the  boys  on  the 
canal  undertaking  to  bully  him,  it  was  constantly 
necessary  to  remind  them  that  he  wouldn't  be 
bullied,  which  he  always  did  most  effectually  by 
the  virtue  of  his  toughened  muscles. 

Such  was  his  disposition,  capacity  and  attention 
to  duty  that  in  the  completion  of  the  first  round 
trip  he  had  learned  all  there  was  to  be  learned  on 
the  tow-path.  He  was  promptly  promoted  from 


0 

z 

K 
U 

D 
C- 
z 
C 

C 

Q 

- 


JAMES  A    GARFIELD. 

driver  to  bowsman,  he  was  accorded  die  proud 
privilege  of  steering  the  boat  instead  of  steering 
the  mules. 

By  actual  count  during  his  first  trip  in  his  new 
position  he  fell  overboard  fourteen  times.  This 
was  serious.  The  malaria  of  the  canal  remon 

o 

would  in  all  probability  have  taken  hold  of  his 
system  in  due  time  anyhow,  but  these  frequent 
baths  greatly  helped  it.  He  could  not  swim  a 
stroke,  and  aid  to  fish  him  out  was  not  always 
forthcoming.  One  dark  and  rainy  midnight  as  the 
EVENING  STAR  was  leaving  one  of  those  long  reaches 
of  slack  water  which  abounded  in  the  Ohio  and 
Pennsylvania  Canal  the  boy  was  called  out  of  his 
berth  to  take  his  turn  in  tending  bow-line.  Bund 
ling  out  of  bed,  his  eyes  only  half  opened,  he  took 
his  place  on  the  narrow  platform  below  the  bow 
deck  and  began  uncoiling  a  rope  to  steady  the 
boat  through  a  lock  it  was  approaching.  Sleepily 
and  slowly  he  unwound  the  coil  till  it  knotted 
and  caught  in  a  narrow  cleft  in  the  edge  of  the 
deck.  He  gave  it  a  sudden  pull,  but  it  held  fast, 
then  another  and  a  stronger  pull  and  it  gave  way, 
but  sent  him  over  the  bow  of  the  EVENING  STAR 
into  the  water.  Down  he  went  into  the  dark 
night  and  still  darker  water  and  the  EVENING 
STAR  glided  on  to  bury  him  among  the  fishes.  No 
human  help  was  near;  God  only  could  save  him 
and  He  only  by  a  miracle.  So  the  boy  thought  as 
he  went  down  saying  the  prayer  his  mother  had 


c^6  LIPE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

taught  him.  Instinctively  clutching  the  rope,  IK; 
sank  below  the  surface,  but  then  it  tightened  in 
his  grasp  and  held  firmly.  Seizing  it,  hand  over 
hand  he  drew  himself  up  on  deck  and  was  again 
a  live  boy  among  the  living.  Another  kink  had 
caught  in  another  crevice  and  proved  his  salvation. 
Was  it  the  prayer  or  the  love  of  his  praying 
mother  that  saved  him?  The  boy  did  not  know 
but  long  after  the  boat  had  passed  the  lock 
he  stood  there  in  his  dripping  clothes  pondering 
the  question. 

Coiling  the  rope,  he  tried  to  throw  it  again  into 
the  crevice,  but  it  had  lost  the  knack  of  kinking. 
Many  times  he  tried — six  hundred  it  is  said — and 
then  set  down  and  reflected:  "I  have  thrown  this 
rope  six  hundred  times,  I  might  throw  it  ten  times 
as  many  without  its  catching.  Ten  times  six 
hundred  are  six  thousand,  so  there  were  six  thou 
sand  chances  against  my  life.  Against  such  odds 
Providence  alone  could  have  saved  it.  Providence, 
therefore,  thinks  it  worth  saving,  and  if  that's  so  I 
won't  throw  it  away  on  a  canal  boat.  I'll  go  home, 
get  an  education,  and  become  a  man." 

Straightway  he  acted  on  the  resolution,  and  not 
long  after  stood  before  his  mother's  log  cottage  in 
the  Cuyahoga  Wilderness.  It  was  late  at  night. 
The  stars  were  out,  and  the  moon  was  down,  but 
by  the  firelight  that  came  through  the  window, 
he  saw  his  mother  kneeling  before  an  open  book, 
which  lay  on  a  chair  in  the  corner.  She  was  read- 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  -  7 

ing,  but  her  eyes  were  off  the  page  looking  up  to 
the  Invisible: 

"Oh  turn  unto  me,  and  have  mercy  upon  me! 
Give  Thy  strength  unto  Thy  servant,  and  save  the 
son  of  Thy  handmaid!" 

Then  she  read  what  sounded  like  a  prayer,  but 
this  is  all  the  boy  remembered,  as  he  for  the  first 
time  comprehended  that  his  departure  had  crushed 
her.  - 

He  opened  the  door,  put  his  arm  about  her 
neck,  and  his  head  upon  her  bosom.  What  words 
he  said  we  do  not  know,  but  there,  by  her  side,  he 
gave  back  to  God  the  life  which  He  had  given. 
So,  the  mother's  prayer  was  answered.  So  sprang 
up  the  seed  which  in  toil  and  tears  she  had 
planted. 

For  a  short  time  he  remained  at  home,  com 
forting  his  mother  and  endeavoring  to  reconcile 

o  o 

her  to  his  hopes  of  a  sea-faring  life.  This  he  more 
than  accomplished,  and  was  just  about  to  take  his 
second  departure,  when  the  malaria  took  hold  of 
him  and  he  was  seized  in  the*vice-like  grip  of  fever 
and  ague.  For  six  months  his  strong  frame  was 
shaken.  He  lay  upon  the  bed,  the  "ague-cake" 
in  his  side.  Tenderly,  indefatigably,  his  mother 
nursed  him  during  his  days  of  suffering,  which  her 
care  and  his  iron  constitution,  at  last  permitted 
him  to  overcome.  He  was  still  determined,  how 
ever,  to  return  to  the  canal,  and  thence  to  the  lake 
and  ocean.  Mrs.  Garfield  well  knew  that  any  op- 


-g  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

position  would  be  useless,  so  she  argued  that  he 
had  better  attend  school,  for  a  time,  at  least,  until 
he  was  able  to  resume  severe  labor,  and  thus  fit 
himself  to  teach  during  the  winter  months,  when 
he  could  not  sail.  He  reluctantly  consented  to  his 
mother's  wishes.  So  came  about  a  great  change — 
a  change  that  worked  for  Jim  Garfield  a  wonder 
ful,  far-differing  future  than  that  which  he  had 
woven  from  his  net  of  fancies,  by  the  aid  of  the 
"  Pirate's  Own  Book." 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


CHAPTER  V. 

INTER  FOLIO    FRUCTUS — FRUIT   BETWEEN   LEAVES. 

UP  to  this  time,  in  our  hero's  life,  there  are 
no  political  impressions  to  record.  The 
boy  well  remembers  attending  a  political 
meeting  in  the  ever-memorable  Harrison  cam 
paign,  but  merely  as  a  curiosity  seeker.  Nor  is  it 
to  be  recorded  that  he  had  any  deep  religious 
emotions.  He  went  regularly,  when  at  home,  to 
the  Disciples'  meeting,  first  at  Bentleyville,  and 
later  at  the  school-house  near  his  home,  where  his 
Uncle  Boynton  had  organized  a  congregation. 
The  polemics  of  religion  interested  him  deeply  at 
that  time,  but  his  heart  was  not  touched.  He  was 
familiar  with  Bible  texts,  and  was  often  a  formid 
able  disputant.  One  day,  when  about  fifteen,  he 
was  digging  potatoes  for  Mr.  Patrick,  in  Orange, 
and  carrying  them  in  a  basket  from  the  patch  to  the 
cellar.  Near  the  cellar  door  sat  a  neighbor  talk 
ing  to  the  farmer's  grown-up  daughter  about  the 
merits  of  the  sprinkling  and  immersion  contro 
versy,  and  arguing  that  sprinkling  was  baptism 
within  the  meaning  of  the  Scriptures.  James 
overheard  him  say  that  a  drop  was  as  good  as  a 
fountain.  He  stopped  on  his  way  to  the  field,  and 
4 


6o 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


began  to  quote  this  text  from  Hebrews:  "'Let  us 
draw  near  with  a  true  heart  in  full  assurance  of 
faith,  having-  our  hearts  sprinkled  from  an  evil 
conscience."'  "Ah,  you  see,"  said  the  man,  "it 
says  'sprinkled.'  "  "Wait  for  the  rest  of  the  text," 
replied  James — "'and  our  bodies  washed  with 
pure  water!'  Now,  how  can  you  wash  your  body 
in  a  drop  of  water?"  and,  without  waiting  for  a 
reply,  he  hastened  off  to  the  potato  field. 

James  was  now  seventeen  years  of  age,  but  it 
would  seem  he  had  cherished  little  ambition  for 
anything  beyond  the  prospects  offered  by  that  la 
borious  life  of  a  sailor  which  he  had  entered  upon. 
It  happened  that  during  the  winter  of  his  ague- 
illness  there  came  to  Orange,  to  teach  the  district 
school,  a  young  man  named  Samuel  D.  Bates — 
now  a  distinguished  minister  of  the  Gospel  at 
Marion,  Ohio — who  had  been  to  the  adjacent 
township  to  school.  He  had  attended  what  was 
then  a  high  school,  and  known  as  the  Geauga 
Seminary,  and  he  and  Garfield  became  firm  friends. 
Bates  was  full  of  his  school  experiences,  and  find 
ing  his  new  acquaintance  so  intelligent,  with  true 
proselyting  spirit,  as  was  so  common  among  men 
in  the  backwoods  who  were  beginning  to  taste  the 
pleasures  of  education,  he  was  very  anxious  to 
take  back  several  new  students  with  him.  Gar- 
field  listened  to  the  representations  of  his  eloquent 
friend  and  was  tempted.  He  was  too  weak  and 
ill  to  carry  out  his  plan  of  becoming  a  sailor  at 


JAMES  A    GARFIELD. 


61 


once,  and  he  finally  resolved  to  attend  the  high 
school  one  session,  and  postpone  sailing  until  the 
next  fall.  It  was  this  resolution  made  a  major 
general,  a  senator,  and  a  President  of  him,  instead 
of  a  common  sailor  before  the  mast,  on  a  Lake 
Erie  schooner. 

Accordingly  he  joined  two  other  young  men, 
Wm.  Boynton  (his  cousin),  and  Orrin  H.  Judd,  of 
Orange,  and  they  reached  Chester,  March  6th, 
1849,  and  rented  a  room  in  an  unpainted  frame 
house  nearly  west  from  the  seminary  and  across  the 
street  from  it.  Garfield  had  seventeen  dollars  in 
his  pocket,  scraped  together  by  his  mother  and  his 
brother  Thomas.  They  took  provisions  along 
and  a  cooking  stove,  and  a  poor  widow  prepared 
their  meals  and  did  their  washing  for  an  absurdly 
small  sum.  The  academy  was  a  two-story 
building,  and  the  school,  with  about  a  hundred 
pupils  of  both  sexes,  drawn  from  the  farming 
country  around  Chester,  was  in  a  flourishing  con 
dition.  It  had  a  library  of  perhaps  one  hundred 
and  fifty  volumes — more  books  than  young  Gar- 
field  had  ever  seen  before.  A  venerable  gentle 
man  named  Daniel  Branch  was  principal  of  the 
school,  and  his  wife  was  his  chief  assistant.  Then 
there  were  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Coffin,  Mr.  Bigelow  and 
Miss  Abigail  Curtis.  Mrs.  Branch  had  introduced 
an  iconoclastic  grammar,  which  assailed  all  other 
systems  as  founded  on  a  false  basis,  maintained 
that  but  was  a  verb  in  the  imperative  mood,  and 


62 


LIFE  AND  rUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


meant  be  out;  that  and  was  also  a  verb  in  the  im 
perative  mood,  and  meant  add;  and  tried  in  other 
ways  to  upset  the  accepted  etymology.  Garfield 
had  been  reared  in  "Kirkham"  at  the  district 
school,  and  refused  to  accept  the  new  system. 
The  grammar  classes  that  term  were  a  continuous 
battle  between  him  and  the  teacher.  Here, 
though  he  did  not  know  it  at  the  time,  he  first  saw 
his  future  wife.  Lucretia  Randolph,  a  quiet,  stu 
dious  girl  in  her  seventeenth  year,  was  among-  the 
students.  There  was  no  association  between  the 
two,  however,  save  in  classes.  James  was  awk 
ward  and  bashful,  and  contemplated  the  girls  at  a 
distance  as  a  superior  order  of  beings. 

He  bought,  soon  after  arriving,  the  second  alge 
bra  he  had  ever  seen.  He  studied  it  as  well  as 
natural  philosophy.  At  the  close  of  the  spring 
term  he  made  his  first  public  Speech.  It  was  a 
six  minutes'  oration  at  the  annual  exhibition,  de 
livered  in  connection  with  a  literary  society  to 
which  he  belonged,  and  he  recorded  in  a  diary 
that  he  kept  at  the  time  that  he  "was  very  much 
scared,"  and  "very  glad  of  a  short  curtain  across 
the  platform  that  hid  my  shaking  legs  from  the 
audience."  Among  the  books  he  read  at  this 
time  was  the  autobiography  of  Henry  C.  Wright, 
and  the  determined  lad  was  much  impressed  with 
the  author's  account  of  how  he  lived  in  Scotland 
on  bread  and  milk  and  crackers,  and  how  well  he 
was  all  the  time,  and  how  hard  he  could  study. 


JAMES  A,   GARFIELD.  £- 

Fired  with  the  idea,  he  told  his  cousin  that  they 
had  been  too  extravagant,  and  that  another  term 
they  must  board  themselves  and  adopt  Wright's 
diet. 

At  the  close  of  the  session  he  returned  to  Orange, 
helped  nis  brother  build  a  barn  for  his  mother,  and 
then  went  at  the  hard  work  of  earning  money — 
for  from  the  time  he  left  Chester  until  to-day  he 
has  always  paid  his  way — to  continue  his  studies 
at  Chester  when  the  fall  term  began.  He  worked 
at  harvesting,  and  secured  enough  to  guarantee 
his  continuance  at  the  Geauga  Seminary,  and  to 
pay  off  some  of  the  doctor's  bills  incurred  during 
his  protracted  illness  of  the  winter  before.  On 
his  return  to  the  seminary  the  "boarding  them 
selves"  experiment  was  not  repeated.  An  arrange 
ment  was  entered  into  with  Heman  Woodworth, 
a  carpenter  of  Chester,  to  live  at  his  house  and 
have  lodging,  board,  washing,  fuel  and  light  for 
one  dollar  and  six  cents  a  week,  and  this  sum  he 
expected  to  earn  by  helping  the  carpenter  on 
Saturdays  and  at  odd  hours  on  school  days.  The 
carpenter  was  building  a  two-story  house  on  the 
east  side  of  the  road  a  little  way  south  of  the  sem 
inary  grounds,  and  James's  first  work  was  to  get 
out  siding  at  two  cents  a  board.  The  first  Satur 
day  he  planed  fifty-one  boards  and  so  earned  one 
dollar  and  two  cents,  the  most  money  he  had  ever 
got  for  a  day's  work.  He  began  that  fall  the 
study  of  Greek.  That  term  he  paid  his  way, 


64 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


bought  a  few  books,  and  returned  home  with 
three  dollars  in  his  pocket.  He  now  thought  him 
self  competent  to  teach  a  country  school,  but  in 
two  clays'  tramping  through  Cuyahoga  County, 
failed  to  find  employment.  Some  schools  had  al 
ready  engaged  teachers,  and  where  there  was 
still  a  vacancy  the  trustees  thought  him  too  young. 
He  returned  to  his  mother  completely  discouraged, 
and  greatly  humiliated  by  the  rebuffs  he  had  met 
with.  He  made  a  resolution  that  he  would  never 
again  ask  for  a  position  of  any  sort,  and  the  resolu 
tion  was  kept,  for  every  public  place  he  has  since 
had  has  come  to  him  unsought. 

Next  morning,  while  still  in  the  depths  of  de 
spondency,  he  heard  a  man  call  to  his  mother  from 
the  road :  "  Widow  Gaffield,"  (a  local  corruption 
of  the  name  Garfield),  "where's  your  boy  Jim?  I 
wonder  if  he  wouldn't  like  to  teach  our  school  at 
the  Ledge  ?"  James  went  out  and  found  a  neigh 
bor  from  a  district  a  mile  away,  where  the  school 
had  been  broken  up  for  two  winters  by  the  row 
dyism  of  the  big  boys.  He  said  he  would  like  to 
try  the  school,  but  before  deciding  must  consult 
his  uncle,  Amos  Boynton.  That  evening  there 
was  a  family  consultation.  Uncle  Amos  pon 
dered  over  the  matter  and  finally  said :  ""You  go 
and  try  it.  You  will  go  into  that  school  as  the 
boy  'Jim'  Gaffield;  see  that  you  come  out  as  Mr. 
Garfield,  the  schoolmaster."  The  young  man 
mustered  the  school  in  the  school-room,  after  a 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  ^ 

hard  tussle  with  the  bully  of  the  district,  who  re 
sented  a  flogging",  and  tried  to  brain  the  teacher 
with  a  billet  of  wood.  No  problem  in  his  after 
life  ever  took  so  much  absorbing  thought  and 
study  as  that  of  making  the  Ledge  school  success 
ful.  He  devised  all  sorts  of  plans  for  making 
study  interesting  to  the  children ;  joined  in  the 
out-door  sports  of  the  big  boys,  read  aloud  even 
ings  to  the  parents  where  he  boarded,  and  won 
the  hearts  of  old  and  young.  Before  spring  he 
got  the  name  of  the  best  schoolmaster  who  ever 
taught  at  the  Ledge.  His  wages  were  "twelve 
dollars  a  month  and  found,"  and  he  "boarded 
around  "  in  the  families  of  the  pupils. 

He  returned  to  the  seminary  in  the  spring 
(1850)  to  find  the  principal,  Mr.  Branch,  had  left 
and  was  succeeded  by  Spencer  J.  Fowler,  while 
John  B.  Beach  had  stepped  into  the  shoes  of  the 
crusty,  iconoclastic  grammarian,  Mrs.  Branch.  Dur 
ing  this,  his  third  term  at  the  seminary,  he  and  his 
cousin  Henry  boarded  themselves  and  put  in 
practice  Henry  C.  Wright's  dietary  scheme.  At 
the  end  of  six  weeks  the  boys  found  their  ex 
penses  for  food  had  been  just  thirty-one  cents  per 
week  apiece.  Henry  thought  they  were  living  too 
poorly  for  good  health,  and  they  agreed  to  in 
crease  their  outlay  to  fifty  cents  a  week  apiece. 
James  had,  up  to  this  time,  looked  upon  a  college 
course  as  wholly  beyond  his  reach,  but  he  met  a 
college  graduate  who  told  him  he  was  mistaken 


66 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


in  supposing  that  only  the  sons  of  rich  parents 
were  able  to  take  such  a  course.  A  poor  boy 
could  get  through,  he  said,  but  it  would  take  a 
long  time  and  very  hard  work.  The  usual  time 
was  four  years  in  preparatory  studies  and  four  in 
the  regular  college  course.  James  thought  that 

o  o  Jo 

by  working  part  of  the  time  to  earn  money,  he 
could  get  through  in  twelve  years.  He  then  re 
solved  to  bend  all  his  energies  to  the  one  purpose 
of  getting  a  college  education.  From  this  reso 
lution  he  never  swerved  a  hair's  breadth.  Until 
it  was  accomplished,  it  was  the  one  overmastering 
idea  of  his  life.  The  tenacity  and  single-hearted 
ness  with  which  he  clung  to  it,  and  the  sacrifices 
he  made  to  realize  it,  unquestionably  exerted  a 
powerful  influence  in  moulding  and  solidifying  his 
character. 

In  March  of  this  year,  after  having  exercised  his 
full  freedom  in  reaching  conclusions,  he  joined  his 
uncle's  church,  the  Church  of  the  Disciples,  or 
Campbellites,  and  was  baptized  in  a  little  stream 
that  flows  into  the  Chagrin  River.  His  conver 
sion  was  brought  about  by  a  quiet,  sweet-tempered 
man,  who  held  a  series  of  meetings  in  the  school- 
house  near  the  Garfield  homestead,  and  told  in 
the  plainest  manner,  and  with  the  most  straight 
forward  earnestness,  the  story  of  the  Gospel.  The 
creed  he  then  professed,  and  which  was  then  held 
by  few,  but  now  by  about  half  a  million  followers, 
is  as  follows : 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


67 


1.  We  call  ourselves  Christians  or  Disciples. 

2.  We  believe  in  God  the  Father. 

3.  We  believe  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living 
God,    and   our   only  Saviour.      We   regard   the   divinity  of 
Christ  as  the  fundamental  truth  in  the  Christian  system. 

4.  We  believe  in  the  Holy  Spirit,  both  as  to  its  agency  in 
conversion  and  as  an  indweller  in  the  heart  of  the  Christian. 

5.  We  accept  both  the  Old  and  New  Testament  Scriptures 
as  the  inspired  word  of  God. 

6.  We  believe  in  the  future  punishment  of  the  wicked  and 
the  future  reward  of  the  righteous. 

7.  We  believe  that  Diety  is  a  prayer-hearing  and  prayer- 
answering  God. 

8.  We  observe  the  institution   of  the  Lord's    Supper  on 
every  Lord's  Day.     To  this  table  it  is  our  practice  neither  to 
invite  nor  debar.     We  say  it  is  the  Lord's  Supper  for  all  the 
Lord's  children. 

9.  We  plead  for  the  union  of  all  God's  people  on  the  Bible 
and  the  Bible  alone. 

10.  The  Bible  is  our  only  creed. 

11.  We  maintain  that  all  the  ordinances  of  the  Gospel 
should  be  observed  as  they  were  in  the  days  of  the  Apostles. 

When  the  summer  came  he  went  again  to  his 
old  trade,  and  was  happy  among  the  hammers  and 
planes,  the  saw  and  chisel.  He  earned  a  fair 
amount,  and  returned  in  the  fall  to  the  seminary. 
During  this  fall  he  entered  a  school  of  book-keep 
ing,  penmanship  and  elocution,  kept  by  Dr.  Alonzo 
Harlow,  located  at  Chagrin  Falls,  Cuyahoga 
County,  Ohio.  Garfield  was  the  doctor's  janitor, 
paying  his  tuition  in  that  manner,  and  at  the  same 
time  earning  his  board  of  a  neighboring  farmer  by 
doing  chores  about  the  place.  It  was  here  that 


^g  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

he  took  his  first  lessons  in  elocution,  and  received 
the  first  real  encouragement  to  fit  himself  for  pub 
lic  life. 

In  the  winter  he  taught  a  village  school  in 
Warrensville,  receiving  sixteen  dollars  a  month 
and  board.  One  of  the  boys  under  his  charge 
at  this  school  desired  to  study  geometry.  Gar- 
field  had  never  got  so  far  in  mathematics,  but 
he  bought  a  text-book,  studied  nights,  kept  ahead 
of  his  pupil,  and  took  him  through  without  his 
once  suspecting  that  the  master  was  not  an  expert 
in  the  science.  This  was  the  last  of  Garfield  in 
Chester  or  its  neighborhood.  Writing  many  years 
afterward  on  the  time  spent  here,  he  said  : 

"  I  remember  with  great  satisfaction  the  work  which  was  ac 
complished  for  me  at  Chester.  It  marked  the  most  decisive 
change  in  my  life.  While  there  I  formed  a  definite  purpose 
and  plan  to  complete  a  college  course.  It  is  a  great  point 
gained,  when  a  young  man  makes  up  his  mind  to  devote 
several  years  to  the  accomplishment  of  a  definite  work. 
With  the  educational  facilities  now  afforded  in  our  country, 
no  young  man,  who  has  good  health  and  is  master  of  his  own 
actions,  can  be  excused  for  not  obtaining  a  good  education. 
Poverty  is  very  inconvenient,  but  it  is  a  fine  spur  to  activity, 
and  may  be  made  a  rich  blessing." 

In  the  spring  he  went  with  his  mother  to  visit 
relatives  in  Muskingum  County,  and  rode  for  the 
first  time  in  a  railroad  train.  The  Cleveland  and 
Columbus  Railroad  was  then  just  opened,  and  he 
went  to  Columbus  from  Orange.  Hon.  Gamaliel 


JAMES  A,   GARFIELD.  g 

Kent,  then  representative  from  Geauga,  showed 
him  over  the  State  capital  and  the  legislative 
halls.  From  Columbus  Garfield  and  his  mother 
went  by  stage  to  Zanesville,  and  then  floated 
eighteen  miles  in  a  skiff  down  the  Muskingum 
River  to  their  destination.  While  there,  James 
taught  a  spring  school  in  a  log  building  on  Back 
Run,  in  Harrison  Township.  The  coal  burned  in 
the  school-house  he  was  obliged  to  dig  from  a 
bank  in  the  rear  of  the  house. 

In  the  summer  he  returned  with  his  mother  to 
Orange.  He  decided  to  go  on  with  his  education 
at  a  new  school,  established  by  the  Disciples  the 
year  before  at  Hiram,  Portage  County,  a  cross 
roads  village,  twelve  miles  from  any  town  or  rail 
road.  His  religious  feeling  naturally  called  him 
to  the  young  institution  of  his  own  denomination. 
In  August,  1851,  he  arrived  at  Hiram,  and  found 
a  plain  brick  building  standing  in  the  midst  of  a 
cornfield,  with  perhaps  a  dozen  farm-houses,  near 
enough  for  boarding  places  for  the  students.  It 
was  a  lonely,  isolated  place,  on  a  high  ridge  divid 
ing  the  waters  flowing  into  Lake  Erie  from  those 
running  southward  to  the  Ohio.  The  Rev.  A.  S. 
Hayden  was  the  principal ;  Thomas  Munnell  and 
Norman  Dunshee  were  teachers ;  the  latter  teach 
ing  mathematics  and  Greek.  Recently  General 
Garfield  said,  in  an  address : 

"A  few  days  after  the  beginning  of  the  term,  I  saw  a  class 
of  three  reciting  in  mathematics — geometry,  I  think.  I  had 


^Q  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

never  seen  a  geometry,  and,  regarding  both  teacher  and  class 
with  a  feeling  of  reverential  awe  for  the  intellectual  height  tc 
which  they  had  climbed,  I  studied  their  faces  so  closely  that 
I  seem  to  see  them  now  as  distinctly  as  I  saw  them  then. 
And  it  has  been  my  good  fortune  since  that  time  to  claim 
them  all  as  intimate  friends.  The  teacher  was  Thomas  Mun- 
nell,  and  the  members  of  his  class  were  William  B.  Hazen,- 
George  A.  Baker  and  Almeda  A.  Booth." 

He  lived  in  a  room  with  four  other  pupils,  stud 
ied  harder  than  ever,  having  now  his  college  pro 
ject  fully  anchored  in  his  mind,  got  through  his  six 
books  of  Caesar  that  term  and  made  good  pro 
gress  in  Greek.  He  met,  on  entering  the  institute, 
a  woman,  who  exercised  a  strong  influence  on  his 
intellectual  life,  Miss  Almeda  Booth — the  Margaret 
Fuller  of  the  West — a  teacher  in  the  school.  She 
was  nine  years  older  than  the  young  student,  pos 
sessed  a  mind  of  remarkable  range  and  grasp,  and 
a  character  of  unusual  sweetness,  purity  and 
strength.  She  became  his  guide  and  companion 
in  his  studies,  his  mental  and  moral  heroine,  and 
his  unselfish,  devoted  friend. 

When  the  winter  came  he  returned  to  Warrens- 
ville,  and  taught  school  again,  earning  eighteen 
dollars  a  month.  Spring  found  him  again  at 
Hiram,  and  during  this  term,  in  company  with 
Corydon  E.  Fuller,  he  aided  Miss  Booth  in  writing 
a  colloquy  for  the  public  exercises  at  the  close  of 
the  school  year.  During  the  ensuing  summer 
(1852),  he  helped  to  build  a  house  in  the  village, 
planing  the  sides  and  shingling  the  roof  himself. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  y  x 

In  the  fall,  when  the  institute  opened,  one  of  the 
tutors  in  the  department  of  English  and  ancient 
languages  fell  ill,  and  James  Garfield  was  ad 
vanced  to  his  place.  Henceforward  he  taught  and 
studied  at  the  same  time,  his  eye  all  the  while  fixed 
upon  the  bright  beacon  of  a  college  education. 
He  began  Zenophon's  Anabasis  among  other 
things.  That  winter  he  became  a  member  of 
President  Hayden's  household. 

The  summer  vacation  of  1853  only  brought 
harder  work.  In  company  of  eleven  students,  he 
formed  a  class,  and  hired  Professor  Dunshee  to 
give  them  private  lessons  for  one  month.  During 
that  time  he  mastered  the  Pastorals  of  Virgil,  the 
Georgics  and  Buccolics  entire,  and  the  first  six 
books  of  Homer's  Illiad,  accompanied  by  a  thor 
ough  drill  in  the  Latin  and  Greek  grammar  at  each 
recitation.  He  was  also  a  member  of  an  active 
literary  society  during  this  month.  When  the  fall 
term  was  fairly  under  way,  Garfield  went  at  it  again, 
to  hasten  his  preparation  for  college.  He,  with 
some  other  students,  formed  a  Translation  Society, 
that  met  at  Miss  Booth's  rooms  two  evenings  a 
week,  and  made  a  joint  translation  with  her  of 
the  Book  of  Romans.  The  work  done  was  more 
thorough  than  rapid.  An  entry  in  Garfield's 
diary  for  December  I5th,  1853,  reads:  "Transla 
tion  Society  sat  three  hours  in  Miss  Booth's  rooms, 
and  agreed  upon  the  translation  of  nine  verses." 
To  this  class,  Professor  Dunshee  contributed  some 


72  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

.    . 

essays  on  the  German  commentators,  De  Wette  and 
Tholock.  During  the  winter  (1853-54),  Garfield 
read  the  whole  of  "Demosthenes  on  the  Crown." 

When  he  went  to  Hiram  he  had  studied  Latin 
only  six  weeks,  and  just  begun  Greek;  and  was, 
therefore,  just  in  a  condition  to  fairly  begin  the 
four  years'  preparatory  course,  ordinarily  taken  by 
students  before  entering  college  in  the  freshman 
class.  Yet,  in  three  years'  time,  he  fitted  himself 
to  enter  the  junior  class,  two  years  further  along, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  earned  his  own  living,  thus 
crowding  six  years  study  into  three,  and  teaching 
for  support  at  the  same  time.  To  accomplish  it, 
he  shut  the  whole  world  out  from  his  mind,  save 
that  little  portion  of  it  within  the  range  of  his 
studies;  knowing  nothing  of  politics  or  the  news 
of  the  day,  reading  no  light  literature,  and  enga 
ging  in  no  social  recreations  that  took  his  time 
from  his  books. 

The  college  question  was  now  before  him.  But 
where  should  he  go  ?  He  had  recently  read  some 
lectures  by  President  Hopkins,  of  Williams,  that 
had  made  him  think  favorably  of  that  institution. 
But  he  had  originally  intended  to  enter  Bethany 
College,  the  institution  sustained  by  the  church  of 
which  he  was  a  member,  and  presided  over  by 
Alexander  Campbell,  the  man  above  all  others  he 
had  been  taught  to  admire  and  revere.  A  fa 
miliar  letter  shall  tell  us  how  he  reasoned  and 
acted : 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


73 


"  There  are  three  reasons  why  I  have  decided  not  to  go  to 
Bethany :  ist.  The  course  of  study  is  not  so  extensive  or 
thorough  as  in  Eastern  colleges.  2d.  Bethany  leans  too 
heavily  toward  slavery.  3d.  I  am  the  son  of  Disciple 
parents,  am  one  myself,  and  have  had  but  little  acquaintance 
with  people  of  other  views,  and,  having  always  lived  in  the 
West,  I  think  it  will  make  me  more  liberal,  both  in  my  religi 
ous  and  general  views  and  sentiments,  to  go  into  a  new  circle, 
where  I  shall  be  under  new  influences.  These  considerations 
led  me  to  conclude  to  go  to  some  New  England  college.  I 
therefore  wrote  to  the  presidents  of  Brown  University,  Yale 
and  Williams,  setting  forth  the  amount  of  study  I  had  done, 
and  asking  how  long  it  would  take  me  to  finish  their  course. 

"Their  answers  are  now  before  me.  All  tell  me  I  can 
graduate  in  two  years.  They  are  all  brief,  business  notes,  but 
President  Hopkins  concludes  with  this  sentence :  '  If  you 
come  here  we  shall  be  glad  to  do  what  we  can  for  you.' 
Other  things  being  so  nearly  equal,  this  sentence,  which 
seems  to  be  a  kind  of  friendly  grasp  of  the  hand,  has  settled 
the  question  for  me.  I  shall  start  for  Williams  next  week." 

Some  points  in  this  letter  of  a  young  man  about 
to  start  away  from  home  to  college  will  strike  the 
reader  as  remarkable.  Nothing  could  show  more 
mature  judgment  about  the  matter  in  hand  than 
the  wise  anxiety  to  get  out  from  the  Disciples'  in 
fluence  and  see  something  of  other  men  and  other 
opinions.  It  was  notable  that  one  trained  to  look 
upon  Alexander  Campbell  as  the  master  intellect 
of  the  churches  of  the  day  should  revolt  against 
studying  in  his  college,  because  it  leaned  too 
strongly  to  slavery.  And  in  the  final  turning  of 
the  decision  upon  the  little  friendly  commonplace 
that  closed  one  of  the  letters,  we  catch  a  glimpse 


-4  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

of  the  warm,  sympathetic  nature  of  the  man, 
which  much  and  wide  experience  of  the  world  in 
after  years  has  never  hardened. 

So,  in  the  fall  of  1854,  the  pupil  of  Geauga 
Seminary  and  of  the  Hiram  Institute  received 
admission  at  the  venerable  doors  of  Williams. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

GARFIELD   AT   WILLIAMS. 

WHEN  Garfield  reached  Williams  Col 
lege,  in  June,  1854,  he  had  about  three 
hundred  dollars,  which  he  had  saved 
while  teaching  at  Hiram ;  and  with  this  amount 
he  hoped  to  get  through  the  first  year.  The  col 
lege  year  had  not  quite  closed,  a  few  weeks  re^ 
mained,  which  he  utilized  by  attending  the  recita^ 
tions  of  the  sophomore  class,  in  order  to  become 
familiar  with  the  methods  of  the  professors  before 
testing  his  ability  to  pass  the  examinations  of  the 
junior  year.  He  had  a  keen  sense  of  his  want  of 
the  advantages  of  society  and  general  culture 
which  the  students  with  whom  he  came  in  contact 
had  enjoyed  all  their  lives,  but  his  homely  man 
ners  and  Western  garb  did  not  subject  him  to  any 
slights  or  mortifications.  The  spirit  of  the  col 
lege  was  generous  and  manly.  No  student  was 
estimated  by  the  clothes  he  wore ;  no  one  was 
snubbed  because  he  was  poor.  The  intellectual 
force,  originality  and  immense  powers  of  study 
possessed  by  the  new-comer  from  Ohio  were  soon 
recognized  by  his  classmates,  and  he  was  shown 
as  much  respect,  cordiality  and  companionship  as 
if  he  had  been  the  son  of  a  millionaire.  His  old 
5 


~£  LIFE  AXD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

mates  recall  him  as  a  big  young  man,  quite  Ger 
man  in  appearance — so  strong  is  good  Saxon 
blood,  after  centuries  of  exile  from  the  Saxon 
land — blonde  and  bearded,  strong-limbed,  serious, 
but  sociable,  and  with  the  Western  easy-going 
manners,  ready  wit  and  broad  sympathy  going 
out  toward  all  his  fellows.  The  boys  called  him 
"  Old  Gar,"  so  readily  did  he  assume  the  patri 
archate  of  the  college  in  the  brief  two  years  he 
was  there.  He  boarded  in  club,  and  did  not  smoke 
or  drink. 

The  beauty  of  the  scenery  around  Mechanics- 
ville  made  a  strong  impression  upon  his  fancy. 
He  had  never  seen  mountains  before.  The  spurs 
of  the  Green  Hills,  which  reach  down  from  Ver 
mont  and  inclose  the  little  college  town  in  their 
arms,  were  to  the  young  man  from  the  monoto 
nous  landscapes  of  the  Western  Reserve  a  won 
derful  revelation  of  grandeur  and  beauty.  He 
climbed  Greylock  and  explored  all  the  glens  and 
valleys  of  die  neighborhood. 

The  examination  for  entering  the  junior  class 
was  passed  without  trouble.  Although  self-taught, 
save  for  the  help  of  his  friend  and  companion  in 
his  studies,  Miss  Booth,  his  knowledge  of  the 
books  prescribed  was  thorough.  A  long  summer 
vacation  followed  his  examination,  and  this  time 
he  employed  in  the  college  library,  the  first  large 
collection  of  books  he  had  ever  seen.  His  ab 
sorption  in  the  double  work  of  teaching  and  fitting 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


77 


himself  for  college  had  hitherto  left  him  little  time 
for  general  reading,  and  the  library  opened  a  new 
world  of  profit  and  delight.  He  had  never  read  a 
line  of  Shakespeare,  save  a  few  extracts  in  the 
school  reading-books.  From  the  whole  range  of 
fiction  he  had  voluntarily  shut  himself  off  at 
eighteen,  when  he  joined  the  church,  having 
serious  views  of  the  business  of  life,  and  imbibing 
the  notion,  then  almost  universal  among  religious 
people  in  the  country  districts  of  the  West,  that 
novel  reading  was  a  waste  of  time,  and,  therefore, 
a  simple,  worldly  sort  of  intellectual  amusement. 
When  turned  loose  in  the  college  library,  with 
weeks  of  leisure  to  range  at  will  over  its  shelves, 
he  began  with  Shakespeare,  which  he  read  through 
from  cover  to  cover.  Then  he  went  to  English 
history  and  poetry.  Of  the  poets,  Tennyson 
pleased  him  best,  which  is  not  to  be  wondered  at, 
for  the  influence  of  the  Laureate  was  then  at  its 
height.  He  learned  whole  poems  by  heart,  and 
can  repeat  them  now. 

After  he  had  been  six  or  eight  months  at  col 
lege,  and  had  devoured  an  immense  amount  of 
serious  reading,  he  began  to  suffer  from  intel 
lectual  dyspepsia.  He  found  his  mind  was  not 
assimilating  what  he  read,  and  would  often  refuse 
to  be  held  down  to  the  printed  page.  Then  he 
revised  his  notions  about  books  of  fiction,  and 
concluded  that  romance  is  as  valuable  a  part  of 
intellectual  food  as  salad  of  a  dinner.  He  pre- 


yo  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

scribed  for  himself  one  novel  a  month,  and  on  this 
medicine  his  mind  speedily  recuperated  and  got 
back  all  its  old  elasticity.  Cooper's  Leatherstock- 
ing  Tales  were  the  first  novels  he  read,  and  after 
ward  Walter  Scott.  An  English  classmate  intro 
duced  him  to  the  works  of  Dickens  and  Thack 
eray.  He  formed  a  habit  in  those  days  of  making 
notes  while  he  read  of  everything  he  did  not 
clearly  understand,  such  as  historical  references, 
mythological  allusions,  technical  terms,  etc.  These 
notes  he  would  take  time  to  look  up  afterward  in 
the  library,  so  as  to  leave  nothing  obscure  on  his 
mind  concerning  the  books  he  absorbed.  The  thor 
oughness  he  displayed  in  his  work  in  after  life 
was  thus  begun  at  that  early  period,  and  applied 
to  every  subject  he  took  hold  of.  The  ground  his 
mind  traversed  he  carefully  cleared  and  plowed 
before  leaving  it  for  fresh  fields. 

Garfield  studied  Latin  and  Greek  and  took  up 
German  as  an  elective  study.  One  year  at  Wil 
liams  completed  his  classical  studies,  on  which 
he  was  far  advanced  before  he  came  there. 
German  he  carried  on  successfully  until  he  could 
read  Goethe  and  Schiller  readily  and  acquired 
considerable  fluency  in  the  conversational  use  of 
the  language.  He  entered  with  zeal  into  the  lit 
erary  work  of  the  college,  was  a  vigorous  debater 
and  a  member  of  the  Philologian  Society,  of  which 
he  was  president  in  1855-56.  The  influ 
ence  of  the  mind  and  character  of  Dr.  Hopkins 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

was  seriously  felt  in  shaping  the  direction  of  Gar- 
field's  thought  and  his  views  of  life.  He  often 
says  that  the  good  president  rose  like  a  sun  before 
him,  and  enlightened  his  whole  mental  and  moral 
nature.  His  preaching  and  teaching  were  a  con 
stant  inspiration  to  the  young  Ohio  student  and 
he  became  the  centre  of  his  college  life,  the  object 
of  his  hero-worship. 

At  the  end  of  the  fall  term  of  1854,  Garfield 
enjoyed  a  winter  vacation  of  two  months  which  he 
spent  in  North  Pownal,  Vt,  teaching  a  writing 
class  in  the  same  school-house  where  a  year  be 
fore  Chester  A.  Arthur  was  the  principal.  Gar- 
field  wrote  a  broad,  handsome  hand,  a  hand  that 
was  strongly  individual,  and  the  envy  of  the  boys 
and  girls  who  tried  to  imitate  it. 

At  the  end  of  the  college  year  in  June,  Garfield 
returned  home  to  see  his  mother,  who  was  then 
living  with  a  daughter  at  Solon.  His  money  was 
exhausted  and  he  had  to  adopt  one  of  two  plans, 
either  to  borrow  enough  to  take  him  through  to 
graduation  at  the  end  of  the  next  year  or  set  to 
work  as  a  teacher  until  he  earned  the  requisite 
amount ;  and  so  break  the  continuity  of  his  col 
lege  course.  He,  however,  did  neither,  but  in 
sured  his  life  for  eight  hundred  dollars,  his  brother 
Thomas  undertaking  to  furnish  the  funds  on  in 
stalments,  but,  being  eventually  unable,  the  obliga 
tion  was  assumed  by  Dr.  Robinson,  of  Hiram,  who 
advanced  the  money  and  took  the  insurance 
policy  as  security. 


go  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

He  returned  to  Williams  in  the  fall,  and  was 
again  active  in  his  contributions  to  the  College 
Magazine,  the  Williams  Quarterly.  Of  his  con 
tributions  we  cannot  quote  as  liberally  as  we  would 
like.  We  find  three  poetical  productions.  One 
is  a  political  satire,  called  "  Sam,"  and  contains 
the  lines : 

"  'Twas  noon  of  night,  and  by  his  flickering  lamp, 
That  gloated  o'er  his  dingy  room  and  damp, 
With  glassy  eye  and  haggard  face  there  sat, 
A  disappointed,  worn-out  Democrat ; 
His  eloquence  all  wasted — plans  all  failed, 
His  spurious  coin  fast  to  the  counter  nailed, 
Deception's  self  was  now  at  length  deceived, 
His  lies,  political,  no  more  believed." 

Another,  evidently  a  squid  at  some  college 
prank,  and  is  modeled  on  Tennyson.  It  is  en 
titled  "  The  Charge  of  the  Tight  Brigade."  The 
first  verse  leads  off: 

Bottles  to  right  of  them. 
Bottles  to  left  of  them, 
Bottles  in  front  of  them, 

Fizzled  and  sundered t 
Ent'ring  with  shout  and  yell, 
Boldly  they  drank  and  well, 
They  caught  the  Tartar  then  ; 
OA,  -what  a  perfect  sell! 

Sold— the  half  hundred. 
Grinned  all  the  dentals  bare, 
Swung  all  their  caps  in  air, 
Uncorking  bottles  there, 
Watching  the  Freshmen  while 

Every  one  wondered ; 
Plunged  in  tobacco  smoke, 
With  many  a  desperate  stroke, 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  g 

Dozens  of  bottles  broke, 
Then  they  came  back,  but  not, 
But  not  the  half  hundred." 

The  third  contribution,  in  verse,  we  reproduce 
entire.     It  is  entitled  "  Memory :" 

"  'Tis  beauteous  night;  the  stars  look  brightly  down 
Upon  the  earth,  decked  in  her  robe  of  snow. 
No  light  gleams  at  the  window  save  my  own, 
Which  gives  its  cheer  to  midnight  and  to  me. 
And  now  with  noiseless  step  sweet  Memory  comes, 
And  leads  me  gently  through  her  twilight  realms. 
What  poet's  tuneful  lyre  has  ever  sung, 
Or  delicatest  pencil  e'er  portrayed 
The  enchanted  shadowy  land  where  Memory  dwells  ? 
It  has  its  valleys,  cheerless,  lone  and  drear, 
Dark-shaded  by  the  mournful  cypress  tree. 
And  yet  its  sunlit  mountain-tops  are  bathed 
In  heaven's  own  blue.     Upon  its  craggy  cliffs, 
Robed  in  the  dreamy  light  of  distant  years, 
Are  clustered  joys  serene  of  other  days; 
Upon  its  gently-sloping  hillsides  bend 
The  weeping-willows  o'er  the  sacred  dust 
Of  dear  departed  ones ;  and  yet  in  that  land, 
Where'er  our  footsteps  fall  upon  the  shore, 
They  that  were  sleeping  rise  from  out  the  dust 
Of  death's  long,  silent  years,  and  round  us  stand, 
As  erst  they  did  before  the  prison  tomb 
Received  their  clay  witMn  its  voiceless  halls. 
The  heavens  that  bend  above  that  land  are  hung 
With  clouds  of  various  hues :    some  dark  and  chill, 
Surcharged  with  sorrow,  cast  their  sombre  shade 
Upon  the  sunny,  joyous  land  below ; 
Others  are  floating  through  the  dreamy  air; 
White  as  the  falling  snow  their  margins  tinged 
With  gold  and  crimson  hues ;  their  shadows  fall 
Upon  the  flowery  meads  and  sunny  slopes, 
Soft  as  the  shadows  of  an  angel's  wing. 
When  the  rough  battle  of  the  day  is  done, 
And  evening's  peace  falls  gently  on  the  heart, 
I  bound  away  across  the  noisy  years, 


g2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

Unto  the  utmost  verge  of  Memory's  land, 

Where  earth  and  sky  in  dreamy  distance  meet, 

And  Memory  dim  with  dark  oblivion  joins  ; 

Where  woke  the  first-remembered  sounds  that  fell 

Upon  the  ear  in  childhood's  early  morn  ; 

And  wandering  thence,  along  the  rolling  years, 

I  see  the  shadow  of  my  former  self 

Gliding  from  childhood  up  to  man's  estate. 

The  path  of  youth  winds  down  through  many  a  vale 

And  on  the  brink  of  many  a  dread  abyss, 

From  out  whose  darkness  comes  no  ray  of  light, 

Save  that  a  phantom  dances  o'er  the  gulf, 

And  beckons  toward  the  verge.     Again  the  path 

Leads  o'er  a  summit  where  the  sunbeams  fall ; 

And  thus  in  light  and  shade,  sunshine  and  gloom, 

Sorrow  and  joy,  this  life-path  leads  along." 

The  prose  contributions  were  many,  and  upon 
many  subjects.  During  his  second  year,  iS55~'56, 
he  formed,  with  W.  R.  Baxter,  Henry  E.  Knox,  E. 
Clarence  Smith  and  John  Tatlock,  the  editors  for 
the  class  of  '56.  In  the  opening  number  of  his 
year,  September,  1855,  he  supplied  the  Editor's 
Table.  How  pleasantly  he  voices  the  trouble 
every  newspaper  editor  or  writer  has  gone  through, 
when  he  says  in  his  opening  lines : 

"  It  is,  indeed,  an  uninviting  task  to  bubble  up  sentiment 
and  elaborate  thought  in  obedience  to  corporate  laws ;  and 
not  unfrcquently  those  children  of  the  brain  when  paraded 
before  the  proper  authorities,  show  by  their  meager  propor 
tions  that  they  have  not  been  nourished  by  the  genial  warmth 
of  a  willing  heart." 

Speaking  of  the  Quarterly,  which  was  in  those 
days  a  really  high  class  magazine,  he  states  its 
purpose: 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  g., 

"It  proposes  a  kind  of  intellectual  tournament  where  we 
may  learn  to  hurl  the  lance  and  wield  the  sword,  and  thus 
prepare  for  the  conflict  of  life.  It  shall  be  our  aim  to  keep 
the  lists  still  open  and  the  arena  clear,  that  the  knights  of  the 
quill  may  learn  to  hurl  the  lance  and  wield  the  sword  of 
though',  and  thus  be  ready  for  sterner  duties.  We  shall  also 
endeavor  to  decorate  the  arena  with  all  the  flowers  that  our 
own  gardens  afford,  and  thus  render  the  place  more  pleasant 
and  inviting.  We  should  remember,  however,  that  it  is  no 
honor  or  profit  merely  to  appear  in  the  arena,  but  the  wreath 
is  for  those  who  contend" 

From  a  brilliant  review  of  the  life  and  writings 
of  the  unfortunate  Karl  Theodor  Korner,  that  ap 
peared  in  the  number  for  March,  1856,  we  cut  a 
single  paragraph : 

"  The  greater  part  of  our  modern  literature  bears  evident 
marks  of  the  haste  which  characterizes  all  the  movements  of 
this  age  ;  but,  in  reading  these  older  authors,  we  are  impressed 
with  the  idea  that  they  enjoyed  the  most  comfortable  leisure. 
Many  books  we  can  reaxl  in  a  railroad  car,  and  feel  a  harmony 
between  the  rushing  of  the  train  and  the  haste  of  the  author; 
but  to  enjoy  the  older  authors,  we  need  the  quiet  of  a  winter 
evening — an  easy  chair  before  a  cheerful  fire,  and  all  the 
equanimity  of  spirits  we  can  command.  Then  the  genial 
good  nature,  the  rich  fullness,  the  persuasive  eloquence  of 
those  old  masters  will  fall  upon  us  like  the  warm,  glad  sun 
shine,  and  afford  those  hours  of  calm  contemplation  in  which 
the  spirit  may  expand  with  generous  growth,  and  gain  deep 
and  comprehensive  views.  The  pages  of  friendly  old  Gold 
smith  come  to  us  like  a  golden  autumn  day,  when  every  object 
which  meets  the  eye  bears  all  the  impress  of  the  completed 
year,  and  the  beauties  of  an  autumnal  forest." 

Another  extract,  and  we  will  hurry  on  to  later 


g  ,  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAKEEX  OF 

dales  and  other  things.  Writing  on  "  The  Prov 
ince  of  History,"  Garfield  defined  the  historian's 
duty: 

"There  are  two  points  which  the  historian  should  ever 
have  before  him  : 

"First — The  valuation  of  facts  to  each  other  and  the  whole 
body  of  history  ;  and, 

"Second — The  tendency  of  the  whole  toward  some  great 

end. 

**  ##**  *  # 

"For  every  village,  State  and  nation  there  is  an  aggregate  of 
native  talent  which  God  has  given,  and  by  which,  together 
with  his  Providence,  he  leads  that  nation  on,  and  thus  leads 
the  world.  In  the  light  of  these  truths  we  affirm  that  no 
man  can  understand  the  history  of  any  nation,  or  of  the 
world,  who  does  not  recognize  in  it  the  power  of  God,  and 
behold  His  stately  goings  forth  as  He  walks  among  the  nations. 
It  is  His  hand  that  is  moving  the  vast  superstructure  of  human 
history,  and,  though  but  one  of  the  windows  were  unfurnished, 
like  that  of  the  Arabian  palace,  yet  all  the  powers  of  earth 
could  never  complete  it  without  the  aid  of  the  Divine  Archi 
tect. 

"To  employ  another  figure — the  world's  history  is  a  divine 
poem,  of  which  the  history  of  every  nation  is  a  canto,  and 
of  every  man  a  word.  Its  strains  have  been  peaiing  along 
down  the  centuries,  and,  though  there  have  been  mingled  the 
discord  of  roaring  cannon  and  dying  men,  yet  to  the  Chris 
tian,  Philosopher  and  Historian — the  humble  listener — there 
has  been  a  divine  melody  running  through  the  song,  which 
speaks  of  hope  and  halcyon  days  to  come.  The  record  of 
every  orphan's  sigh,  of  every  widow's  prayer,  of  every  noble 
deed,  of  every  honest  heart-throb  for  the  right,  is  swelling 
that  gentle  strain  ;  and  when,  at  last,  the  great  end  is  attained 
— when  the  lost  image  of  God  is  restored  to  the  human  soul ; 
when  the  church  anthem  can  be  pealed  forth  without  a  dis- 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  g  r 

cordant  note,  then  will  angels  jojn  in  the  chorus,  and  all  the 
sons  of  God  again  '  shout  for  joy.' ' 

Young  Garfield's  connection  with  the  Quarterly 
proved  of  great  benefit  to  him,  as  it  gave  him  ex 
perience  and  brought  him  into  closer  contact  with 
the  men  around  him.  He  first  came  to  know  Sam 
Bowles  through  the  Quarterly,  the  magazine  being 
printed  in  Bowies'  office.  Among  the  constant 
contributors  during  Garfield's  connection  with  it 
as  editor,  we  notice  Professor  Chadbourne,  Horace 
E.  Scudder,  G.  B.  Manly,  S.  G.  W.  Benjamin,  J. 
Gilfillan,  W.  R.  Dimmock,  John  Savery  and  W.  S. 
B.  Hopkins,  some  of  whom  survive  to-day  to  a 
more  distinguished  fame  than  the  pages  of  the 
College  Quarterly. 

His  second  winter  vacation  was  passed  at  Pres- 
tenkill,  New  York,  a  country  neighborhood,  about 
six  miles  from  Troy,  where  one  of  the  Disciple 
preachers  from  Ohio,  named  Streeter,  was  occu 
pied  in  preaching.  Garfield  organized  a  writing 
school,  to  keep  himself  busy,  and  occasionally 
preached  in  his  friend's  church.  During  a  visit  to 
Troy  he  became  acquainted  with  the  teachers  and 
directors  of  the  public  schools  of  that  city,  and  was 
one  day  surprised  by  the  offer  of  a  position  in 
them,  at  a  salary  far  beyond  his  expectations  of 
what  he  could  earn  on  his  return  to  Ohio  after  his 
graduation.  The  proposition  was  debated  gravely. 
If  he  accepted,  he  could  pay  his  debts,  marry  the 
girl  to  whom  he  was  engaged,  and  live  a  life  of 


86 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CARF.FK  OF 


comparative  comfort  in  an  Eastern  city.  But  he 
could  not  finish  his  college  course,  and  he  would 
have  to  sever  the  ties  with  friends  in  Ohio  and 
with  the  struggling  school  at  Hiram,  to  which  he 
was  deeply  attached.  He  settled  the  question  in 
a  conversation.  Walking  on  a  hill,  called  Mount 
Olympus,  with  the  gentleman  who  had  made  the 
proposition,  Garfield  said  to  him: 

"  You  are  not  Satan,  and  I  am  not  Jesus,  but  we  are  upon 
the  mountain,  and  you  have  tempted  me  powerfully.  I  think 
I  must  say,  get  thee  behind  me.  I  am  poor,  and  the  salary 
would  soon  pay  my  debts  and  place  me  in  a  position  of  inde 
pendence  ;  but  there  are  two  objections.  I  could  not  accom 
plish  my  resolution  to  complete  a  college  course,  and  should 
be  crippled  intellectually  for  life.  Then  my  roots  are  all 
fixed  in  Ohio,  where  people  know  me  and  I  know  them,  and 
this  transplanting  might  not  succeed  as  well  in  the  long  run 
as  to  go  back  home  and  work  for  smaller  pay." 

Study  at  Williams  was  easy  for  Garfield.  He 
had  been  used  to  much  harder  work  at  Hiram, 
where  he  had  crowded  a  six  years'  course  into 
three,  and  taught  at  the  same  time.  Now  he  had 
the  stimulus  of  a  large  class,  an  advantage  he  had 
never  enjoyed  before.  His  lessons  were  always 
perfectly  learned.  Professor  Chadbourne  says  he 
was  "the  boy  who  never  flunked/'  and  he  found  a 
good  deal  of  time  for  courses  of  reading  that  in 
volved  as  much  brainwork  as  the  college  text 
books.  He  graduated  August,  1856,  with  a  class 
honor  established  by  President  Hopkins  and 


JAMES  A.  GARF1ELD.  o- 

highly  esteemed  in  the  college — that  of  Meta 
physics — reading  an  essay  on  "The  Seen  and  the 
Unseen."  It  is  singular  how  at  different  times  in 
the  course  of  his  education  he  was  thought  to  have 
a  special  aptitude  for  some  single  line  of  intellec 
tual  work,  and  how  at  a  later  period,  his  talents 
seemed  to  lay  just  as  strongly  in  some  other  line. 
At  one  time  it  was  mathematics,  at  another  the 
classics,  at  another  rhetoric,  and  finally  he  excelled 
in  metaphysics.  The  truth  was  that  he  had  a  re 
markably  vigorous  and  well-rounded  brain,  capa 
ble  of  doing  effective  work  in  any  direction  his 
will  mfght  dictate.  The  class  of  1856  contained 
among  its  forty-two  members  a  number  of  men 
who  have  since  won  distinction.  Three  became 
general  officers  in  the  volunteer  army  during  the 
rebellion — Garfield,  Daviess  and  Thompson.  Two, 
Bolter  and  Shattuck,  were  captains,  and  were 
killed  in  battle ;  Eldridge,  who  now  lives  in  Chi 
cago,  was  a  colonel ;  so  was  Ferris  Jacobs,  of 
Delhi,  N.  Y. ;  Rockwell  is  a  quartermaster  in  the 
regular  army ;  Gilfillan  is  Treasurer  of  the  United 
States.  Hill  was  Assistant  Attorney-General  and 
is  now  a  lawyer  in  Boston.  Knox  is  a  leading 
lawyer  in  New  York.  Newcombe  is  a  professor 
in  the  New  York  University,  of  New  York. 

During  his  last  term  at  Williams  he  made  his 
first  political  speech,  an  address  before  a  meeting 
gathered  in  one  of  the  class-rooms  to  support  the 
nomination  of  John  C.  Fremont.  Although  he 


88 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


had  passed  his  majority  nearly  four  years  before 
he  had  never  voted.     The  old  parties  did  not  in 
terest  him  ;  he  believed  them  both  corrupted  witl 
the  sin  of  slavery;  but  when  a  new  party  arose  t( 
combat  the  designs  of  the  slave  power  it  enlistee 
his  earnest  sympathies.     His  mind  was  free  frorr 
all  bias  concerning  the  parties  and  statesmen  ol 
the  past,  and  could  equally  admire  Clay  or  Jack 
son,  Webster  or  Benton. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

A  COLLEGE  PRESIDENT. 

JAMES  A.  GARFIELD  left  the  venerable  dome 
of  Williams  decorated  with  her  high  towers 
and  went  straight  back  to  his  Ohio  home,  to 
take  a  higher  step  in  his  hard  won  career.  He 
entered  Hiram  College  in  the  fall  of  1856  as  a 
teacher  of  ancient  languages  and  literature.  The 
next  year,  at  the  age  of  twenty-six,  he  was  made 
president  of  the  institution.  This  office  he  held 
until  he  went  into  the  army  in  1861.  Hoping  that 
he  might  return — unwilling  to  part  even  with  his 
name — the  board  kept  him  nominally  at  the  head 
two  years  longer.  Then  he  fell  out  of  the  cata 
logue,  to  re-appear  as  a  trustee  and  as  advisory 
principal  and  lecturer  in  1864  and  1865.  Then 
his  name  finally  disappears  from  the  faculty  page 
of  the  catalogue.  His  last  service  as  an  instructor 
was  an  admirable  series  often  lectures  on  "Social 
Science,"  given  in  the  spring  of  1871. 

Hiram,  when  he  returned  to  it,  had  not  much 
improved  since  two  years  before.  It  was  a  lone 
some  country  village,  three  miles  from  a  railroad, 
built  upon  a  high  hill,  overlooking  twenty  miles  of 
cheese-making  country  to  the  southward.  It  con 
tained  fifty  or  sixty  houses  clustered  around  the 


QO  I'U'K  AXD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

green,  in  the  centre  of  which  stood  the  homel) 
red-brick  college  structure.  Plain  living  and  high 
thinking  was  the  order  of  things  in  those  days, 
The  teachers  were  poor,  the  pupils  were  poor, 
and  the  institution  was  poor,  but  there  was  a 
great  deal  of  hard,  faithful  study  done,  and  many 
courageous  plans  formed. 

The  young  president  was  ambitious  for  the  suc 
cess  of  the  institution  under  his  charge.  There 
probably  never  was  a  younger  college  president, 
but  he  carried  his  new  position  remarkably  well, 
and  brought  to  it  energy,  vigor  and  good  sense, 
which  are  the  mainsprings  of  his  character.  Under 
his  supervision,  the  attendance  on  the  school  at 
Hiram  soon  doubled,  and  he  raised  its  standard  of 
scholarship,  strengthened  its  faculty,  and  inspired 
everybody  connected  with  it  with  something  of  his 
own  zeal  and  enthusiasm.  At  that  time  the  lead 
ing  Hiram  men  were  called  Philomatheans,  from 
the  society  to  which  they  belonged.  Henry  James, 
an  old  Philomathean,  mentioning  recently  the 
master-spirits  of  that  time,  thus  referred  to  the 
president: 

' 'Then  began  to  grow  up  in  me  an  admiration  and  love  for 
Garfield  that  has  never  abated,  and  the  like  of  which  I  have 
never  known.  A  bow  of  recognition,  or  a  single  word  from 
him,  was  to  me  an  inspiration." 

The  young  president  taught,  lectured  and 
preached,  and  all  the  time  studied  as  diligently 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

Jo 

as  any  acolyte  in  the  temple  of  knowledge.  His 
scholars  all  regarded  him  with  respect,  admi 
ration  and  affection.  His  greatness  as  a  teacher 
and  administrator  did  not  lie  so  much  in  his  tech 
nical  scholarship,  his  drillmaster  teaching,  or  his 
schoolmaster  discipline.  His  power  was  in  ener 
gizing  young  men  and  women.  He  stimulated 
thought,  aroused  courage,  stiffened  the  moral 
fibre,  poured  in  inspiration,  widened  the  field  of 
mental  vision,  and  created  noble  ideal  of  life  and 
character.  He  was  more  than  a  teacher  and  ad 
ministrator  ;  the  student  found  him  a  helper  and 
friend. 

A  notable  instance  of  this  is  on  record.  The 
present  president  of  Hiram  College,  Professor'  B, 
A.  Hinsdale,  was  greatly  troubled,  during  the  win 
ter  of  i856-'57,  in  his  mind,  concerning  the  ques 
tions  of  life.  He  wrote  to  Garfield  for  relief. 
Garfield's  reply  was  as  follows : 

"  HIRAM,  January  i5th,  1857. 

"  MY  DEAR  "Bko.  BURKE  : — I  was  made  very  glad  a  few  days 
since  by  the  receipt  of  your  letter.  It  was  a  very  acceptable 
New  Year's  present,  and  I  take  great  pleasure  in  responding. 
You  have  given  a  vivid  picture  of  a  community  in  which  in 
telligence  and  morality  have  been  neglected — and  I  am  glad 
you  are  disseminating  the  light.  Certainly,  men  must  have 
some  knowledge  in  order  to  do  right.  God  first  said,  '  Let 
there  be  light.*  Afterward  He  said,  '  It  is  very  good.'  I  am 
glad  to  hear  of  your  success  in  teaching,  but  I  approach  with 
much  more  interest  the  consideration  of  the  question  you 
have  proposed.  Brother  mine,  it  is  not  a  question  to  be  dis- 
6 


94 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


cussed  in  the  spirit  of  debate,  but  to  be  thought  over  and 
prayed  over  as  a  question  '  out  of  which  are  the  issues  of  life.' 
You  will  agree  with  me  that  every  one  must  decide  and  direct 
his  own  course  in  life,  and  the  only  service  friends  can  afford 
is  to  give  us  the  data  from  which  we  must  draw  our  own  con 
clusion  and  decide  oupcourse.  Allow  me,  then,  to  sit  beside 
you  and  look  over  the  field  of  life  and  see  what  are  its  aspects. 
I  am  not  one  of  those  who  advise  every  one  to  undertake  the 
work  of  a  liberal  education ;  indeed,  I  believe  that  in  two- 
thirds  of  the  cases,  such  advice  would  be  unwise.  The  great 
body  of  the  people  will  be,  and  ought  to  be,  intelligent  farmers 
and  mechanics,  and  in  many  respects  these  pass  the  most  in 
dependent  and  happy  lives.  But  God  has  endowed  some  of 
His  children  with  desires  and  capabilities  for  a  more  extended 
field  of  labor  and  influence,  and  so  every  life  should  be  shaped 
according  to  'what  the  man  hath.'  Now,  in  reference  to 
yourself.  I  know  you  have  capabilities  for  occupying  posi 
tions  of  high  and  important  trust  in  the  scenes  of  active  life; 
and  I  am  sure  you  will  not  call  it  flattery  in  me,  nor  egotism 
in  yourself,  to  say  so.  Tell  me,  Burke,  do  you  not  feel  a 
spirit  stirring  within  you  that  longs  to  know,  to  do  and  to  dare 
to  hold  converse  with  the  great  world  of  thought,  and  hold 
before  you  some  high  and  noble  object  to  which  the  vigor  of 
your  mind  and  the  strength  of  your  arm  may  be  given?  Do 
you  not  have  longings  like  these,  which  you  breathe  to  no 
one,  and  which  you  feel  must  be  heeded,  or  you  will  pass 
through  life  unsatisfied  and  regretful?  I  am  sure  you  have 
them,  and  they  will  forever  cling  round  your  heart  till  you 
obey  their  mandate.  They  are  the  voice  of  that  nature  which 
God  has  given  you,  and  which,  when  obeyed,  will  bless  you 
and  your  fellow-men.  Now,  all  this  might  be  true,  and  yet  it 
might  be  your  duty  not  to  follow  that  course.  If  your  duty 
to  your  father  or  your  mother  demands  that  you  take  another, 
I  shall  rejoice  to  see  you  taking  that  other  course.  The  path 
of  duty  is  where  we  all  ought  to  walk,  be  that  where  it  may. 
But  I  sincerely  hope  you  will  not,  without  an  earnest  struggle, 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


95 


give  up  a  course  of  liberal  study.  Suppose  you  could  not  be 
gin  your  study  again  till  after  your  majority?  It  will  not  be 
too  late  then,  but  you  will  gain  in  many  respects ;  you  will 
have  more  maturity  of  mind  to  appreciate  whatever  you  may 
study.  You  may  say  you  will  be  too  old  to  begin  the  course, 
but  how  could  you  spend  the  earlier  days  of  life?  We  should 
not  measure  life  by  the  days  and  moments  that  we  pass  on 
earth. 

" '  The  life  is  measured  by  the  soul's  advance ; 

The  enlargement  of  its  powers ;  the  expanded  field 

Wherein  it  ranges,  till  it  burns  and  glows 

With  heavenly  joy,  with  high  and  heavenly  hope.'  . 

"  It  need  be  no  discouragement  that  you  are  obliged  to  hew 
your  own  way,  and  pay  your  own  charges.  You  can  go  to 
school  two  terms  every  year,  and  pay  your  own  way.  I  know 
this,  for  I  did  so,  when  teachers'  wages  were  much  lower  than 
they  are  now.  It  is  a  great  truth,  that  '  where  there  is  a  will 
there  is  a  way.'  It  may  be  that  by  and  by  your  father  could 
assist  you.  It  may  be  that  even  now  he  could  let  you  com 
mence  on  your  resources,  so  that  you  could  begin  immedi 
ately.  Of  this  you  know,  and  I  do  not.  I  need  not  tell  you 
how  glad  I  should  be  to  assist  you  in  your  work ;  but  if  you 
cannot  come  to  Hiram  while  I  am  here,  I  shall  still  hope  to 
hear  that  you  are  determined  to  go  on  as  soon  as  the  time  will 
permit.  Will  you  not  write  me  your  thoughts  on  this  whole 
subject,  and  tell  me  your  prospects  ?  We  are  having  a  very 
good  time  in  the  school  this  winter.  Give  my  love  to  Polden 
and  Louise,  and  believe  me  always  your  friend  and  brother, 

"J.  A.  GARFIELD. 

"P.  S. — Miss  Booth  and  Mr.  Rhodes  send  their  love  to 
you.  Henry  James  was  here  and  made  me  a  good  visit  a  few 
days  ago.  He  is  doing  well.  He  and  I  have  talked  of  going 
to  see  you  this  winter.  I  fear  we  cannot  do  it.  How  far  is  it 
from  here  ?  Burke,  was  it  prophetic  that  my  last  word  to  you 
ended  on  the  picture  of  the  Capitol  of  Congress  ? 

"J.  A.  G." 


96 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


The  significance  of  the  last  sentence  is  seen 
when  it  is  understood  that  it  was  written  on  a 
sheet  of  Congress  note  paper,  and  the  last  words 
came  across  the  little  picture  of  the  capitol  which 
adorns  its  upper  left-hand  corner. 

A  pleasant  picture  of  his  methods  and  manners 
is  drawn  for  us  from  another  source — the  recol 
lections  of  an  old  pupil,  the  Rev.  J.  F.  Darsie. 
He  pictures  Garfield  graphically : 

"I  attended  school  at  the  Western  Reserve  Eclectic  Insti 
tute  when  Garfield  was  principal,  and  I  recall  vividly  his 
method  of  teaching.  He  took  very  kindly  to  me,  and  assisted 
me  in  various  ways,  because  I  was  poor  and  was  janitor  of  the 
buildings,  and  swept  them  out  in  the  morning  and  built  the 
fires — as  he  had  done  only  six  years  before,  when  he  was  a 
pupil  at  the  same  school.  He  was  full  of  animal  spirits,  and 
he  used  to  run  out  on  the  green  almost  every  day  and  play 
cricket  with  us.  He  was  a  tall,  strong  man,  but  dreadfully 
awkward.  Every  now  and  then  he  would  get  a  hit  on  the 
nose,  and  he  muffed  his  ball  and  lost  his  hat  as  a  regular 
thing.  He  was  left-handed,  too,  and  that  made  him  seem  all 
the  more  clumsier.  But  he  was  most  powerful  and  very  quick, 
and  it  was  easy  for  us  to  understand  how  it  was  that  he  had 
acquired  the  reputation  of  whipping  all  the  other  mule-drivers 
on  the  canal,  and  of  making  himself  the  hero  of  that  thorough 
fare  when  he  followed  its  tow-path  ten  years  earlier. 

"  No  matter  how  old  the  pupils  were  Garfield  always  called 
us  by  our  first  names,  and  kept  himself  on  the  most  familiar 
terms  with  all.  He  played  with  us  freely,  scuffled  with  us 
sometimes,  walked  with  us  in  walking  to  and  fro,  and  we 
treated  him  out  of  the  class-room  just  about  as  we  did  one 
another.  Yet  he  was  a  most  strict  disciplinarian,  and  enforced 
the  rules  like  a  martinet.  He  combined  an  affectionate  and 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  c  » 

confiding  manner  with  respect  for  order  in  a  most  successful 
manner.  If  he  wanted  to  speak  to  a  pupil,  either  for  reproof 
or  approbation,  he  would  generally  manage  to  get  one  arm 
around  him  and  draw  him  close  up  to  him.  He  had  a  pecu 
liar  way  of  shaking  hands,  too,  giving  a  twist  to  your  arm  and 
drawing  you  right  up  to  him.  This  sympathetic  manner  has 
helped  him  to  advancement.  When  I  was  janitor,  he  used 
sometimes  to  stop  me  and  ask  my  opinion  about  this  and  that, 
as  if  seriously  advising  with  me.  I  can  see  now  that  my 
opinion  could  not  have  been  of  any  value,  and  that  he  proba 
bly  asked  me  partly  to  increase  my  self-respect,  and  partly  to 
show  me  that  he  felt  an  interest  in  me.  I  certainly  was  his 
friend  all  the  firmer  for  it. 

"  I  remember  once  asking  him  what  was  the  best  way  to 
pursue  a  certain  study,  and  he  said :  '  Use  several  text-books. 
Get  the  views  of  different  authors  as  you  advance.  In  that 
way  you  can  plow  a  broader  furrow.  I  always  study  in  that 
way.'  He  tried  hard  to  teach  us  to  observe  carefully  and  ac 
curately.  He  broke  out  one  day  in  the  midst  of  a  lesson  with 
'  Henry,  how  many  posts  are  there  under  the  building  down 
stairs?'  Henry  expressed  his  opinion,  and  the  question  went 
around  the  class,  hardly  one  getting  it  right.  Then  it  was : 
'How  many  boot-scrapers  are  there  at  the  door?'  'How 
many  windows  in  the  building  ?'  '  How  many  trees  in  the 
field  ?'  '  What  were  the  colors  of  different  rooms,  and  the 
peculiarities  of  any  familiar  objects?'  He  was  the  keenest 
observer  I  ever  saw.  I  think  he  noticed  and  numbered  every 
button  on  our  coats. 

"  Mr.  Garfield  was  very  fond  of  lecturing  to  the  school, 
He  spoke  two  or  three  times  a  week,  on  all  manner  of  topics, 
generally  scientific,  though  sometimes  literary  or  historical. 
He  spoke  with  great  freedom,  never  writing  out  what  he  had 
to  say,  and  I  now  think  that  his  lectures  were  a  rapid  compi 
lation  of  his  current  reading,  and  that  he  threw  it  into  this 
form  partly  for  the  purpose  of  impressing  it  on  his  own  mind. 
His  facility  of  speech  was  learned  when  he  was  a  pupil  there 


9$  7.//VT  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

The  societies  had  a  rule  that  every  student  should  take  his 
stand  on  the  platform  and  speak  for  five  minutes,  on  any  topic 
suggested  at  the  moment  by  the  audience.  It  was  a  very 
trying  ordeal.  Garfield  broke  down  badly  the  two  first  times 
he  tried  to  speak,  but  persisted,  and  was  at  last,  when  he  went 
to  Williams,  one  of  the  best  of  the  five-minute  speakers. 
When  he  returned  as  principal  his  readiness  was  striking  and 
remarkable. ' ' 

As  president  of  an  institute,  it  was  natural  that 
Garfield  should  appear  on  the  platform  on  every 
public  occasion.  The  Church  of  the  Disciples,  as 
"before  stated,  like  the  Society  of  Friends,  is  accus 
tomed  to  accord  large  privileges  of  speaking  to 
its  laity;  and  so  it  came  to  be  expected  that  Presi 
dent  Garfield  should  address  his  pupils  on  Sun 
days — briefly  even  when  ministers  of  the  Gospel 
were  to  preach — more  at  length  when  no  one 
else  was  present  to  conduct  the  services.  The 
remarks  of  the  young  president  were  always 
forcible,  generally  eloquent,  and  the  community 
presently  began  to  regard  him  as  its  foremost 
public  speaker,  to  be  put  forward  on  every  occa 
sion,  to  be  heard  with  attention  on  every  subject. 
His  pupils  also  helped  to  swell  his  reputation  and 
the  admiration  for  his  talents. 

His  larcre  brain  was  stored  with  information  al- 

o 

ways  at  his  command;  he  was  fluent  without  being 
verbose ;  and  he  had  in  an  unusual  degree  the 
happy  quality  of  clearness.  This,  added  to  his 
commanding  appearance  and  effective  delivery, 
made  him  sought  for  on  all  public  occasions.  His 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  gg 

sincerity,  his  unblemished  character,  and  his  elo 
quence  were  well  known,  not  only  all  about  the 
region  where  he  lived,  but  throughout  the 
State,  and  the  fact  that  Mr.  Garfield  was  to 
appear  in  the  pulpit  anywhere  always  drew  a 
great  crowd. 

He  remained,  as  we  have  said,  at  Hiram,  until 
the  war  called  him  away,  and  steadily  refused  all 
efforts  made  to  induce  him  to  desert  the  institu 
tion  for  whose  welfare  he  had  done  so  much.  In 
March,  1861,  he  was  offered  the  place  of  vice- 
principal  of  the  Cleveland  Institute,  at  a  salary  of 
fifteen  hundred  dollars  a  year.  To  the  offer  he  re 
turned  this  reply: 

"I  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  kind  offer,  but 
you  would  not  want  to  employ  me  for  a  short  time,  and  I  feel 
it  my  duty  to  say  that  some  of  my  friends  have  got  the  insane 
notion  in  their  heads  that  I  ought  to  go  to  Congress.  I  know 
I  ain't  fit  for  the  position,  and  I  have  fought  against  it  all  I 
cofcld.  I  know  nothing  about  political  wire-pulling,  and  I  have 
told  my  friends  plainly  that  I  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
that  kind  of  business,  but  I  am  sure  that  I  can  be  nominated 
and  elected  without  my  resorting  to  any  unlawful  means,  and 
I  have  lately  given  authority  to  allow  my  name  to  be  used.  I 
don't  know  that  anything  will  come  of  it;  if  there  does  not, 
I  will  gladly  accept  your  offer." 

During  his  term  as  president  at  Hiram,  he  had 
continued  the  study  of  law,  begun  some  time  be 
fore,  and  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  of  Cuyahoga 
County,  in  1860.  He  also  paid  some  attention  to 
Masonry,  into  which  order  he  was  initiated.  He 


100 


/.//•'/•:  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


has  not  been,  however,  a  very  active  member, 
though  he  has  taken  a  number  of  degrees.  When 
he  was  in  the  army  so  many  of  his  regiment  were 
Masons  that  they  organized  a  lodge,  which  he 
joined  to  please  them.  He  is  a  charter  member 
of  Pentalpha  Lodge,  No.  23,  and  a  member  of 
Columbia  Chapter,  No.  i ;  Columbia  Command- 
ery,  No.  2,  and  Mithras  Lodge  of  Perfection,  A. 
and  A.  Rite,  all  of  Washington. 

With  this  last  mention,  President  Garfield  drops 
from  the  record  of  educational  history  in  this 
country,  to  take  his  place  in  the  procession  of 
figures  that  stand  silhouetted  against  our  national 

o  o 

horizon,  as  men  who  made  and  saved  our  country. 
The  mature  teacher  was  transformed  into  the 
youthful  statesman.  But  before  we  turn  the  page 
to  follow  him  upon  the  stormy  sea  of  politics,  we 
must  relate  aji  incident  of  his  life  that  has  proved 
to  have  been  the  happiest  red-letter  of  his  ex 
istence. 

In  his  earlier  days,  when  a  pupil,  he  met,  as  re 
lated,  a  sweet-faced  girl  named  Lucretia  Rudolph. 
She  was  the  daughter  of  a  Maryland  farmer, 
Zebulon  Rudolph,  from  the  banks  of  the  Shenan- 
doah.  The  uncle  of  this  man  served  with  dis 
tinguished  bravery  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution, 
and  after  sheathing  his  sword  here,  he  went  to 
France  to  draw  it  in  the  service  of  the  great  Na 
poleon,  and  he  rose  to  be,  so  says  a  cherished 
tradition  in  the  Rudolph  family,  that  brilliant  sol- 


JAMES  A.  GAR  HELD:  IOI 

dier,  Michel,  Duke  of  Elchingen,  Marshal  Ney. 
Zebulon  Rudolph's  wife  was  from  an  old  Connec 
ticut  family,  and  was  Arabella  Mason,  of  Hartford, 
Vermont.  This  was  Lucretia  Rudolph's  parent 


age. 


When  Garfield  first  met  her  as  a  fellow-student 
at  Hiram,  she  was  a  refined,  intelligent,  affection 
ate  girl,  who  shared  his  thirst  for  knowledge  and 
his  ambition  for  culture,  and  had,  at  the  same 
time,  the  domestic  tastes  and  talents  which  fitted 
her  equally  to  preside  over  the  home  of  the 
poor  college  professor  and  that  of  the  famous 
statesman.  A  Hiram  poet,  celebrating  the  La 
dies'  Literary  Society  of  the  college  in  verse,  so 
sung: 

"  Again  a  Mary  ?     Nay,  Lucretia, 
The  noble,  classic  name 
That  well  befits  our  fair  ladie, 
Our  sweet  and  gentle  dame, 
With  heart  as  leal  and  loving 
As  e'er  was  sung  in  lays 
Of  high-born  Roman  matron, 
In  old,  heroic  days  ; 
Worthy  her  lord  illustrious,  whom 
Honor  and  fame  attend ; 
Worthy  her  soldier's  name  to  wear, 
Worthy  the  civic  wreath  to  share 
That  binds  her  Viking's  tawny  hair; 
Right  proud  are  we  the  world  should  know 
As  hers,  him  we  long  ago 
Found  truest  helper,  friend." 

When  Garfield  went  to  Williams,  Miss  Rudolph 
started  for  Cleveland  to  teach  in  the  public  schools 
and  to  patiently  wait  the  realization  of  their  hopes, 


IO2  i-WE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

which  was  agreed  to  be  as  soon  as  he  should 
graduate  and  become  established  in  life.  This  he 
considered  accomplished  when  he  succeeded  to 
the  head  of  the  Hiram  Institute,  and  accordingly, 
in  1 858,  they  were  married.  A  neat  little  cottage 
was  bought,  fronting  the  college  campus,  and  the 
wedded  life  begun,  poor  in  worldly  goods,  but 
wealthy  in  the  affection  of  brave  hearts.  The 
match  was  a  love-match  and  has  turned  out  very 
happily.  The  general  attributes  much  of  his 
success  in  life  to  his  wise  selection.  Hi«  wife 
has  grown  with  his  growth,  and  has  been,  during 
all  his  career,  the  appreciative  companion  of  his 
studies,  the  loving  mother  of  his  children,  the 
graceful,  hospitable  hostess  of  his  friends  and 
guests,  and  the  wise  and  faithful  helpmeet  in 
the  trials,  vicissitudes  and  successes  of  his  busy 
life. 

Both  she  and  the  general  keep  up  their  classical 
studies  yet,  and  derive  great  satisfaction  from 
doing  so.  It  is  said  that,  when  a  girl  at  Hiram^ 
she  used  to  remark  that  her  Latin  and  her  Greek 
would  be  of  no  use  to  her  in  after  life.  Two  or 
three  years  ago,  having  grown  a  little  "rusty"  on 
the  dead  languages,  she  expressed  a  wish  that  she 
had  not  forgotten  her  Latin,  as  she  would  like  to 
take  the  boys.  One  day,  the  general  gave  her  a 
Caesar,  and  told  her  he  would  hear  her  recite  a 
page  of  it  that  night.  She  had  not  looked  at  the 
great  commentaries  for  years,  but  when  night 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  Jo^ 

\J 

came  she  recited  the  page  very  fairly,  and  from 
that  time  on,  for  two  years,  she  took  the  two  older 
boys  and  carried  them  through  their  Latin,  and  , 
the  little  children  have  never  been  to  school,  but 
have  been  taught  at  home  by  their  accomplished 
mother,  a  wiser,  better  way. 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  BIRTH   OF   A   POLITICAL  CAREER. 

"P  to  1856,  General  Garfield  had  taken  no 
particular  interest  in  public  affairs.  He 
^•^  had  been  occupied  with  other  matters. 
But  now  that  his  general  education  was  finished, 
and  he  was  ready  to  devote  himself  to  the  work  of 
the  world,  his  political  pulses  began  to  stir.  A 
year  or  two  before  the  Republican  party  had 
sprung  up  as  an  immediate  consequent  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  legislation.  Its  original  mission 
has  been  thus  stated  by  its  present  standard- 
bearer  : 

"  Long  familiarity  with  traffic  in  the  bodies  and  souls  of 
men  had  paralyzed  the  consciences  of  a  majority  of  our 
people.  The  baleful  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty  had  shaken 
and  weakened  the  noblest  and  most  beneficent  powers  of  the 
National  Government ;  and  the  grasping  power  of  slavery  was 
seizing  the  virgin  territories  of  the  West,  and  dragging  them 
into  the  den  of  external  bondage.  At  that  crisis  the  Repub 
lican  party  was  born.  It  drew  its  first  inspiration  from  that 
fire  of  liberty  which  God  has  lighted  in  every  human  heart, 
and  which  all  the  powers  of  ignorance  and  tyranny  can 
never  wholly  extinguish." 

In  the  campaign  of  1857  and  1858,  he  took  the 
stump  and  became  quite  well-known  as  a  vigor 
ous,  logical  stump  orator.  And  it  is  extremely 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


105 


probable  that  he,  during  the  excitement  of  the 
campaign,  felt  the  promptings  of  a  political  ambi 
tion  that  he  did  not  even  acknowledge  to  himself. 
It  was  natural  then,  thinking  that  a  few  weeks  at 
Columbus  would  not  interfere  with  his  duties  at 
Hiram,  that  he  should  accept  the  nomination  to 
the  Ohio  Senate  from  the  counties  of  Portage  and 
Summit,  when  it  was  tendered  him  in  1859;  and 
equally  natural  that  he  should  be  thought  of  by 
the  strong  anti-slavery  voters  of  those  counties. 
His  speeches,  during  his  first  campaign,  were 
warm,  fresh  and  impassioned,  and  added  not  a 
little  to  his  already  growing  popularity.  He  was 
elected  by  a  very  handsome  majority. 

Senator  Garfield  ant  once  took  high  rank  in  the 
Legislature  as  a  man  well  informed  on  the  sub 
jects  of  legislation,  and  effective  and  powerful  in 
debate.  He  seemed  always  prepared  to  speak ; 
he  always  spoke  fluently  and  to  the  point ;  and  his 
genial,  warm-hearted  nature  served  to  increase 
the  kindness  with  which  both  political  friends  and 
opponents  regarded  him.  Three  Western  Re 
serve  senators  formed  the  Radical  triumvirate  in 
that  able  and  patriotic  Legislature,  which  was  to 
place  Ohio  in  line  for  the  war.  One  was  a  highly- 
rated  professor  of  Oberlin  College ;  another,  a 
lawyer  already  noted  for  force  and  learning,  the 
son-in-law  of  the  president  of  Oberlin ;  the  third 
was  our  village  carpenter  and  village  teacher  from 
Hiram.  He  was  the  youngest  of  the  three,  but 


IO6  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

he  speedily  became  the  first.  The  trials  of  the 
next  six  years  were  to  confirm  the  verdict  of  the 
little  group  about  the  State  capital  that  soon 
placed  Garfield  before  both  Cox  and  Monroe. 
The  college  professor  was  abundantly  sat  sfied 
with  the  success  in  life  which  made  him  a  consul 
at  a  South  American  port.  The  adroit,  polished, 
able  lawyer  became  a  painstaking  general,  who, 
perhaps,  oftener  deserved  success  than  won  it,  and 
who  at  last,  profiting  by  the  gratitude  of  the  people 
to  their  soldiers,  rose  to  be  Governor  of  the  State, 
but  there  (for  the  time,  at  least),  ended.  The  vil 
lage  carpenter  started  lower  in  the  race  of  the 
war,  and  rose  higher,  became  one  of  the  leaders 
in  our  national  councils,  and  confessedly  one  of 
the  ablest  among  the  younger  of  our  statesmen. 

During  the  session  of  1 860-61,  he  was  charac 
teristically  active  and  vigorous  in  aiding  to  pre 
pare  the  State  to  stand  by  the  General  Govern 
ment,  in  opposition  to  the  rising  storm  of  rebellion; 
a  storm  that  he  met  bravely,  as  we  shall  see  later. 
In  committee  work,  we  find  from  his  pen  an  able 
report  in  favor  of  a  State  Geological  Survey;  an 
other  from  a  select  committee  in  favor  of  author 
izing  active  measures  to  protect  and  instruct  neg 
lected,  destitute  and  pauper  children.  Further, 
the  now  famous  report  to  punish  treason,  in  wrhich 
he  urged  that  it  was  "  high  time  for  Ohio  to  enact  a 
law  to  meet  treachery  when  it  shall  take  the  form 
of  an  overt  act ;  to  provide  that,  when  her  soldiers 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


107 


go  forth  to  maintain  the  Union,  there  shall  be  no 
treacherous  fire  in  the  rear." 

Something  about  the  man  as  he  then  was  is 
written  us  by  Mr.  W.  D.  Howells,  editor  of  the 
Atlantic  Monthly,  who  was  legislative  correspon 
dent  and  news  editor  of  the  Ohio  State  Journal 
during  the  years  Garfield  was  in  the  Ohio  Senate : 

"One  winter  there  was  an  exchange  of  visits  between  the 
Tennessee  Legislature  and  ours  to  promote  a  sentiment  of 
good-feeling.  Garfield  was  prominently  in  the  affair,  and  ex 
tremely  popular  with  the  Tennesseeans,  on  account  of  the 
manly  and  self-respectful  good  feeling  with  which  he,  a 
Western  Reserve  anti-slavery  man,  not  then  on  the  common 
ground  of  their  Americanism  and  devotion  to  the  Union.  I 
think  he  was  more  acceptable  to  them  than  any  other  Ohioan, 
though  there  was  no  question  about  his  political  opinions. 
He  had  then,  as  now,  that  simple,  affectionate  way,  which 
charms  people. 

"  I  knew  him,  then,  for  his  literary  taste,  and  I  particularly 
remember  his  passion  for  Tennyson's  poetry.  I  had  printed 
my  first  poems  in  the  Atlantic,  and  it  was,  no  doubt,  his  con 
fidence  in  my  literary  sympathy  which  brought  him  one  morn 
ing  to  the  Journal  office,  with  his  Tennyson,  to  read  me  some 
passages  that  had  especially  moved  him  in  'The  Poet.'  The 
rich  fullness  of  his  voice,  and  his  fine,  self-forgetfulness,  as  he 
read — impressive  enough  to  a  boy  of  twenty,  who  had  looked 
up  to  him  as  a  law-giver." 

This  literary  reminiscences  calls  forth  another 
from  a  correspondent  who  knew  the  young  sena 
tor  at^the  time.  Remarking  on  Garfield's  love  of 
Pascal,  he  says : 

"One  of  the  passages  from  Pascal,  which  the  general  is 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


most  fond  of  quoting  is  where  that  great  philosopher  said  that 
the  true  way  to  study  history  is  to  treat  the  whole  human  race 
as  one  colossal,  immortal  man,  forever  living,  always  learning  ; 
who  sometimes  stumbles  and  falls,  but  who  in  the  long  run 
always  advances  in  intelligence  and  civilization.  I  well  re 
member  the  general's  quoting  this.  'Do  you  know,'  he 
said,  'that  thought  of  Pascal's  is  one  of  remarkable  beauty 
and  value?  I  have  often  dwelt  over  it,  and  carried  it 
much  further  than  it  is  developed  by  the  philosopher. 
The  people  of  a  Republic  like  ours  are  peculiarly  like  a 
single  great  individual  man,  full  of  passions  —  prejudices 
often  —  but  with  a  great  heart,  despising  anything  like  show  or 
pretense,  and  always  striving  forward  in  a  general  right  direc 
tion.  The  popular  verdict,  expressed  as  the  voice  of  this 
giant  man,  is  sometimes  wrong  for  the  nonce,  but  in  the  course 
of  time  it  assumes  the  right  tendency  again.  This  individual 
pays  but  little  attention  to  infinite  things,  unless  there  is 
something  very  peculiar  about  them.  He  casts  his  ox-like  eye, 
in  a  sort  of  slow  and  easy  way,  along  the  horizon,  and  ascer 
tains  about  where  a  great  many  men  are.  If  any  of  these  men 
who  appear  before  his  general  vision  make  any  special  effort 
to  attract  his  attention,  he  probably  smiles  a  sort  of  contempt- 
ous  smile,  and  passes  on.  Men  often  attempt  to  attract  his 
attention  —  some  one  way,  and  others  another.  If  the  old  fel 
low  once  fastens  his  eyes  on  a  man  or  woman  from  some 
legitimate  act  or  course  of  action  of  his  or  hers,  that  person 
has  that  thing  happen  to  him  known  as  fame.  If  the  old  fel 
low's  eye  is  caused  to  rest  on  a  person  from  some  outlandish 
caper  performed  on  purpose  to  catch  his  eye,  that  man  is  only 
notorious.  The  way  to  make  the  old  giant  take  special  no 
tice  of  a  man  of  worth  is  not  to  pay  much  attention  to  him, 
but  keep  on  one's  course,  regardless  of  whatever  he  sees  or 
not.  It  has  been  so  often  illustrated  that  the  men  who  by 
Liliputian  efforts  attempt  to  court  the  old  fellow  generally  fall 
short  of  capturing  his  favor.  It  is  like  a  woman  courting  a 
man.  There  is  something  in  man's  nature  that  makes  him 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

revolt  against  anything  of  that  kind.  No  woman  is  so  pretty, 
charming  and  well-dressed  that  she  can  safely  say  to  him, 
"  Here,  marry  me  !  You  love  me,  and  I  know  it.  I  am  now 
ready  for  you;  why  should  we  delay?"  The  man  would  say, 
"I  was  going  to  ask  you  to  marry  me,  yesterday;  but  now  I 
don't  want  you  at  all.  You  are  just  a  little  too  willing.  I 
think  I'd  rather  not."  That  is  man's  nature — he  can't  help 
but  show  it ;  and  that  is  the  nature  of  the  old  'giant  we  are 
discussing.  He  would  much  rather  seek  his  man  when  he 
wants  to  look  at  one  or  bestow  any  special  favors.'  ' 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1860,  at  Ravenna,  Mr.  Gar- 
field  delivered  an  oration  which  rings  with  the 
sterling  patriotism  of  the  man  and  forms  a  fitting 
prelude  to  the  story  of  war,  to  which  we  must  next 
invite  the  reader's  attention.  At  Ravenna,  Gar- 
field  said : 

"  We  have  seen  that  our  Republic  differs  in  its  origin  from 
all  the  monarchies  of  the  world.  We  may  also  see  that  it 
differs  widely  from  all  other  republics  of  ancient  or  modern 
times.  These  all  centred  round  a  conquering  hero  or  a  pow 
erful  city — ours  round  a  principle.  In  the  brightest  days 
of  the  Grecian  Republic,  its  strength  and  glory  rested 
upon  the  life  and  fortunes  of  Pericles.  In^the  old  Dutch 
Republic  of  Holland  and  the  later  establishments  of  mod 
ern  Germany,  freedom  was  of  the  city  and  not  of  the 
people.  The  burghers  were  the  only  freemen,  and  they 
constituted  an  aristocracy  more  haughty  and  imperious 
than  the  hereditary  peers  of  England.  The  peasants  of  the 
rural  districts,  the  toiling  thousands,  were  hardly  known  to 
the  government,  except  that  they  bore  many  of  its  heavy 
burdens.  But  here,  cities  are  not  tyrannies,  and  freedom  in 
her  best  estate  is  found  in  the  green  fields  of  the  country, 
among  the  hardy  tillers  of  the  soil.  Heroes  did  not  make 
our  liberties,  the-  but  reflected  and  illustrated  them,  Indi- 
7 


110 


LIFE  AND  2>UBL1C  CAKEEK  OF 


viduals  may  wear  for  a  time  the  glory  of  our  institutions,  bu 
they  carry  it  not  with  them  to  the  grave.     Like  rain-drop 
from  heaven,  they  pass  through  the  circle  of  the  shining  bow 
and  add  to  its  lustre,  but  when  they  have  sunk  in  the  eartl 
again,  the  proud  arch  still  spans  the  sky  and  shines  gloriously 
on.      Governments,   in  general,   look  upon  man   only  as  i 
citizen,  a  fraction  of  the  state.     God  looks  upon  him  as  ar 
individual    man,  with  capacities,  duties  and  a  destiny  of  hi« 
own ;  and  just  in  proportion  as  a  government  recognizes  the 
individual  and  shields  him  in   the  exercises  of  his  rights,  in 
that  proportion  is  it  Godlike   and   glorious.      The  village 
church  and  the  village  school  have  become  our  great  civil 
izing  and  elevating  guardians,  and  we  mention  with  honest 
pride  the  fact  that  more  than  half  of  all  the  revenue  of  our 
State  government  is  annually  expended  in  the  education  of 
our  youth.     And  yet  there  are  other  States  in  the  Union 
which,  in  this  respect,  wear  still  brighter  laurels  than  Ohio. 
To  all  these  means  of  culture  is  added  that  powerful  incen 
tive  to  personal  ambition  which  springs  from  the  genius  of 
our  Government.     The  pathway  to  honorable  distinction  lies 
open  to  all.     No  post  of  honor  so  high  but  the  poorest  boy 
may  hope  to  reach  it. 

"It  is  the  pride  of  every  American  that  many  cherished 
names,  at  whose  mention  our  hearts  beat  with  a  quicker  bound, 
were  worn  by  the  sons  of  poverty,  who  conquered  obscurity 
and  became  fixed  stars  in  our  firmament.  None  appreciate 
this  more  fully  than  our  adopted  citizens,  who  have  felt  the 
crushing  hand  of  power  in  other  lands.  It  cannot  but  destroy 
the  high  hopes  of  a  noble  nature  to  know  that,  though  the 
blood  that  visits  his  heart  leaps  as  free  and  ruby  red  as  that 
which  courses  the  veins  of  king  or  lord,  and  though  in  God's 
sight  he  is  every  whit  their  peer,  yet  the  strong  crust  of  cen 
turies  is  above  him,  the  shadow  of  power  gloomily  enshrouds 
him,  and  all  the  high  places  of  distinction  and  trust  are  for* 
ever  barred  against  him. 

"And  here  we  are  brought  to  that  question  of  deepest  in- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  j  j  j 

terest  to  the  patriot's  heart — our  nation's  future.  Shall  it  be 
perpetual  ?  Shall  the  expanding  circle  of  its  beneficent  in 
fluence  extend,  widening  onward  to  the  farthest  shore  of  time? 
Shall  its  sun  rise  higher  and  yet  higher,  and  shine  with  ever- 
brightening  lustre?  Or,  has  it  passed  the  zenith  of  its  glory, 
and  left  us  to  sit  in  the  lengthening  shadows  of  its  coming 
night  ?  Shall  power  from  beyond  the  sea  snatch  the  proud 
banner  from  us  ?  Shall  civil  dissension  or  intestine  strife  rend 
the  fair  fabric  of  the  Union  ?  The  rulers  of  the  Old  World 
have  long  and  impatiently  looked  to  see  fulfilled  the  prophecy 
of  its  downfall.  Such  philosophers  as  Coleridge,  Allison  and 
Macauley  have,  severally,  set  forth  the  reasons  for  this 
prophecy — the  chief  of  which  is,  that  the  elemenf  of  sta 
bility  in  our  Government  will  sooner  or  later  bring  upon  it 
certain  destruction.  This  is  truly  a  grave  charge.  But  whether 
instability  is  an  element  of  destruction  or  of  safety,  depends 
wholly  upon  the  sources  whence  that  instability  springs. 

"The  granite  hills  are  not  so  changeless  and  abiding  as 
the  restless  sea.  Quiet  is  no  certain  pledge  of  permanence 
and  safety.  Trees  may  flourish  and  flowers  may  bloom  upon 
the  quiet  mountain  side,  while  silently  the  trickling  rain 
drops  are  filling  the  deep  cavern  behind  its  rocky  barriers, 
which,  by  and  by,  in  a  single  moment,  shall  hurl  to  wild  ruin 
its  treacherous  peace.  It  is  true,  that  in  our  land  there  is  no 
such  outer  quiet,  no  such  deceitful  repose.  Here  society  is  a 
restless  and  surging  sea.  The  roar  of  the  billows,  the  dash  of 
the  wave,  is  forever  in  our  ears.  Even  the  angry  hoarseness 
of  breakers  is  not  unheard.  But  there  is  an  understratum  of 
deep,  calm  sea,  which  the  breath  of  the  wildest  tempest  can 
never  reach.  There  is,  deep  down  in  the  hearts  of  the  Amer 
ican  people,  a  strong  and  abiding  love  of  our  country  and  its 
liberty,  which  no  surface-storms  of  passion  can  ever  shake. 
That  kind  of  instability  which  arises  from  a  free  movement 
and  interchange  of  position  among  the  members  of  society, 
which  brings  one  drop  up  to  glisten  for  a  time  in  the  crest  of 
the  highest  wave,  and  then  give  place  to  another,  while  it 


j  i  2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

goes  down  to  mingle  again  with  the  millions  below ;  such  in 
stability  is  the  surest  pledge  of  permanence.  On  such  insta 
bility  the  eternal  fixedness  of  the  universe  is  based.  Eacl 
planet,  in  its  circling  orbit,  returns  to  the  goal  of  its  depar 
ture,  and  on  the  balance  of  these  wildly-rolling  spheres  God 
has  planted  the  broad  base  of  His  mighty  works.  So  the  hope 
of  our  .national  perpetuity  rests  upon  that  perfect  individual 
freedom,  which  shall  forever  keep  up  the  circuit  of  perpetual 
change.  God  forbid  that  the  waters  of  our  national  life 
should  ever  settle  to  the  dead  level  of  a  waveless  calm.  It 
would  be  the  stagnation  of  death — the  ocean  grave  of  indi 
vidual  liberty." 


GARFIELD  AS  A  SOLDIER. 


"General  Gar  field  proceeded  to  the  Front." 

—  General  Rosecrans1  s  official  report  of  the  battle  of  Chicka- 
mauga. 


A.  CARFIELD.  }  T  - 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  STORM   BURSTS. 

TO  write  the  career  of  James  A.  Garfield 
during  the  trying  hours  of  the  Rebellion 
is  to  write  at  once  a  history  of  intrepid 
bravery,  exquisite  coolness  in  danger  and  sure 
success  in  action.  His  career  has  been  rarely 
equaled  by  any  American  who  entered  the  war  as 
a  civilian  and  laid  down  his  sword  with  the  rank 
of  a  major-general.  His  record,  while  bearing  testi 
mony  to  the  marvelous  spirit  that  always  pervades 
a  great  people  in  a  great  crisis,  and  brings  to  the 
front  a  leader  for  every  emergency,  is  a  strangely 
complete  illustration  of  how  perfectly  a  man  of 
brains  and  determination  may  succeed  in  some 
difficult  walk  in  life,  for  which  special  and  particular 
training  have  been  always  considered  necessary. 
When  the  South  chose  to  inaugurate  the  return 

o 

of  the  flowers,  the  budding  of  the  leaves,  in  1861, 
by  tearing  from  the  old  flag  some  of  its  sacred 
stars,  the  country  paused  a  moment,  waiting,  as  it 
were,  actors  for  the  tragedy  about  to  begin,  leaders 
for  the  now  inevitable  armies.  The  guns  that  had 
opened  upon  Sumter  on  the  memorable  i2th  of 
April,  had  not  merely  crumbled  the  walls  of  that 
Southern  fortress,  but  they  shattered  also  all  hopes 


I  L  5  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  problems  then  before 
the  country. 

Civil  war  had  become  a  sad  necessity ;  a  bitter 
fact  to  write  upon  the  pages  of  a  nation's  history 
begun  so  gloriously  in  1776.  The  President's  pro 
clamation  of  the  1 5th  called  forth  the  militia  for 
objects  entirely  lawful  and  constitutional,  and  it 
was  responded  to  with  a  patriotic  fervor  which 
melted  down  all  previously  existing  party  lines. 
This  "  uprising  of  a  great  people,"  as  it  was  well 
termed  by  a  foreign  writer,  was  a  kindling  and 
noble  spectacle.  The  hearts  of  a  whole  land 
throbbed  as  one.  But  we  cannot  now  glance  back 
upon  the  brilliant  and  burning  enthusiasm  that 
lighted  our  beloved  country  like  a  torch  without  a 
touch  of  sadness.  For  there  was  commingled  with 
it  so  much  ignorance,  not  merely  of  the  magnitude 
of  the  contest  before  us,  but  of  the  nature  of  war 
itself.  The  high-spirited  young  men  who  thronged 
to  swell  the  ranks  of  the  volunteer  force  at  the 
call  of  duty,  marched  off  as  gayly  as  if  they  were 
participants  in  a  holiday  turnout,  a  party  of  pic 
nickers  rather  than  devoted  patriots  upon  a  high 
percentage  of  whom  the  death  seal  was  already 
set.  The  Rebellion  was  to  be  put  down  at  once, 
and  by  little  more  than  the  mere  show  of  the  pre 
ponderating  force  of  the  loyal  States ;  and  the 
task  of  putting  it  down  was  to  be  attended  with 
no  more  danger  than  was  sufficient  to  give  the 
enterprise  a  due  flavor  of  excitement.  War  was 


JAMES  A,   GARMELD. 


j  j  7 


unknown  to  us  except  by  report  ;  the  men  of  the 
Revolution  were  but  spectres  of  a  jeweled  past  ; 
the  veterans  of  1812  were  some  of  them  still 
alive,  but  even  they  were  gray  with  years  and  the 
memories  of  events. 

"  All  of  which  they  saw,  and  part  of  which  they  were," 

could  be  but  dimly,  disjointedly  recalled.  We 
had  read  of  battles  ;  we  had  seen  something 
of  the  pomp  of  holiday  soldiers  ;  but  of  the  grim 
realities  of  war  we  were  absolutely  ignorant.  In 
deed,  not  a  few  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that 
war  was  a  relic  of  barbarism,  which  civilization  had 
so  outgrown  that  modern  times  had  forever  dis 
pensed  with  the  soldier  and  his  sword. 

It  need  hardly  be  said  that  the  call  to  conflict 
found  us  totally  unprepared  for  the  great  storm 
about  to  break.  Our  regular  army  was  insignifi 
cant  in  numbers  and  scattered  over  our  vast  ter 
ritory  or  along  our  Western  frontier,  so  that  it 
was  impossible  to  collect  any  considerable  force 
anywhere  together.  Our  militia  system  had  every 
where  fallen  into  neglect,  allowed  to  die  for  want 
of  interest,  and  in  some  States  had  almost  ceased 
to  have  any  existence  whatever.  The  wits  laughed 
at  it  ;  it  was  a  common  subject  of  newspaper  criti 
cism  ;  it  was  christened  "the  cornstalk  militia;" 
platform  orators  declaimed  against  it.  Indeed,  so 
low  had  it  fallen  in  public  estimation,  that  it  re 
quired  some  moral  courage  to  march  through  the 
streets  at  the  head  of  a  company. 


T  Tg  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

The  South  had  been. wiser,  or  at  least,  more 
provident  in  this  respect.  The  military  spirit  had 
never  been  discouraged  there.  Many  of  the  politi 
cal  leaders  had  long  been  looking  forward  to  the 
time  when  the  unhappy  sectional  contests  which 
were  distracting  the  country  would  blaze  into  a 
civil  war,  and  preparing  for  it.  They  watched  the 
smouldering  fire  of  discontent,  and  waited  the  great 
conflagration  of  blood.  In  some  of  the  States 
there  had  been  military  academies  where  a  military 
education  had  been  obtained,  so  that  they  had  a 
greater  number  of  trained  officers  to  put  into  their 
regiments.  This  gave  them  a  considerable  ad 
vantage  at  the  start,  an  advantage  more  real  than 
seeming,  and  one  they  were  not  slow  to  turn  to  its 
fullest  promise. 

At  the  North  the  people  paused  a  moment  to 
ask  themselves  where  were  they  to  get  the  needed 
officers.  Graduates  of  West  Point  were  scattered 
over  the  country ;  to  them  the  civil  authorities 
turned  for  assistance.  This  they  rendered  freely 
and  ably,  but  it  was,  of  necessity,  limited  in  its 
scope.  In  most  States  the  militia  elected  their 
own  officers,  and  there  was  no  other  resource  than 
to  continue  the  system  until  time  and  the  fire  of 
the  enemy's  guns  should  level  the  abilities  of  the 
civilians,  and  bring  to  the  front  those  who  had  the 
best  title  to  be  there.  This  produced  a  result  of 
which  we  have  no  reason  to  be  the  least  ashamed. 
A  race  of  civilian  officers,  proving  their  right  to 


JAMES  A.  CARFIELD.  T  Jg 

command  by  deeds,  not  diplomas,  winning  expe 
rience  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  testing 
bravery  beneath  the  bullets  of  the  foe,  sprang 
everywhere  into  sight  in  the  great  upholding  of 
the  Stars  and  Stripes.  To  this  class,  now  occupy 
ing  a  place  in  our  history,  that  is  to  us  a  crown 
ing  wreath  of  credit,  James  A.  Garfield  belonged, 
and  of  those  who  were  his  comrades  few  show  a 
better,  braver  record  than  he. 

When  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States  be 
gun,  National  considerations  were  of  paramount 
importance  in  Ohio  as  elsewhere.  Indeed,  the 
early  signs  of  the  dissolution  between  the  North 
and  South  had  attracted  earnest  attention  and  se 
vere  comment  in  that  State.  In  its  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives  many  a  debate  had 
been  held,  wherein  the  seeds  of  secessionists'  doc 
trines  had  been  sought  to  be  planted  by  men  who 
saw  amiss.  Garfield,  as  it  will  be  remembered, 
was  a  member  of  the  Senate,  having  been  elected 
to  represent  Portage  and  Summit  Counties  two 
years  before.  The  spring  of  1861  found  the  Sen 
ate,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  earnestly  occupy 
ing  its  time  with  those  questions  that  had  so 
much  interest  within  as  well  as  beyond  the  bor 
ders  of  Ohio.  Garfield's  course  on  all  these  ques 
tions  was  manly  and  outspoken.  He  was  fore 
most  in  the  very  small  number  (only  six  voting 
with  him)  who  thought  the  spring  of  1861  a  bad 
time  for  adopting  the  Corwin  Constitutional 


j  20  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

Amendment,  forbidding  Congress  from  ever  legis 
lating  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  States.  He 
was  among  the  foremost  in  maintaining  the  right 
of  the  National  Government  to  coerce  seceded 
States.  "  Would  you  give  up  the  forts  and  other 
government  property  in  those  States,  or  would 
you  fight  to  maintain  your  right  to  them?"  was 
his  adroit  way  of  putting  the  question  to  a  con 
servative  Republican  who  deplored  his  incendiary 
views. 

When  the  "Million  War  Bill,"  as  it  was  popu 
larly  known  at  the  time,  came  up,  he  was  the  most 
conspicuous  of  its  defenders.  Judge  Key,  of 
Hamilton  County  (subsequently  a  noted  member 
of  McClellan's  staff),  preluded  his  vote  for  it  with 
a  protest  against  the  policy  of  the  Administration 
in  entering  upon  the  war.  It  was  left  to  Garfield 
to  make  the  reply.  The  newspapers  of  that  day 
all  made  mention  of*  his  effort  in  terms  of  highest 
admiration.  He  regretted  that  Senator  Key 
should  have  turned  from  honoring  his  country  to 
pay  his  highest  tribute  of  praise  at  a  time  like  this 
to  party.  The  senator  approved  a  defense  of 
national  property,  but  denounced  any  effort  to  re 
take  it  if  only  it  were  once  captured.  Did  he 
mean  that  if  Washington  were  taken  by  the  rebels 
he  would  oppose  attempts  to  regain  possession  of 
the  national  capital  ?  Where  was  this  doctrine  of 
non-resistance  to  stop  ?  He  had  hoped  that  the 
senator  would  not,  in  this  hour  of  the  nation's 


JAMES  A.    GARFIELD.  T  2  { 

peril,  open  the  books  of  party  to  re-read  records 
that  ought  now,  at  least,  to  be  forgotten.  But 
since  the  senator  had  thought  this  a  fitting  time 
to  declare  his  distrust  of  the  President,  and  of  the 
Cabinet,  and  particularly  of  Ohio's  honored  repre 
sentative  in  that  Cabinet,  he  had  only  this  to  say 
in  reply;  that  it  would  be  well  for  that  senator 
and  his  partisan  recollections  to  remember  whose 
Cabinet  it  was  that  embraced  traitors  among  its 
most  distinguished  members,  and  sent  them  forth 
from  its  most  secret  sessions  to  betray  their 
knowledge  to  their  country's  ruin. 

It  was  under  his  leadership,  and  of  his  own  per 
sonal  initiation,  that  a  bill  was  passed  declaring 
any  resident  of  the  State,  who  gave  aid  and  com 
fort  to  the  enemies  of  the  United  States,  guilty  of 
treason  against  the  State,  to  be  punished  by  im 
prisonment  in  the  penitentiary  for  life. 

Ohio,  when  the  great  call  came,  was  as  unpre 
pared  as  were  other  States.  There  was  a  small 
force  of  militia  nominally  organized,  but  the  con 
stitution  and  laws  of  the  State  provided  that 
all  its  officers  should  be  elected  by  the  men,  and 
the  governor  was  limited  in  his  selection  of  officers, 
in  case  the  militia  was  called  out,  to  the  parties 
so  chosen.  Everywhere,  however,  there  was  en 
thusiasm  for  the  cause  and  a  wild  willingness  to 
help  the  government  by  every  possible  sacrifice 
that  a  great  people  could  make.  When  the 
president's  call  for  seventy-five  thousand  men  was 


I  ?2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

announced  to  the  Ohio  Senate,  Senator  Garfield 
was  instantly  on  his  feet,  and  amid  the  tumultuous 
acclamations  from  the  assemblage,  moved  that 
''twenty  thousand  troops  and  three  millions  of 
money"  should  be  at  once  voted  as  Ohio's  quota! 
His  speech  he  immediately  illustrated  by  offering 
his  own  services  in  any  capacity  Governor  Denni- 
son  might  choose.  That  he  should  uphold  the  flag 
was  demanded  both  by  patriotism  and  by  the  logic 
of  the  Republican  doctrine,  that  he  had  so  nobly, 
so  bravely  upheld.  It  was  but  the  second  stage 
of  resistance  to  slavery.  While  waiting  a  wider 
field,  he  occupied  himself  with  the  arming  of  the 
militia  or  any  measure  that  had  for  its  object  the 
advancement  of  the  plans  then  in  progress.  He 
made  a  hasty  journey  to  Illinois,  and  procured  five 
thousand  muskets,  which  he  shipped  to  Columbus 
to  arm  some  of  the  first  regiments  that  formed 
upon  Ohio  soil.  He  then  returned  to  the  capital. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  j  2  . 


CHAPTER  X. 

AT   THE    HEAD   OK    A    REGIMENT. 

U"T  "T  THEN  the  time  came  for  appointing 
\  \l  officers  for  the  troops  so  hastily  got 
together,  Garfield  displayed,"  says 
Whitelaw  Reid,  in  his  "Ohio  in  the  War/'  "his 
signal  want  of  tact  and  skill  in  advancing  his  own 
interests.  Of  the  three  leading  Radical  senators, 
Garfield  had  the  most  personal  popularity.  Cox 
was  at  that  time,  perhaps,  a  more  compact  and 
pointed  speaker,  he  had  matured  earlier  as  (to 
change  the  figure)  he  was  to  culminate  sooner. 
But  he  had  never  aroused  the  warm  regard  which 
Garfield's  whole-hearted,  generous  disposition 
always  excited,  yet  Cox  had  the  sagacity  to  see 
how  his  interests  were  to  be  advanced.  He  aban 
doned  the  Senate-chamber,  installed  himself  as 
assistant  in  the  governor's  office,  made  his  skill 
felt  in  the  rush  of  business,  and  soon  convinced 
the  appointing  power  of  his  special  aptitude  for 
military  affairs.  In  natural  sequence  he  was  pres 
ently  appointed  a  brigadier-general,  while  Gar- 
field  was  sent  off  on  a  mission  to  some  western 
States  to  see  about  arms  for  the  Ohio  volunteers." 
On  the  1 4th  of  August,  1861,  some  months  after 
the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature,  Governor 


T  24  LIFE  -4xn  rr/!L/C  CAREER  OF 

Dennison  offered  Garfield  the  lieutenant-colonelcy 
of  the  Forty-second  Ohio,  a  regiment  not  yet 
formed,  and  one  which  Garfield  had  been  instru 
mental  in  bringing  into  existence  with  the  active 
aid  of  Judge  Sheldon,  of  Illinois,  Don  A.  Pardee, 
of  Medina,  Ralph  Plumb,  of  Oberlin,  and  other 
patriotic  citizens  of  his  district.  He  did  not  ac 
cept  the  tendered  command  hastily,  he  did  not 
grasp  the  glitter  of  command  with  the  avidity  of 
an  aspirant  for  honors.  He  went  home,  opened 
his  mother's  Bible,  and  pondered  upon  the  sub 
ject.  He  had  a  wife,  a  child,  and  a  few  thousand 
dollars.  If  he  gave  his  life  to  the  country,  would 
God  and  the  few  thousand  dollars  provide  for  his 
wife  and  child  ?  He  consulted  the  Book  about  it. 
It  seemed  to  answer  in  the  affirmative,  and  before 
morning  he  wrote  to  a  friend : 

"I  regard  my  life  as  given  to  the  country.  I  am 
only  anxious  to  make  as  much  of  it  as  possible 
before  the  mortgage  on  it  is  foreclosed." 

At  the  same  sitting  he  wrote  Governor  Denni 
son  his  acceptance  of  the  appointment.  The  regi 
ment  with  which  he  had  thus  considerately  chosen 
to  cast  his  lot  was  principally  recruited  from  Por- 
tege  and  Summit  Counties.  Most  of  the  officers 
and  privates  had  been  students  of  Hiram  College, 
and  it  was  in  a  certain  degree  the  transfer  of  that 
Campbellite  institution  en  masse  to  another  field 
where  the  church  militant  was  to  become  militant 
in  truth  and  finally  the  church  triumphant. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  r  2 

Five  weeks  were  spent  in  drilling,  and  the  regi 
ment  was  encamped  at  Camp  Chase  near  Columbus, 
Companies  A,  B,  C  and  D  were  mustered  into  ser 
vice  September  25th,  1861,  Company  E,  October 
3Oth,  Company  F,  November  I2th,  and  Companies 
G,  H,  I  and  K,  November  26th,  at  which  time  the 
organization  was  completed. 

Garfield  at  once  set  vigorously  to  work  to  mas 
ter  the  art  and  mystery  of  war,  and  to  give  his 
men  such  a  degree  of  discipline  as  would  fit  them 
for  effective  service  in  the  field.  Bringing  his  saw 
and  jack-plane  again  into  play,  he  fashioned  com 
panies,  officers  and  non-commissioned  officers 
out  of  maple  blocks,  and  with  these  wooden- 
headed  troops  he  thoroughly  mastered  the  infan^ 
try  tactics  in  his  quarters.  Then  he  organized  a 
school  for  the  officers  of  his  regiment,  requiring 
thorough  recitation  in  the  tactics,  and  illustrating 
the  manoeuvres  by  the  blocks  he  had  prepared  for 
his  own  instruction.  This  done,  he  instituted  regi 
mental,  company,  squad,  skirmish  and  bayonet 
drill,  and  kept  his  men  at  these  exercises  from  six 
to  eight  hours  a  day,  until  it  was  universally 
admitted  that  no  better  drilled  or  disciplined  regi 
ment  could  be  found  in  Ohio. 

At  the  time  Garfield  was  appointed  lieutenant 
colonel,  it  was  understood  that  had  he  cared  to 
push  the  matter  he  might  have  been  made  colo 
nel,  but,  with  a  modesty  quite  unusual  in  those 
early  days  of  the  war,  he  preferred  to  start  low 
8 


I  26  LIFE  *N£>  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

and  rise  as  he  learned.  It  was  but  a  just  tribute, 
therefore,  that  on  the  completion  of  his  organiza 
tion  he  was,  without  his  own  solicitation,  promoted 
to  the  colonelcy.  The  regiment  saw  three  years 
of  service  ;  the  last  of  the  men  were  mustered  out 
December  2d,  1864. 

It  was  not  until  the  i4th  of  December  that 
orders  for  the  field  were  received  at  Camp 
Chase  for  Colonel  Garfield's  command.  Yet 
to  this  date  no  active  operations  had  been  at 
tempted  in  the  great  department  that  lay  south  of 
the  Ohio  River.  The  spell  of  Bull  Run  still  hung 
over  our  armies.  Save  the  campaign  in  Western 
Virginia  and  the  attack  by  General  Grant  at  Bel- 
mont,  not  a  single  engagement  had  occurred  over 
all  the  region  between  the  Alleghanies  and  the 
Mississippi.  General  Buell  was  preparing  to 
advance  upon  Bowling  Green,  when  he  suddenly 
found  himself  hampered  by  two  co-operating  forces 
skillfully  planted  within  striking  distance  of  his 
flank.  General  Zollikoffer  was  advancing  from 
Cumberland  Gap  toward  Mill  Spring ;  and  Hum 
phrey  Marshall,  moving  down  the  Sandy  Valley 
from  Virginia,  was  threatening  to  overrun  Eastern 
Kentucky.  Till  these  could  be  driven  back,  an 
advance  upon  Bowling  Green  would  be  perilous, 
?f  not  actually  impossible.  To  General  George 
H.  Thomas,  then  just  raised  from  his  colonelcy  of 
regulars  to  a  brigadiership  of  volunteers,  was  com 
mitted  the  task  of  repulsing  Zollikoffer ;  to  the  un- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  }  2  - 

tried  colonel  of  the  raw  Forty-second  Ohio  the 
task  of  repulsing  Humphrey  Marshall.  And  on 
their  success  the  whole  army  of  the  Department 
waited. 

Colonel  Garfield's  orders  directed  him  to  move 
his  command  to  Catlettsburg,  Kentucky,  a  town  at 
the  junction  of  the  Big  Sandy  and  the  Ohio,  and 
to  report  immediately,  in  person,  to  the  Depart 
ment  Head-quarters  at  Louisville.  The  regiment 
went  by  rail  to  Cincinnati,  and  thence  by  boat  to 
Catlettsburg,  where  it  arrived  on  the  morning  of 
December  I7th.  By  sunset  of  the  iQth,  Colonel 
Garfield  reported  to  General  Buell,  at  Louisville. 
In  his  interview  with  that  officer,  he  was  informed 
that  he  was  to  be  sent  against  Humphrey  Mar 
shall,  who  had  in  his  advance  reached  as  far  north 
as  Prestonburg,  driving  the  Union  forces  before 
him. 

Our  hero  was  now  face  to  face  with  the  actuali 
ties  of  the  conflict,  he  was  to  command  an  expedi 
tion  to  which  great  importance  was  attached,  and 
on  which  great  results  might  depend.  The  prize 
at  stake  was  Kentucky.  If  the  rebel  plan  was 
successful,  Kentucky  would  probably  go  out  of  the 
Union  at  once;  if  the  Federal  operations  suc 
ceeded,  secession  might  be  delayed  indefinitely  or 
prevented.  Marshall  was  expected  by  the  rebel 
authorities  to  advance  toward  Lexington,  unite  with 
Zollikoffer  and  establish  the  authority  of  the  Pro 
visional  Government  at  the  State  capital.  These 


LIFE  AND  fl'BLIC  CAREER  OF 


hopes  were  fed  by  the  recollection  of  his  great  in 
tellectual  abilities  and  the  soldierly  reputation  he 
had  borne  ever  since  he  led  the  famous  charge  of 
the  Kentucky  volunteers  at  Buena  Vista.  It  was 
also  feared  that  he,  with  the  large  army  he  could 
gather,  if  unmolested,  would  hang  upon  Buell's 
flank,  and  so  prevent  his  advance  into  Tennessee; 
or,  if  he  did  advance,  cut  off  his  communications 
and  falling  on  his  rear  while  Beauregard  encoun 
tered  him  in  front,  crush  him,  as  it  were,  between 
the  upper  and  nether  millstones.  This  done,  Ken 
tucky  was  lost,  and  that  occurring  so  early  in  the 
war,  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  might  have 
followed. 

To  check  this  dangerous  advance,  meet  Marshall, 
a  thoroughly  educated  military  man,  and  the 
uncounted  thousands  whom  his  reputation  would 
draw  about  him,  Colonel  Garfield  was  asked  to 
plan  a  movement.  He  had  come  into  the  war 
with  a  life  not  his  own  and  was  now  called  upon  to 
prove  his  title  to  the  confidence  his  State  had  re* 
posed  in  him.  He  knew  nothing  of  war  beyond 
its  fundamental  principles  ;  which  are,  as  stated  by 
some  writer,  that  "a  big  boy  can  whip  a  little  boy, 
and  that  the  big  boy  can  whip  two  little  boys,  if  he 
take  them  singly  one  after  another."  He  knew 
no  more  about  it  when  General  Buell,  one  of  the 
most  scientific  military  men  of  his  time,  selected 
him  to  solve  a  problem  which  has  puzzled  the 
heads  of  the  ablest  generals  ;  namely,  how  two 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  T  2g 

smair  bodies  of  men  stationed  widely  apart  can 
unite  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  and  beat  him,  when 
he  is  twice  the  united  strength,  and  strongly  post 
ed  behind  intrenchments. 

To  do  this  Garfield  was  given,  what?  Twenty- 
five  hundred  men,  eleven  hundred  of  whom  under 
Colonel  Cramer  were  at  Paris,  Ky.,  the  remainder, 
his  own  regiment  and  the  half-formed  Fourteenth 
Kentucky,  under  Colonel  Moore,  at  Catlettsburg; 
a  hundred  miles  of  mountain  country,  overrun 
with  rebels  being  between  them.  This  was  the 
problem  of  the  big  boy  of  uncertain  size,  but 
known  to  be  skilled  in  war,  and  the  two  little  boys 
who  were  to  whip  him  when  only  by  a  miracle 
could  they  act  together,  and  when  they  knew  no 
more  of  war  than  can  be  learned  from  the  postur 
ing  of  wooden  blocks  and  the  crack  perhaps  of 
squirrel  rifles. 

"That  is  what  you  have  to  do,  Colonel  Gar-. 
field — drive  Marshall  from  Kentucky,"  said  Buell, 
when  he  had  finished  his  view  of  the  situation, 
"  and  you  see  how  much  depends  on  your  action. 
Now,  go  to  your  quarters,  think  of  it  over  night 
and  come  here  in  the  morning  and  tell  me  how 
you  will  do  it." 

On  his  way  to  his  hotel,  the  young  colonel 
bought  a  rude  map  of  Kentucky,  and  then  shut 
ting  himself  in  his  room,  spent  the  night  in  study 
ing  the  geography  of  the  country  in  which  he  was 
to  operate,  and  in  making  notes  of  the  plan  which, 


j  *  2  Z//£  X XD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

at  Louisa  on  the  morning  of  December  24th,  and 
thence  forward  he  became  an  actor  in,  all  its  cir 
cumstances  considered,  one  of  the  most  wonder 
ful  dramas  to  be  read  of  in  history. 


A.  GARFIELD, 


CHAPTER  XI. 

OPENING  THE   BIG   SANDY   CAMPAIGN. 

GARFIELD  had  two  very  difficult  things  to 
accomplish.  He  had  to  open  communica 
tions  with  Colonel  Cranor,  while  the  in 
tervening  country,  as  has  been  said,  was  infested 
with  roving  bands  of  rebels  and  populated  by 
disloyal  people.  He  had  also  to  form  a  junction 
with  the  force  under  that  officer  in  the  face  of  a 
superior  enemy  who  would  doubtless  be  apprised 
of  his  every  movement  and  be  likely  to  fall  upon 
his  separate  columns  the  moment  either  was  set 
iri  motion,  in  the  hope  of  crushing  them  in  detail. 
Either  operation  was  hazardous  if  not  well-nigh 
impossible. 

Evidently  the  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  find 
a  trustworthy  messenger  to  convey  dispatches 
between  the  two  halves  of  his  army.  To  this  end 
Garfield  applied  to  Colonel  Moore  of  the  Four 
teenth  Kentucky. 

" Have  you  a  man"  he  asked,  "who  will  die  rather 
than  fail  and  betray  us?" 

The  Kentuckian  reflected  a  moment,  then 
answered : 

"I  think  I  have,  John  Jordan  from  the  head  of 
the  Elaine." 


t 33  LIFE  AXD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

at  Louisa  on  the  morning  of  December  24th,  and 
thence  forward  he  became  an  actor  in,  all  its  cir 
cumstances  considered,  one  of  the  most  wonder 
ful  dramas  to  be  read  of  in  history. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD, 


CHAPTER  XI. 

OPENING   THE   BIG   SANDY   CAMPAIGN. 

GARFIELD  had  two  very  difficult  things  to 
accomplish.  He  had  to  open  communica 
tions  with  Colonel  Cranor,  while  the  in 
tervening  country,  as  has  been  said,  was  infested 
with  roving  bands  of  rebels  and  populated  by 
disloyal  people.  He  had  also  to  form  a  junction 
with  the  force  under  that  officer  in  the  face  of  a 
superior  enemy  who  would  doubtless  be  apprised 
of  his  every  movement  and  be  likely  to  fall  upon 
his  separate  columns  the  moment  either  was  set 
in  motion,  in  the  hope  of  crushing  them  in  detail. 
Either  operation  was  hazardous  if  not  well-nigh 
impossible. 

Evidently  the  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  find 
a  trustworthy  messenger  to  convey  dispatches 
between  the  two  halves  of  his  army.  To  this  end 
Garfield  applied  to  Colonel  Moore  of  the  Four 
teenth  Kentucky. 

"Have  you  a  man"  he  asked,  "who  will  die  rather 
than  fail  and  betray  us?" 

The  Kentuckian  reflected  a  moment,  then 
answered : 

"I  think  I  have,  John  Jordan  from  the  head  of 
the  Elaine." 


134 


LIFE  AA"D  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


Jordan  was  sent  for  and  soon  entered  the  tent 
of  the  Union  commander.  He  was  somewhat  of 
a  noted  character  in  that  region,  a  descendant  of 
a  Scotchman  belonging  to  a  family  of  men  who 
ever  died  in  the  defense  of  some  honor  or  trust. 
Jordan  was  also  a  born  actor,  a  man  of  unflinching 
courage,  of  great  expedients  and  devoted  to  the 
true  principles  that  bind  this  land  in  the  solidity  of 
a  great  union. 

On  his  appearance,  Garfield  was  at  once  im 
pressed  in  his  favor.  He  remembers  him  to-day 
as  a  tall,  gaunt,  sallow  man,  of  about  thirty  years, 
with  gray  eyes,  a  fine  falsetto  voice,  pitched  in  the 
minor  key,  and  a  face  that  had  as  many  expres 
sions  as  could  be  found  in  a  regiment.  To  the 
young  colonel  he  seemed  a  strange  combination 
of  cunning,  simplicity,  undaunted  courage  and  un- 
doubting  faith,  but  possessed  of  a  quaint  sort  of 
wisdom,  which  ought  to  have  given  him  to  history. 
He  sounded  him  thoroughly,  for  the  fate  of  the 
campaign  might  depend  upon  his  fidelity;  but 
Jordan's  soul  was  as  clear  as  crystal,  and  in  ten 
minutes  Garfield  had  read  it  as  if  it  had  been  an 
open  volume. 

"Why  did  you  come  into  this  war?"  at  last 
asked  the  commander. 

"To  do  my  part  for  the  country,  colonel,"  an 
swered  Jordan,  "and  I  made  no  terms  with  the 
Lord.  I  gave  Him  my  life  without  conditions,  and 
if  He  sees  fit  to  take  it  in  this  tramp,  why,  it  is 
His.  I  have  nothing  to  say  against  it." 


JAMES  A.   CARFIELD. 

"You  mean  you  have  come  into  the  war  not 
expecting  to  get  out  of  it?" 

"I  do,  colonel." 

"Will  you  die  rather  than  let  this  dispatch  be 
taken?"  * 

"I  will." 

The  colonel  recalled  what  had  passed  in  his  own 
mind,  when  poring  over  his  mother's  Bible  that 
night  at  his  home  in  Ohio,  and  it  decided  him. 

"Very  well,"  he  said;  "I  will  trust  you." 

The  dispatch  was  written  on  tissue  paper,  rolled 
into  the  form  of  a  bullet,  coated  with  warm  lead, 
and  put  into  the  hand  of  Jordan.  He  was  given 
a  carbine  and  a  brace  of  revolvers,  and  mounting 
his  horse  when  the  moon  was  down,  he  started  on 
his  perilous  journey,  where,  in  spite  of  its  most  ro 
mantic  interest,  we  cannot  follow  him. 

By  midnight  of  the  second  day  Jordan  reached 
Colonel  Cranor's  quarters,  at  McCormick's  Gap, 
and  delivered  his  precious  billet.  The  colonel 
opened  the  dispatch.  It  was  dated  Louisa,  De 
cember  24th,  midnight,  and  directed  him  to  move 
his  regiment  at  once  to  Prestonburg.  He  would 
encumber  the  men  with  as  few  rations  as  possible 
and  as  little  baggage,  bearing  in  mind  that  the 
safety  of  his  command  would  depend  on  his  expe 
dition.  He  would  also  cause  the  dispatch  to  be 
conveyed  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Woolford,  at 
Stamford,  and  direct  him  to  join  the  march  with 
his  three  hundred  cavalry.  Hours  were  now  worth 


136  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

, 

months  of  common   time,  and  on   the   following 
morning  Cranor's  column  was  set  in  motion. 

The  dispatch  fully  revealed  to  Cranor  Garfield's 
intention  to  move  at  once  upon  the  enemy.  Of 
Marshall's  real  strength  he  is  ignorant,  but  his 
scouts  and  the  country  people  report  that  the 
rebel's  main  body — which  is  intrenched  in  an  al 
most  impregnable  position  near  Paintville — is  from 
four  to  seven  thousand,  and  that  an  outlying  force 
of  eight  hundred  occupies  West  Liberty,  a  town 
directly  on  the  route  by  which  Colonel  Cranor  is 
to  march  to  effect  a  junction  with  Garfield's  men. 
Cranor's  column  is  one  thousand  one  hundred 
strong,  and  the  main  body,  under  Garfield,  num 
bers  about  seventeen  hundred,  consisting  of  the 
Forty-second  Ohio  Infantry,  one  thousand  and 
thirteen  strong,  and  the  Fourteenth  Kentucky  In 
fantry,  numbering  five  hundred,  rank  and  file,  but 
imperfectly  armed  and  equipped.  All  told,  Gar- 
field's  force,  therefore,  counted  two  thousand  eight 
hundred,  in  a  strange  district,  cut  off  from  rein 
forcements,  with  which  to  meet  and  crush  an  army 
of  at  least  five  thousand,  familiar  with  the  country 
and  daily  receiving  recruits  from  the  disaffected 
southern  counties.  Evidently  a  forward  movement 
is  attended  with  great  hazard,  but  the  Union  com 
mander  does  not  waste  time  in  considering  the 
obstacles  and  dangers  of  the  expedition.  On 
the  morning  following  the  scout's  departure  for 
Cranor's  camp,  Garfield  sets  out  with  such  of  his 


JAMES  A.  GARFIP;LD. 

command  as  are  in  readiness,  and  halting  at 
George's  Creek,  .only  twenty  miles  from  Mar 
shall's  intrenched  position,  prepares  to  move  at 
once  upon  the  enemy. 

The  roads  along  the  Big  Sandy  are  impassable 
for  trains,  and  the  close  proximity  of  the  enemy 
renders  it  unsafe  to  make  so  wide  a  detour  from 
the  river  as  would  be  required  to  send  supplies 
by  the  table-lands  to  the  westward.  Under  these 
circumstances  Garfield  decides  to  depend  mainly 
upon  water  navigation  to  transport  his  supplies, 
and  to  use  the  army-train  only  when  his  troops 
afe  obliged,  by  absolutely  impassable  roads,  to 
move  away  from  the  river. 

The  Big  Sandy  is  a  narrow,  fickle  stream,  that 
finds  its  way  to  the  Ohio  through  the  roughest  and 
wildest  spurs  of  the  Cumberland  Mountains.  At 
low  water  it  is  not  navigable  above  Louisa,  except 
for  small  flat-boats  pushed  by  hand,  but  these  as 
cend  as  high  as  Piketon,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  river.  In  time  of 
high  water  small  steamers  can  reach  Piketon;  but 
heavy  freshets  render  navigation  impracticable, 
owing  to  the  swift  current  filled  with  floating  tim 
ber,  and  to  the  overhanging  trees,  which  almost 
touch  one  another  from  the  opposite  banks.  At 
this  time  the  river  was  only  of  moderate  height, 
but,  as  will  be  readily  seen,  the  supply  of  a  bri 
gade  at  mid-winter  by  such  an  uncertain  stream, 
and  in  the  presence  of  a  powerful  enemy,  was  a 
thing  of  great  difficulty. 


!  ^g  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

However  the  obstacles  did  not  intimidate  Gar- 
field.  Gathering  ten  days'  rations,  he  charters 
two  small  steamers  and  impresses  all  the  flat-boats 
he  can  lay  hand  on,  and  then  taking  his  army 
wagons  apart,  he  loads  them  with  his  forage  and 
provisions  upon  the  flat-boats.  This  is  on  New 
Year's  Day,  1862.  Next  morning  Captain  Bent, 
of  the  Fourteenth  Kentucky,  entering  Garfield's 
tent,  says  to  him: 

"Colonel,  there's  a  man  outside  who  says  he 
knows  you,  Bradley  Brown,  a  rebel  thief  and 
scoundrel." 

"Brown,"  says  Garfield,  raising  half-dressed 
from  his  blanket.  "Bradley  Brown!  I  don't  know 
any  one  of  that  name." 

"He  has  lived  near  the  head  of  the  Blaine,  been 
a  boatman  on  the  river,  says  he  knew  you  on  the 
canal  in  Ohio." 

"Oh,  yes,"  answered  Garfield,  "bring  him  in, 
now  I  remember  him." 

In  a  moment  Brown  is  ushered  into  the  col 
onel's  quarters.  He  is  clad  in  country  homespun, 
and  spattered  from  head  to  foot  with  the  mud  of 
a  long  journey,  but,  without  any  regard  for  the 
sanctity  of  rank,  he  advances  at  once  upon  the 
Union  commander,  and  grasping  him  warmly  by 
the  hand,  exclaims,  "Jim,  ole  feller,  how  ar'  ye!" 

The  colonel  received  him  cordially,  but  noticing 
his  ruddy  face,  says : 

"Fifteen  years  haven't   changed  you,  Brown; 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  l  ^ 

you  will  take  a  glass  of  whisky  ?  But  what's  this 
I  hear  ?  Are  you  a  rebel  ?" 

"  Yes,"  answers  Brown,  "  I  belong  to  Marshall's 
force,  and" — this  he  prefaces  with  a  burst  of 
laughter,  "  I've  come  stret  from  his  camp  to  spy 
out  yer  army/' 

The  colonel  looks  surprised,  but  says,  coolly : 

"  Well,  you  go  about  it  queerly." 

"Yes,  quar,  but  honest,  Jim — when  yer  alone, 
I'll  tell  yer  about  it." 

As  Bent  was  leaving  the  tent  he  said  to  his 
commander,  in  an  undertone : 

"  Don't  trust  him,  colonel ;  I  know  him,  he's  a 
thief  and  a  rebel." 

Brown's  disclosures,  in  a  few  words,  are*, these : 

Hearing,  a  short  time  before,  at  the  rebel  camp, 
that  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  had  taken  com 
mand  of  the  Union  forces,  it  at  once  occurred  to 
him  that  it  was  his  old  canal  companion,  for  whom, 
as  a  boy,  he  had  felt  a  strong  affection.  This  sup 
position  was  confirmed  a  few  days  later  by  his 
hearing  from  a  renegade  Northern  man  something 
of  the  antecedents  of  the  colonel.  Remembering 
their  former  friendship,  and  being  indifferent  as  to 
which  side  was  successful  in  the  campaign,  he  at 
once  determined  to  do  an  important  service  to  the 
Union  commander. 

With  this  object  he  sought  an  interview  with 
Humphrey  Marshall,  stated  to  him  his  former  ac 
quaintance  with  Garfield,  and  proposed  that  he 


I  40  LIFE  AXD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OP 

should  take  advantage  of  it  to  enter  the  Union 
camp,  and  learn  for  the  rebel  general  all  about  his 
enemy's  strength  and  intended  movements.  Mar 
shall  at  once  fell  into  the  trap,  and  the  same  night 
Brown  set  out  for  the  Union  camp,  ostensibly  to 
spy  for  the  rebels,  but  really  to  tell  the  Union 
commander  all  that  he  knew  of  the  rebel  strength 
and  position.  He  did  not  know  Marshall's  exact 
force,  but  he  gave  Garfield  such  facts  as  enabled 
him  to  make,  within  half  an  hour,  a  tolerably  accu 
rate  map  of  the  rebel  position. 

When  this  was  done,  the  Union  colonel  said  to 
him: 

"  Did  Bent  blindfold  you  when  he  brought  you 
into  camp  ?" 

"  Yes,  colonel,  I  couldn't  see  my  hand  afore  me." 

"  Well,  then,  you  had  better  go  back  directly  to 
Marshall." 

"  Go  back  to  him  !  Why,  colonel,  he'll  hang  me 
to  the  first  tree!" 

"  No  he  won't — not  if  you  tell  him  all  about  my 
strength  and  intended  movements." 

o 

"  But  how  kin  I  ?  I  don't  know  a  thing.  I  tell 
ye  I  was  blindfolded." 

"  Yes,  but  that  don't  prevent  your  guessing  at 
our  numbers,  and  about  our  movements.  You 
may  say  that  I  shall  march  to-morrow  straight  for 
his  camp  and  in  ten  days  be  upon  him." 

Brown  sat  for  a  moment  musing,  then  he  said : 

"Wall,  Colon'l  ye'd  be  a  durned  fool,  and  if  ye's 


JAMES  A.   CARFIELD 

141 

thet  ye  must  hev  growed  to  it  since  we  were  on 
ther  canal — ef  ye  went  upon  Marshall,  trenched  as 
he  is,  with  a  man  short  on  twenty  thousand.  I  kin 
<guess  '  ye's  that  many/ 

"  Guess  again.     I  haven't  that  number." 

"  Then,  ten  thousand." 

"  Well,  that  will  do  for  a  Kentuckian.  Now,  to 
day,  I  will  keep  you  under  lock  and  key,  and  to 
night  you  can  go  back  to  Marshall." 

At  nightfall,  Brown  set  out  for  the  rebel  camp, 
and,  on  the  following  day,  Garfield  put  his  little 
army,  reduced  now  by  sickness  and  garrison-duty, 
to  fourteen  hundred,  in  motion. 

It  was  a  toilsome  march.  The  roads  were  knee- 
deep  in  mire,  and  encumbered  as  it  was  with  only 
a  light  train,  the  army  made  very  slow  progress. 
Some  days  it  marched  five  or  six  miles,  and  some 
considerably  less,  but  on  January  6th,  it  arrived 
within  seven  miles  of  Paintville.  Here  the  men 
threw  themselves  upon  the  wet  ground,  and  Gar- 
field  laid  down  in  his  boots,  in  a  wretched  log  hut 
to  catch  a  few  hours  of  slumber. 

About  midnight,  he  was  roused  from  his  sleep 
by  a  man  who  said  his  business  was  urgent.  The 
colonel  rubbed  his  eyes,  and  raised  himself  on 
his  elbow. 

"Back  safe?"  he  asked.  "Have  you  seen 
Cranor  ?" 

"  Yes,  colonel ;    he  can't  be  any  more  than  two 
days  behind  me," 
o 


j  A  2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

"  God  bless  you,  Jordan  !  You*  have  done  us  a 
great  service,"  said  Garfield,  warmly. 

"  I  thank  you,  colonel,"  answered  Jordan,  his  face 
trembling,  "that  is  more  pay  than  I  expected." 

He  had  returned  safely,  but  the  Providence 
which  so  wonderfully  guarded  his  way  out,  seemed 
to  leave  him  to  find  his  way  back,  for,  as  he  ex 
pressed  it,  "  The  Lord  cared  more  for  the  dispatch 
than  He  cared  for  me,  and  it  was  natural  He 
should,  because  my  life  counts  only  one,  but  the 
dispatch,  it  stood  for  the  whole  of  Kentucky." 

Next  morning,  another  horseman  rode  up  to  the 
Union  head-quarters.  He  was  a  messenger  direct 
from  General  Buell,  who  had  followed  Garfield  up 
the  Big  Sandy  with  dispatches.  They  contained 
only  a  few  hurried  sentences,  from  a  man  to  a 
woman,  but  their  value  was  not  to  be  estimated  in 
money.  It  was  a  letter  from  Humphrey  Marshall  to 
his  wife,  which  Buell  had  intercepted,  and  it  revealed 
the  important  fact  that  the  rebel  general  had  five 
thousand  men — four  thousand  four  hundred  in 
fantry  and  six  hundred  cavalry — with  twelve  pieces 
of  artillery,  and  was  daily  expecting  an  attack  from 
a  Union  force  of  ten  thousand ! 

Garfield  put  the  letter  in  his  pocket,  and  then 
called  a  council  of  his  officers.  They  assembled 
in  the  rude  log  shanty,  and  the  question  was  put 
to  them : 

"  Shall  we  march  at  once,  or  wait  the  coming  of 
Cranor?" 


'/,AA\ 

\     REBEL  RIFLE  f  \*<RIFLE  PITS 


i  AAAA 

KA  A  A  A 

:  \  COL  GARFIELD'S  CAMP 

JAN.  611:   1862. 

\  \ 


THE  FIGHT  AT  PAINTVILLE. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  -J^K 

All  but  one  said  "  Wait !"  He  said,  "  Move  at 
once,  our  fourteen  hundred  can  whip  ten  thou 
sand  rebels." 

Garfield  reflected  awhile,  then  closed  the  coun 
cil  with  the  laconic  remark :  "  Well,  forward  it  is. 
Give  the  order." 

Three  roads  led  to  the  rebel  position — one  at 
the  east,  bearing  down  to  the  river  and  along  its 
western  bank;  another,  a  circuitous  one,  to  the 
west,  coming  in  on  Paint  Creek  at  the  mouth  of 
Jenny's  Creek,  on  the  right  of  the  village;  and  a 
third  between  the  two  others,  a  more  direct' route 
but  climbing  a  succession  of  almost  impassible 
ridges.  These  three  roads  were  held  by  strong 
rebel  pickets,  and  a  regiment  was  outlying  at  the 
village  of  Paintville. 

The  diagram  opposite  will  show  the  situation. 

To  deceive  Marshall  as  to  his  real  strength  and 
designs,  Garfield  orders  a  small  force  of  infantry 
and  cavalry  to  advance  along  the  river  road,  drive 
in  the  rebel  pickets,  and  move  rapidly  after  them 
as  if  to  attack  Paintville.  Two  hours  after  this 
small  force  goes  off,  a  similar  one,  with  the  same 
orders  sets  off  on  the  road  to  the  westward,  and 
two  hours  later  still  another  small  party  takes  the 
middle  road.  The  effect  is  that  the  pickets  on  the 
first  route  being  vigorously  attacked  and  driven, 
retired  in  confusion  to  Paintville,  and  dispatched 
word  to  Marshall  that  the  Union  army  is  advanc 
ing  along  the  river.  He  hurries  off  a  thousand 


146 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


infantry  and  a  battery  to  resist  the  advance  of 
this  imaginary  column. 

When  this  detachment  had  been  gone  an 
hour  and  a  half,  Marshall  hears  from  the  routed 
pickets  on  his  left  that  the  Union  forces  are  ad 
vancing  along  the  western  road.  Countermand 
ing  his  first  order,  he  now  directs  the  thousand 
men  and  the  battery  to  check  the  new  danger,  and 
hurries  off  the  troops  at  Paintville  to  the  mouth  of 
Jenny's  Creek,  to  make  a  stand  at  that  point.  Two 
hours  later  the  pickets  on  the  central  route  are 
driven  in,  and  finding  Paintville  abandoned,  they 
flee  precipitately  to  the  fortified  camp  with  the 
story  that  the  whole  Union  army  is  close  at  their 
heels,  and  already  occupying  the  town.  Conceiving 
that  he  has  thus  lost  Paintville,  Marshall  hastily 
withdraws  the  detachment  of  a  thousand  to  his 
camp,  and  then,  Garfield  moving  rapidly  over  the 
ridges  of  the  central  route,  occupies  the  abandoned 
position. 

So  affairs  stand  on  the  evening  of  the  8th  of 
January,  when  a  rebel  spy  enters  the  camp  of 
Marshall  with  tidings  that  Cranor,  with  three  thou 
sand  three  hundred  men,  is  within  twelve  hours' 
march  at  the  westward. 

On  receipt  of  these  tidings,  the  rebel  general 
conceiving  himself  vastly  outnumbered,  breaks  up 
his  camp — which  he  might  have  held  for  a  twelve 
month — and  retreats  precipitately,  abandoning  or 
burning  a  large  portion  of  his  supplies.  Seeing 


JAMF.S  A.    GAKFIKLD. 

1 4/ 

the  fires,  Garfield  mounts  his  horse,  and  with  a 
thousand  men  enters  the  deserted  camp  at  nine  in 
the  evening,  while  the  blazing  stores  are  yet  un- 
consumed.  He  sends  off  a  detachment  to  harass 
the  rebel  retreat,  and  waits  the  arrival  of  Cranor, 
with  whom  he  means  to  follow  and  bring  Marshall 
to  battle  in  the  morning. 

In  the  morning  Cranor  comes,  but  his  men  are 
footsore,  without  rations  and  completely  ex 
hausted.  The  most  of  these  cannot  move  one 
leg  after  the  other.  But  the  Union  commander  is 
determined  on  a  battle,  so  every  man  who  has 
strength  to  march  is  ordered  to  come  forward. 
Eleven  hundred,  and  among  them  four  hundred  of 
Cranor's  tired  heroes,  step  from  the  ranks,  and 
with  them,  at  noon  on  the  Qth,  Garfield  sets  out 
for  Prestonburg,  sending  all  his  available  cavalry 
to  follow  the  line  of  the  enemy's  retreat,  and  har 
ass  and  destroy  him. 

Marching  eighteen  miles  he  reaches,  at  nine 
o'clock  that  night,  the  mouth  of  Abbott's  Creek, 
three  miles  belowPrestonburg — he  and  the  eleven 
hundred.  There  he  learns  that  Marshall  is  en 
camped  on  the  same  stream,  three  miles  higher 
up;  and,  throwing  his  men  into  bivouac  in  the 
midst  of  a  sleety  rain,  he  sends  back  an  order  to 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Sheldon,  who  had  been  left  in 
command  at  Paintville,  to  bring  up  every  available 
man  with  all  possible  dispatch,  for  he  shall  force 
the  enemy  to  battle  in  the  morning.  He  spends 


148 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


the  night  in  learning  the  character  of  the  sur 
rounding  country,  and  the  disposition  of  Mar 
shall's  forces,  and  makes  a  hasty  dinner  off  of 
stewed  rabbit  eaten  out  of  a  tin-cup — he  sharing 
the  single  spoon  and  the  stew  with  one  of  his 
officers. 

Jordan,  the  scout,  now  comes  into  play  once 
more.  A  dozen  rebels  are  grinding  at  a  mill,  and  a 
dozen  honest  men  come  upon  them,  steal  their  corn 
and  take  them  prisoners.  The  miller  is  a  tall, 
gaunt  man,  and  his  "butternuts"  fit  Jordan  as  if 
they  were  made  for  him.  He  is  a  rebel  too,  and 
his  very  raiment  should  bear  witness  against  this 
feeding  of  his  enemies.  It  does.  It  goes  back  to 
the  rebel  camp,  and  Jordan  goes  in  it.  That 
chameleon  face  of  his  is  smeared  with  meal,  and 
looks  the  miller  so  well  that  the  miller's  own  wife 
might  not  detect  the  difference.  The  night  is 
pitch  dark  and  rainy,  and  that  lessens  the  danger; 
but  still  Jordan  is  picking  his  teeth  in  the  very 
jaws  of  the  lion. 

Jordan's  midnight  ramble  in  the  rebel  ranks 
gave  Garfield  the  exact  position  of  the  enemy. 
They  had  made  a  stand,  and  laid  an  ambuscade  for 
him.  Strongly  posted,  on  a  semi-circular  hill  at 
the  forks  of  Middle  Creek,  on  both  sides  of  the 
road,  with  cannon  commanding  its  whole  length, 
and  hidden  by  the  trees  and  underbrush,  they 
awaited  his  coming. 

Deeming-  it  unsafe  to   proceed  furthei    in   the 


JAMES  A.   CARFIEI.D.  j  . 

darkness,  Garfield,  as  lias  been  said,  ordered  his 
army  into  bivouac,  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
and  climbed  the  steep  ridge  called  Abbott's  Hill. 
His  tired  men  threw  themselves  upon  the  wet 
ground  to  wait  till  morning.  It  was  a  terrible 
night,  fit  prelude  to  the  terrible  day  that  followed. 
A  dense  fog  shut  out  the  moon  and  stars,  and 
shrouded  the  lonely  mountain  in  almost  Cimmerian 
darkness.  A  cold  wind  swept  from  the  north, 
driving  the  rain  in  blinding  gusts  into  the  faces  of 
the  shivering  men,  and  stirring  the  dark  fires  into 
the  cadences  of  a  mournful  music.  But  the  slow 
and  cheerless  night  at  last  wore  away,  and  at  four 
in  the  morning  the  tired  and  hungry  men,  their 
icy  clothing  clinging  to  their  half-frozen  limbs, 
were  roused  from  their  cold  beds  and  ordered 
to  move  forward.  Slowly  and  cautiously  they 
descended  into  the  valley,  that  to  so  many  of 
them  seemed  the  Valley  of  the  Shadow  of  Death. 
The  enemy  was  waiting  them,  they  were  wait 
ing  him.  The  last  bivouac  had  been  held,  and 
there  was  nothing  left  but  to  advance  and  meas 
ure  their  lives  against  the  foe. 


e o  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  XII. 

HAIL  COLUMBIA'S  SOLDIER  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  MIDDLE  CREEK. 

AS  the  day  breaks  in  the  east,  and  the  gra) 
mists  that  have  been  the  blankets  foi 
Garfield's  little  force  slowly  draw  up  frorr 
the  inhospitable  ground,  the  advance  guard,  round 
ing  a  hill  that  juts  out  into  the  valley,  is  chargec 
upon  by  a  body  of  rebel  horsemen.  Forming  his 
men  in  a  hollow  square,  Garfield  gives  the  rebels 
a  volley  that  sends  them  reeling  up  the  valley,  al 
but  one,  and  he  with  his  horse  plunges  into  the 
stream,  and  is  captured. 

The  main  body  of  the  enemy,  it  is  now  evident 
is  not  far  distant,  but  whether  he  has  changed  his 
position  since  the  visit  of  the  scout  Jordan  is  ye 
uncertain.  To  determine  this,  Garfield  sends  for 
ward  a  strong  corps  of  skirmishers,  who  sweep  the 
cavalry  from  a  ridge  they  have  occupied,  anc 
moving  forward,  soon  draw  the  fire  of  the  hidder 
rebels.  Suddenly  a  puff  of  smoke  rises  from  be 
yond  the  hill,  and  a  twelve-pound  shell  whistles 
above  the  trees,  then,  plowing  up  the  hill,  buries 
itself  in  the  ground  at  the  feet  of  the  adventurous 
little  band  of  skirmishers. 

It  is  now  twelve  o'clock,  and  throwing  his  whole 


JAMES  A.   GAR  FIELD.  T  „  j 

force  upon  the  ridge  whence  the  rebel  cavalry 
have  been  driven,  Garfield  prepares  for  the  im 
pending  battle.  It  is  a  trying  and  perilous  mo 
ment.  He  is  in  the  presence  of  a  greatly  superior 
enemy,  and  how  to  dispose  his  little  force,  and 
where  first  to  attack,  are  things  not  easy  to  deter 
mine.  But  he  loses  no  time  in  idle  indecision. 

Looking  in  the  faces  of  his  eleven  hundred  men, 
he  goes  at  once  into  the  terrible  struggle.  His 
mounted  escort  of  twelve  soldiers  he  sends  for 
ward  to  make  a  charge,  and,  if  possible,  to  draw 
the  fire  of  the  enemy.  The  ruse  succeeds  admir 
ably.  As  the  little  squad  sweeps  round  a  curve  in 
the  road,  another  shell  whistles  through  the  valley, 
and  the  long  roll  of  nearly  five  thousand  muskets 
chimes  in  with  a  fierce  salutation.  The  battle  has 
begun  in  earnest. 

A  glance  at  the  ground  will  best  show  the  real 
nature  of  the  conflict.  It  was  on  the  margin  of 
Middle  Creek,  a  narrow  and  rapid  stream,  and 
three  miles  from  where  it  finds  its  way  into  the 
Big  Sandy,  through  the  sharp  spurs  of  the  Cumber 
land  Mountains.  A  rocky  road,  not  ten  feet  in 
width,  winds  along  this  stream,  and  on  its  two 
banks  abrupt  ridges,  with  steep  and  rocky  sides, 
overgrown  with  trees  and  underbrush,  shut  closely 
down  upon  the  narrow  road  and  little  streamlet. 
At  twelve  o'clock  Garfield  has  gained  the  crest  of 
the  ridge  at  the  right  of  the  road,  and  the  charge 
of  his  handful  of  horsemen  has  drawn  Marshall's 


T  r-o  LIFE  A. YD  PUHLIC  CAREER  OF 

I 

fire  and  disclosed  his  actual  position.  It  will  be 
clearly  seen  from  the  subjoined  diagram. 

The  main  force  of  the  rebels  occupied  the  crests 
of  the  two  ridges  at  the  left  of  the  stream,  but  a 
strong  detachment  was  posted  on  the  right,  and  a 
battery  of  twelve  pieces  held  the  forks  of  the 
creek  and  commanded  the  approach  of  the  Union 
army.  It  was  Marshall's  plan  to  lure  Garfield 
along  the  road,  and  then  taking  him  between  two 
enfilading  fires,  surround  and  utterly  destroy  him. 
But  his  hasty  fire  betrayed  his  design  and  un 
masked  his  position. 

Garfield  acts  with  promptness  and  decision.  A 
hundred  undergraduates,  recruited  from  his  own 
college,  are  ordered  to  cross  the  stream,  climb  the 
ridge  whence  the  fire  had  been  hottest,  and  bring 
on  the  battle.  Boldly  the  little  band  plunges  into 
the  creek,  the  icy  water  up  to  their  waists,  and 
clinging  to  the  trees  and  underbrush,  climb  the 
rocky  ascent.  Half  way  up  the  ridge  the  fire  of 
at  least  two  thousand  rifles  open  upon  them,  but 
springing  from  tree  to  tree,  they  press  on,  and  at 
last  reach  the  summit.  Then  suddenly  the  hill  is 
gray  with  rebels,  who,  rising  from  ambush,  pour 
their  deadly  volleys  into  the  little  band  of  only  a 
hundred.  For  a  moment  there  are  signs  of  wav 
ering,  then  their  leader  calls  out :  "  Every  man  to 
a  tree !  Give  them  as  good  as  they  send,  my 
brave  Bereans !" 

The  rebels,    behind   rocks   and    rude  intrench- 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  }  „  - 

ments,  are  obliged  to  expose  their  heads  to  take 
aim  at  the  advancing  column,  but  the  Union  troops, 
posted  behind  the  huge  oaks  and  maples,  can  stand 
erect  and  load  and  fire  fully  protected.  Though 
they  are  outnumbered  ten  to  one,  the  contest  is 
therefore  for  a  time  not  so  very  unequal.  But  soon 
the  rebels,  exasperated  with  the  obstinate  resist 
ance,  rush  from  cover  and  charge  upon  the  little 
handful  with  the  bayonet.  Slowly  they  are  driven 
down  the  hill,  and  two  of  them  fall  to  the  ground 
wounded.  One  never  rises,  the  other,  a  lad  of 
only  eighteen,  is  shot  through  the  thigh,  and  one 
of  his  comrades  turns  back  to  bear  him  to  a  place 
of  safety.  The  advancing  rebels  are  within  thirty 
feet,  when  one  of  them  fires,  and  his  bullet  strikes 
a  tree  directly  above  the  head  of  the  Union  sol 
dier.  He  turns,  levels  his  musket,  and  the  rebel 
is  in  eternity.  Then  the  rest  are  upon  him  ;  but, 
zigzagging  from  tree  to  tree,  he  is  soon  with  his 
driven  column.  But  not  far  are  the  brave  boys 
driven.  A  few  rods  lower  down  they  hear  the  voice 
of  their  leader. 

"  To  the  trees  again,  my  boys,"  he  cries.  "  We 
may  as  well  die  here  as  in  Ohio !" 

To  the  trees  they  go,  and  in  a  moment  the  ad 
vancing  horde  is  checked,  and  then  rolled  back 
ward.  Up  the  hill  they  turn,  firing  as  they  go,  and 
the  little  band  follows.  Soon  the  rebels  reach  the 
spot  where  the  Berean  boy  lies  wounded,  and  one 
of  them  says  to  him : 


156 


LIFE  AXD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


"  Boy,  guv  me  yer  musket.*' 

"  Not  the  gun  but  its  contents,"  returns  the  lad, 
and  the  rebel  falls,  mortally  wounded.  Another 
raises  his  weapon  to  brain  the  prostrate  lad,  but 
he  too  falls,  killed  with  his  comrade's  own  rifle. 
And  all  this  is  done  while  the  hero-lad  is  on  the 
ground  bleeding.  An  hour  afterward,  his  com 
rades  bear  him  to  a  sheltered  spot  on  the  other 
side  of  the  streamlet,  and  then  the  first  word  of  com 
plaint  escapes  him.  As  they  are  taking  offhis  leg, 
he  says,  in  his  agony :  "  Oh,  what  will  mother  do  ?" 

A  fortnight  later,  the  words  of  this  patient,  patri 
otic  lad — Charles  Carlton,  of  Franklin,  Ohio — re 
peated  in  the  Senate  of  Ohio,  aroused  the  State  to 
at  once  make  provision  for  the  widows  and  mothers 
of  its  soldiers. 

As  the  college  boys  retreat,  the  quick  eye  of 
the  Union  commander,  standing  upon  a  rocky 
height  on  the  other  side  of  the  narrow  valley,  dis 
cerns,  through  the  densely-curling  smoke,  the  real 
state  of  the  unequal  contest.  "  They  are  being 
driven,"  he  says;  "  they  will  lose  the  hill  unless 
supported." 

Immediately,  five  hundred  of  the  Ohio  Fortieth 
and  Forty-second,  under  Major  Pardee  and  Colo 
nel  Cranor,  are  ordered  to  the  rescue.  Holding 
their  cartridge-boxes  above  their  heads,  they  dash 
into  the  stream,  up  the  hill  and  into  the  fight 
shouting: 

"  Hurra  for  Williams  and  the  brave  Bereans !" 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

But  shot,  and  shell,  and  canister,  and  the  fire  of 
four  thousand  muskets,  are  now  concentrated 
upon  the  few  hundred  heroes. 

"This  will  never  do,"  cries  Garfield.  "Who 
will  volunteer  to  carry  the  crest  of  the  moun 
tain?" 

"We  will!"  shouts  Colonel  Munroe,  of  the 
Twenty-second  Kentucky.  "  We  know  every  inch 
of  the  ground." 

"  Go  in,  then,"  cries  Garfield,  "  and  give  them 
Hail  Columbia!" 

Fording  the  stream  lower  down,  they  climbed 
the  ridge  to  the  left,  and  in  ten  minutes  are  upon 
the  enemy.  Like  the  others,  these  rebels  are 
posted  behind  rocks,  and,  when  uncovered,  heads 
soon  become  ghastly  targets  for  the  sure  Ken 
tucky  rifles. 

"Take  good  aim,  and  don't  shoot  till  you  see 
the  eyes  of  your  enemy,"  shouts  the  brave  col 
onel. 

The  men  have  never  been  under  fire,  but  in  a 
few  moments  are  as  cool  as  if  at  one  of  the  tradi 
tional  Kentucky  turkey  matches. 

"Do  you  see  that  reb,"  says  one  to  a  comrade, 
as  a  head  appears  above  the  rock.  "Hit  him  while 
I'm  loading." 

Another  is  bringing  his  cartridge  to  his  mouth 
when  a  bullet  cuts  away  the  powder  and  leaves 
the  lead  in  his  fingers.  Shielding  his  arm  with  his 
body,  he  says,  as  he  turns  from  the  foe  and  rams 


•53 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


home  another  cartridge:  "There,  see  if  you  can 
hit  that?" 

Another  takes  out  a  piece  of  hard-tack  and  a 
ball  shivers  it  in  his  hand.  He  swallows  the  rem 
nant,  and  then  coolly  fires  away  again.  One  is 
brought  down  by  a  ball  in  the  knee;  and,  lying  on 
the  ground,  rifle  in  hand,  watches  for  the  man  who 
shot  him.  Soon  the  rebel's  head  rises  above  a 
rock,  and  the  two  fire  at  the  same  instant.  The 
Union  man  is  struck  in  the  mouth,  but  as  he  is 
borne  down  the  hill  he  splutters  out:  "  Never 
mind,  that  secesh  is  done  for."  The  next  morn 
ing  the  rebel  is  found  with  the  whole  upper  part 
of  his  head  shot  away  by  the  others  bullet 

The  brave  Kentuckians  climb  or  leap  up  along 
the  side  of  the  mountain.  Now  they  are  hidden 
in 'the  underbrush,  now  sheltered  by  the  great 
trees,  and  now  fully  exposed  in  some  narrow 
opening,  but  gradually  they  near  the  crest  of  the 
ridge,  and  at  last  are  on  its  very  summit.  As 
they  come  in  open  sight  a  rebel  cries  out: 

"  How  many  are  there  of  you  ?" 

"Twenty-five  millions,  tl m  you,"  shouts 

back  a  Kentucky  Union  officer. 

Then  comes  a  terrible  hand-to-hand  struggle, 
and  the  little  band  of  less  than  four  hundred,  over 
powered  by  numbers,  are  driven  far  down  the 
mountain. 

Meanwhile  another  cannon  has  opened  on  the 
hill  and  round  shot  and  canister  fall  thickly  among 


JAMES  A,   GARFIELD.  j  „ 

the  weary  eleven  hundred.  Seeing  his  advance 
about  to  waver  the  Union  commander  sends 
volley  after  volley  from  his  entire  reserve  at  the 
central  point  between  his  two  detachments,  and 
for  a  time  the  enemy  is  silenced  in  that  quarter. 
But  soon  it  opens  again,  and  then  Garneld  orders 
all  but  a  chosen  hundred  upon  the  mountain. 
There  the  battle  grows  terrible.  Thick  and  thicker 
swarm  the  rebels  on  the  crest,  sharp  and  sharper 
rolls  the  musketry  along  the  valley,  and  as  volley 
after  volley  echoes  among  the  hills  and  the  white 
smoke  curls  up  in  long  wreaths  from  the  gleaming 
rifles  a  dense  cloud  gathers  overhead  as  if  to  shut 
out  the  scene  of  carnage  from  the  very  eye  of 
Heaven. 

So  the  bloody  work  goes  on,  so  the  battle 
wavers  till  the  setting  sun  wheeling  below  the  hills 
glances  along  the  dense  line  of  rebel  steel  move- 
ing  down  to  envelop  the  weary  eleven  hundred. 
It  is  an  awful  moment,  big  with  the  immediate 
fate  of  Kentucky.  At  its  very  crisis  two  figures 
stand  out  against  the  fading  sky,  boldly  defined 
in  the  foreground. 

One  is  in  Union  blue  with  a  little  band  of 
heroes  about  him.  He  is  posted  on  a  projecting 
rock  which  is  scarred  with  bullets  and  in  full  view 
of  both  armies.  His  head  is  uncovered,  his  hair 
streaming  in  the  wind,  his  face  upturned  in  the 
darkening  daylight  and  from  his  soul  is  going  up 
a  prayer — a  prayer  for  Sheldon  and  reinforce- 


T5o  LIFE  A. VI)   PUBLIC  CAREER   Of 

ments.  He  turns  his  eyes  to  the  northward,  his 
lips  tighten,  he  pulls  off  his  coat  and  throws  it  into 
the  air  and  it  lodges  in  a  tree  top  out  of  reach, 
then  he  says  to  his  hundred  men: 

"Boys,  we  must  go  at  them." 

The  men  threw  up  their  caps  with  a  wild  shout 
and  rush  in,  following  the  Union  colonel  who  led 
them  at  a  run,  and  in  his  shirt  sleeves. 

The  other  figure  is  in  Rebel  gray.  Moving 
out  to  the  brow  of  the  opposite  hill  and  placing  a 
glass  to  his  eye,  he  too  takes  a  long  look  to  the 
northward.  Suddenly  he  starts,  for  he  sees  some 
thing  which  the  other  on  lower  ground  does  not 
distinguish.  Soon  he  wheels  his  horse  and  the 
word  "RETREAT"  echoes  along  the  valley  between 
them.  It  is  his  last  word;  for  six  rifles  crack, 
and  the  rebel  major  lies  on  the  ground  quivering. 
The  one  in  blue  looks  to  the  north  again  as  he 
clambers  up  the  mountain  and  now  floating  proudly 
among  the  trees  he  sees  the  starry  banner,  that  ban 
ner  that  has  meant  liberty  and  life  to  millions.  It  is 
Sheldon  and  his  forces.  On  they  come  like  the 
rushing  wind  filling  the  air  with  their  shouting. 
The  rescued  eleven  hundred  take  up  the  strain 
and  then  above  the  swift  pursuit,  above  the  lessen 
ing  conflict,  above  the  last  boom  of  wheeling 
cannon  goes  the  wild  huzza  of  victory. 

As  they  come  back  from  the  short  pursuit,  the 
young  commander  grasps  man  after  man  by  the 
hand,  and  says: 


JAMES  A.    GARFIZLD.  j  5  * 

"  God  bless  you,  boys  !  You  have  saved  Ken* 
tucky !"  x 

They  had,  indeed,  and  in  a  wonderful  battle. 
Says  that  genial  writer,  Edmund  Kirke :  "  In  the 
history  of  the  late  war,  there  is  not  another  like  it. 
Measured  by  the  forces  engaged,  the  valor  dis 
played  and  the  results  that  followed,  it  throws  into 
the  shade  the  achievements  of  even  that  mighty 
host  that  saved  the  nation.  Eleven  hundred  foot 
sore  and  weary  men,  without  cannon,  charged  up 
a  rocky  hill,  over  stumps,  over  stones,  over  fallen 
trees,  over  high  intrenchments,  right  into  the  face 
of  five  thousand  fresh  .troops  with  twelve  pieces 
of  artillery!" 

To  the  reader,  the  action  may  seem  insignificant, 
but  it  was  of  considerable  importance  to  the  Fed 
eral  armies  at  this  juncture.  Captain  F.  H.  Mason, 
in  his  history  of  the  Forty-second  Ohio  Infantry, 
defines  its  place  in  history  : 

"The  battle  of  Middle  Creek,  trifling  though 
it  may  be  considered  in  comparison  with  later  con 
tests,  was  the  first  substantial  victory  won  for  the 
Union  cause.  At  Big  Bethel,  Bull  Run,  in  Mis 
souri,  and  at  various  points  at  which  the  Union 
and  Confederate  forces  had  come  in  contact,  the 
latter  had  been  uniformly  victorious.  The  people 
of  the  North,  giving  freely  of  their  men  and  their 
substance  in  response  to  each  successive  call  of 
the  government,  had  long  and  anxiously  watche  ! 
and  waited  for  a  little  gleam  of  victory  to  show 
10 


164 


LIFE  AXD  PUD LIC  CAREER  OF 


that  northern  valor  was  a  match  for  southern  im 
petuosity  in  the  field.  They  had  waited  in  vain 
since  the  disaster  at  Bull  Run,  during  the  previous 
summer,  and  hope  had  almost  yielded  to  despair. 
The  story  of  Garfield's  success  at  Middle  Creek 
came,  therefore,  like  a  benediction  to  the  Union 
cause.  Though  won  at  a  trifling  cost  it  was  deci 
sive  so  far  as  concerned  the  purposes  of  that  im 
mediate  campaign.  Marshall's  force  was  driven 
from  Kentucky,  and  made  no  further  attempt  to 
occupy  the  Sandy  Valley.  The  important  vic 
tories  at  Mill  Spring,  Forts  Donaldson  and  Henry, 
and  the  repulse  at  Shiloh,- followed.  The  victory 
at  Mill  Creek  proved  the  first  wave  of  a  returning 
tide." 

Speaking  of  the  engagement,  Garfield  said,  after 
he  had  gained  a  wider  experience  in  war:  "  It  was  a 
very  rash  and  imprudent  affair  on  my  part.  If  I 
had  been  an  officer  of  more  experienee,  I  probably 
should  not  have  made  the  attack.  As  it  was,  hav 
ing  gone  into  the  army  with  the  notion  that  fight 
ing  was  our  business.  I  didn't  know  any  better." 

"And,  during  it  all,"  says  Judge  Clark,  who  was 
in  the  Forty-second,  "Garfield  was  the  soldiers' 
friend.  Such  was  his  affection  for  the  men  that 
he  would  divide  his  last  rations  with  them,  and 
nobody  ever  found  anything  better  at  head-quar 
ters  than  the  rest  got" 


VIEW  OF  POUND  GAP. 


VIEW  OF  MIDDLE  CREEK. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


167 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

A  STEAMBOAT   CAPTAIN   AND   THE  CAPTURE  OF  POUND  GAP. 

THE  night  closed  in  upon  the  happy,  but 
tired  men ;  another  night,  the  long  watches 
of  which  were  lived  out  upon  the  frozen 
ground.  Garfield  took  the  time  to  consider  the 
situation.  Marshall's  forces  were  broken  and  de 
moralized.  Though  in  full  retreat,  they  might  be 
overtaken  and  destroyed ;  but  his  own  troops 
were  half  dead  with  fatigue  and  exposure,  and  had 
less  than  three  days'  rations.  In  these  circum 
stances,  Garfield  prudently  decided  to  occupy 
Prestonburg,  and  await  the  arrival  of  supplies  be 
fore  dealing  a  final  blow  at  the  enemy.  On  the 
day  succeeding  the  battle  he  issued  the  following 
address  to  his  army,  which  tells,  in  brief,  the  story 
of  the  campaign: 

"  SOLDIERS  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  BRIGADE  :  I  am 
proud  of  you  all!  In  four  weeks  you  have 
marched,  some  eighty,  and  some  a  hundred  miles, 
over  almost  impassable  roads.  One  night  in  four 
you  have  slept,  often  in  the  storm,  with  only  a 
wintry  sky  above  your  heads.  You  have  marched 
in  the  face  of  a  foe  of  more  than  double  your  num 
ber,  led  on  by  chiefs  who  have  won  a  national  re* 


j  6g  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

nown  under  the  old  flag,  entrenched  in  hills  of  his 
own  choosing,  and  strengthened  by  all  the  appli 
ances  of  military  art.  With  no  experience  but  the 
consciousness  of  your  own  manhood,  you  have 
driven  him  from  his  strongholds,  pursued  his  in 
glorious  flight,  and  compelled  him  to  meet  you  in 
battle.  When  forced  to  fight,  he  sought  the  shel 
ter  of  rocks  and  hills.  You  drove  him  from  his 
position,  leaving  scores  of  his  bloody  dead  un- 
buried.  His  artillery  thundered  against  you,  but 
you  compelled  him  to  flee  by  the  light  of  his  burn 
ing  stores,  and  to  leave  even  the  banner  of  his 
rebellion  behind  him.  I  greet  you  as  brave  men. 
Our  common  country  will  not  forget  you.  She 
will  not  forget  the  sacred  dead  who  fell  beside 
you,  nor  those  of  your  comrades  who  won  scars 
of  honor  on  the  field.  I  have  recalled  you  from 
the  pursuit,  that  you  may  regain  vigor  for  still 
greater  exertions.  Let  no  one  tarnish  his  well- 
earned  honor  by  any  act  unworthy  an  American 
soldier.  Remember  your  duties  as  American  citi 
zens,  and  sacredly  respect  the  rights  and  property 
of  those  with  whom  you  may  come  in  contact. 
Let  it  not  be  said  that  good  men  dread  the  ap 
proach  of  an  American  army.  Officers  and  sol 
diers,  your  duty  has  been  nobly  done.  For  this  I 
thank  you." 

The  retreat  of  Marshall  had  by  no  means  gotten 
rid  of  the  dangers  by  which  the  small  army  of  the 
Union  colonel  was  hampered.  A  fresh  peril  now 


JAMES  A.   CARFIELD. 


169 


beset  the  force.  An  unusually  violent  rain-storm 
broke  out,  the  mountain  gorges  were  all  flooded, 
and  the  Sandy  rose  to  such  a  height  that  steam 
boat-men  pronounced  it  impossible  to  ascend  the 
stream  with  supplies.  The  troops  were  almost 
out  of  rations,  and  the  rough,  mountainous  coun 
try  was  incapable  of  supporting  them.  Colonel 
Garfield  had  gone  down  the  river  to  its  mouth. 
He  ordered  the  "Sandy  Valley,"  a  small  steamer, 
which  had  been  in  the  quarter-master's  service,  to 
take  in  a  load  of  supplies  and  start  up.  The  cap 
tain  declared  it  was  impossible.  Efforts  were 
made  to  get  other  vessels,  but  without  success. 

Finally,  Garfield  ordered  the  captain  and  crew 
on  board,  and  stationed  himself  at  the  wheel.  The 
captain  still  protested  that  no  boat  could  possibly 
stem  the  raging  current,  but  Garfield  turned  her 
head  up  the  stream  and  began  the  perilous  trip. 
The  water  in  the  usually  shallow  river  was  sixty 
feet  deep,  and  the  tree-tops  along  the  banks  were 
almost  submerged.  The  little  vessel  trembled 
from  stem  to  stern  at  every  motion  of  the  engines, 
the  water  whirled  her  about  as  if  she  were  a  skiff, 
and  the  utmost  speed  the  steam  could  give  her 
was  three  miles  an  hour.  When  night  fell  the 
captain  of  the  boat  begged  permission  to  tie  up. 
To  attempt  ascending  the  flood  in  the  darkness 
was  madness.  But  Garfield  kept  his  place  at  the 
wheel,  now  as  always  no  mere  considerations  of 
danger  affected  his  purpose.  Finally,  in  one  of 


j  7Q  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

the  sudden  bends  of  the  river  they  drove,  with  a 
full  head  of  steam,  into  the  quicksand  of  the  bank. 
Every  effort  to  back  off  was  in  vain.  Mattocks 
were  procured,  and  excavations  made  around  the 
embedded  bow.  Still  she  stuck.  Garfield,  at 
last,  ordered  a  boat  to  be  lowered  to  take  a  line 
across  to  the  opposite  bank.  The  crew  protested 
against  venturing  out  on  the  flood.  Garfield 
leaped  into  the  boat  and  steered  it  over.  The 
force  of  the  current  carried  them  far  below  the 
point  they  sought  to  reach,  but  they  finally  suc 
ceeded  in  making  fast  to  a  tree,  and  rigging  a 
windlass  with  rails 'sufficiently  powerful  to  draw 
the  vessel  off  and  get  her  once  more  afloat. 

It  was  on  Saturday  that  the  boat  left  the  mouth 
of  the  Sandy.  All  night,  all  day  Sunday,  and  all 
through  Sunday  night  they  kept  up  their  struggle 
with  the  current,  Garfield  leaving  the  wheel  only 
eight  hours  out  of  the  whole  time,  and  that  during 
the  day.  By  nine  o'clock  on  Monday  morning 
they  reached  the  camp,  and  were  received  with  tu 
multuous  cheering.  Garfield  himself  could  hardly 
escape  being  borne  to  head-quarters  on  the  shoul 
ders  of  the  delighted  men. 

It  was  but  natural  that  the  confused  retreat  of 
She  troops  under  Humphrey  Marshall  should  have 
precipitated  an  alarm  among  the  simple  country 
people.  The  flying  rebels  had  spread  the  most  ex 
aggerated  reports  of  the  strength  and  character 
of  the  Union  forces,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 


JAMES  A.   CARPI  ELD.  '    I  7  I 

district  looked  for  the  immediate  inauguration  of 
a  reign  of  terror,  that  should  deprive  all  non- 
combatants  of  life  and  liberty.  Fleeing  from 
their  homes,  they  took  refuge  in  the  woods  and 
mountains,  and  the  towns  were  well-nigh  deserted 
for  a  time.  On  his  return  with  the  supplies,  Garfield 
determined  to  attempt  the  quieting  of  the  fright 
ened  people,  and  to  that  end  issued  the  following : 

"  CITIZENS  OF  SANDY  VALLEY  :  I  have  come  among  you 
to  restore  the  honor  of  the  Union,  and  to  bring  back  the  old 
banner  which  you  once  loved,  but  which,  by  the  machina 
tions  of  evil  men,  and  by  mutual  misunderstanding,  has  been 
dishonored  among  you.  To  those  who  are  in  arms  against 
the  Federal  Government  I  offer  only  the  alternate  of  battle  or 
unconditional  surrender.  But  to  those  who  have  taken  no 
part  in  this  war,  who  are  in  no  way  aiding  or  abetting  the 
enemies  of  this  Union — even  to  those  who  hold  sentiments 
averse  to  the  Union,  but  will  give  no  aid  or  comfort  to  its 
enemies — I  offer  the  full  protection  of  the  Government,  both 
in  their  persons  and  property. 

"  Let  those  who  have  been  seduced  away  from  the  love  of 
their  country  to  follow  after  and  aid  the  destroyers  of  our 
peace  lay  down  their  arms,  return  to  their  homes,  bear  true 
allegiance  to  the  Federal  Government,  and  they  shall  also 
enjoy  like  protection.  The  army  of  the  Union  wages  no  war 
of  plunder,  but  comes  to  bring  back  the  prosperity  of  peace. 
Let  all  peace-loving  citizens  who  have  fled  from  their  homes 
return  and  resume  again  the  pursuits  of  peace  and  industry. 
If  citizens  have  suffered  any  outrages  by  the  soldiers  under 
my  command,  I  invite  them  to  make  known  their  complaints 
to  me,  and  their  wrongs  shall  be  redressed  and  the  offenders 
punished.  I  expect  the  friends  of  the  Union  in  this  valley  to 
banish  from  among  them  all  private  feuds,  and  let  a  liberal 


j  ~2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OP 

love  of  country  direct  their  conduct  toward  those  who  have 
been  so  sadly  estrayed  and  misguided,  hoping  that  these  days 
of  turbulence  may  soon  be  ended  and  the  days  of  the  Re 
public  soon  return. 

"J.  A.   GARFIELD, 

"  Colonel  Commanding  Brigade." 

Encouraged  by  this  promise  of  protection,  the 
people  soon  issued  from  their  hiding-places  and 
began  to  flock  about  the  Union  head-quarters. 
From,  them  Garfield  obtained  various  reports  of  the 
whereabouts  and  intentions  of  Marshall.  By  some 
he  was  told  that  Marshall,  reinforced  by  three  Vir 
ginia  regiments  and  six  field-pieces,  had  made  a 
stand  and  was  fortifying  himself  in  a  strong  position, 
about  thirty  miles  above,  on  the  waters  of  the 
Big  Beaver.  Others  claimed  to  know  that  he  was 
merely  collecting  provisions  and  preparing  to  re 
treat  into  Tennessee  as  soon  as  the  runs  and 
rivers  should  become  passable. 

All  information  pointed  to  the  truth  that  Mar 
shall  had  made  a  stand,  and  was  still  within  the 
limits  of  Kentucky.  Garfield  determined  to  learn 
his  exact  position,  and  dispatched  a  body  of  one 
hundred  cavalry,  under  Captain  Jenkins,  of  the 
Ohio  cavalry,  with  orders  to  go  up  the  Big  Sandy 
as  far  as  Piketon,  and  not  to  return  until  they  had 
ascertained  the  position  and  intentions  of  the 
enemy. 

From  information  brought  back  by  Captain 
Jenkins,  and  reports  gathered  from  other  sources 


JAMES  A.    CAR  FIELD. 

1  /  J 


• — mainly  from  the  scout  Jordan — during  the  suc 
ceeding  weeks  Garfield  was  pretty  well  able  to 
keep  posted  as  to  the  movements  of  Humphrey 
Marshall,  who  was  still  sufficiently  near  to  be  ob 
noxious.  Let  us  see  what  this  was. 

Pound  Gap  is  a  wild  and  irregular  opening  in 
the  Cumberland  Mountains,  about  forty-five  miles 
south-west  of  Piketon,  and  leads  into  Virginia.  It  is 
the  only  avenue  for  wagon  communication  between 
the  southerly  portions  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky, 
and  derives  its  name  from  the  fertile  track  of 
meadow-land  which  skirts  the  southerly  base  of 
the  mountains,  and  is  inclosed  by  a  narrow  stream 
called  Pound  Fork.  In  the  early  history  of  the 
district,  this  mountain  locality  was  the  home  of  a 
tribe  of  Indians,  who  made  irregular  and  constant 
expeditions  into  Virginia  in  search  of  plunder. 
Returning  with  the  stolen  cattle  of  the  settlers, 
they  pastured  them  in  this  meadow  inclosure.  In 
this  way  it  was  christened  the  "  Pound,"  which  in 
time  it  bestowed  both  to  the  gap  and  the  streamlet. 

In  this  "  Pound,"  and  on  the  summit  of  the 
gorge  through  which  the  road  passes,  the  rebels 
had  built  long  huts,  capable  of  quartering  nearly 
a  thousand  men ;  and  across  the  opening,  to  make 
their  position  apparently  impregnable,  they  had 
built  directly  across  the  gap  a  formidable  breast 
work — completely  blocking  up  the  way,  and  be 
hind  which  five  hundred  men  could  resist  success 
fully  five  thousand. 


jy^  1-11'H  AND  ^L'Bl.lC  CAREER  OF 

In  several  weeks  Pound  Gap  had  been  garri 
soned  by  about  six  hundred  rebel  militia  under 
a  Major  Thompson,  and  though  incapable  of  ef 
fective  service  in  the  field  the  troops  had  been  of 
no  small  value  to  the  rebel  cause  by  holding  this 
gateway  into  Virginia  and  establishing  a  constant 
reign  of  terror  among  all  the  loyal  citizens  of  the 
surrounding  country.  Imitating  the  Indians,  the 
rebels  would  issue  from  this  stronghold  in  small 
parties,  descend  to  the  valleys,  rob  and  murder 
the  peaceful  inhabitants,  and  before  pursuit  was 
possible  would  be  once  more  behind  the  protect 
ing  breastworks.  Many  of  these  predatory  bands 
had  been  captured  through  the  ceaseless  activity 
of  the  Kentucky  cavalry,  but  as  soon  as  one  party 
was  captured  another  would  start  out  from  the 
stronghold  to  continue  the  work  of  spoliation  and 
perpetuate  the  reign  of  blood.  It  soon  became 
evident  that  the  only  way  to  effectually  stop  these 
inroads  was  to  break  up  once  and  forever  the 
nest  on  the  mountain.  This  Garfield  had  long 
determined  to  do.  He  waited  only  for  reliable 
information  as  to  the  strength  and  position  of 
the  rebels  and  for  a  definite  description  of  the 
route  to  be  taken  to  get  in  the  rear  of  the  in- 
trenchments. 

This  information  the  scout  Jordan,  after  sur 
mounting  many  difficulties  and  encountering  great 
dangers,  was  enabled  to  supply.  He  made  for 
Garfield  an  accurate  map  of  the  position  and 
wrote  to  him: 


JAMES  A.   CARFJKLD. 

J/5 

"General  Marshall  has  issued  an  order  for  a 
grand  muster  of  the  rebel  militia  on  the  1 5th  of 
March.  They  are  to  meet  at  the  '  Pound '  in  the 
rear  of  their  intrenchments,  and  it  is  expected  they 
will  muster  in  sufficient  strength  to  enter  Ken 
tucky  and  drive  the  Union  forces  before  them." 

Garfield  at  once  determined  to  forestall  the 
intended  gathering  and  to  break  up  the  entire 
swarm  of  guerillas.  He  set  out  on  the  following 
morning  with  three  days'  rations  in  the  haversacks 
of  his  men,  and  a  quantity  of  provisions  packed 
on  the  backs  of  mules.  He  took  with  him  two 
hundred  and  twenty  of  the  Fortieth  Ohio,  under 
Colonel  Cranor,  two  hundred  of  the  Forty-second 
Ohio,  under  Major  Pardee,  one  hundred  and 
eighty  of  the  Twenty-second  Kentucky,  under 
Major  Cook,  and  a  hundred  cavalry,  under  Major 
McLaughlin,  a  total  of  seven  hundred. 

The  roads  were  deep  in  mud,  and  the  countless 
rivulets  that  thread  through  this  mountainous 
region,  were  filled  with  ice  and  swollen  to  the  size 
of  respectable  torrents.  The  little  army  made 
light  of  the  difficulties,  however,  and  pressed  on 
with  perseverance  over  the  rough  roads  in  the 
midst  of  the  drenching  rain.  Late  on  the  second 
day  Elkborn  Creek  was  reached,  a  small  stream 
which  flows  along  the  northern  base  of  the  moun 
tains  and  empties  into  the  Big  Sandy,  only  two 
miles  below  the  rebel  position.  Here  the  troops 
went  into  camp  on  the  wet  ground,  and  waited  the 
coming-  of  dawn. 


j  76  T.IFE  AXD  PUKl.rc  CAREER  OF 

Garfield's  plan  was  to  send  his  one  hundred 
cavalrymen  up  the  road  to  make  a  demonstration 
against  the  enemy's  intrenchments,  and  to  engage 
his  attention  while  he,  with  the  six  hundred  infan 
try,  should  climb  the  steep  side  of  the  mountain 
and,  filing  alono;  a  narrow  ledofe  of  rocks  at  the 

o  o  o 

summit,  reach  the  gap  and  attack  the  rebels  upon 
the  flank.  To  prove  successful,  absolute  secrecy 
was  required ;  and  to  obtain  this  every  male  resi 
dent  of  the  vicinity  was  brought  into  camp  and 
detained,  that  he  should  not  carry  information  to 
the  enemy.  Questions  were  asked  of  every  one 
as  to  some  practicable  route  to  the  rear  of  the 
rebel  intrenchments.  There  was  no  route.  The 
mountain  was  steep,  and  in  many  places  precipi 
tous,  and  it  was  tangled  with  dense  thickets,  ob 
structed  with  fallen  logs,  and  covered  with  huge 
boulders  which,  coated  with  ice  and  snow,  formed 
an  almost  impassable  barrier  to  the  passage  of 
any  living  thing,  save  the  panther  or  the  cata 
mount.  Then  again,  even  if  the  adventurous 
band  succeeded  in  gaining  the  mountain  summit 
in  the  face  of  these  obstacles,  there  was  still  to  be 
traversed  for  a  long  distance  a  narrow  ledge, 
buried  .three  feet  in  treacherous  snow,  where 
one  false  step  would  be  dangerous — a  place 
where  ten  men  could  dispute  the  passage  of  ten 
thousand. 

Though  tempted  with  liberal  offers  of  money, 
not  one  of  the  "  natives "  would  undertake  to 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD 

]7/ 

guide  the  expedition  on  the  perilous  journey  about 
to  be  undertaken.  Garfield  laid  down  at  midnight 
on  the  floor  of  a  miserable  log  shanty,  near  the 
foot  of  the  mountains.  The  prospect  was  in  no 
way  encouraging.  But,  turning  back  was  out  of 
the  question.  Even  if  failure  was  to  be  the  re 
ward  of  his  pains,  the  Union  commander  deter 
mined  to  scale  the  mountain  in  the  morning. 

These  thoughts  in  his  mind,  he  dropped  off  to 
sleep.  Before  morning  he  was  aroused  by  a  num 
ber  of  men  entering  his  apartment — one  of  them 
said  : 

"  Colonel,  this  old  fellow  has  just  come  into 
camp,  and  offers  to  guide  us  over  the  mountains. 
He  says  he  knows  every  road  of  this  region,  and 
can  lead  us  to  the  rebel  nest  in  safety." 

Garfield  raised  himself  on  his  blanket,  and  by 
the  dim  light  of  the  logs  that  were  smouldering 
on  the  hearth  looked  narrowly  at  the  old  native. 
He  was  apparently  not  far  from  seventy,  with  a 
tall,  bent  form,  and  long  hair  and  beard  which 
were  almost  of  snowy  whiteness.  He  wore  the 
common  homespun  of  the  district,  and  over  his 
shoulder  carried,  slung  by  a  stout  leather  thong,  a 
brightly-burnished  squirrel  rifle.  His  enormous 
beard  and  huge  slouch  hat  more  than  half  hid  his 
face,  but  enough  of  it  was  exposed  to  show  a 
tawny,  smoke-begrimed  skin,  and  strongly-marked, 
determined  features.  Hastily  scanning  him  from 
head  to  foot,  the  Union  officer  said,  smiling : 


j  ~g  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

"  You  !  old  man,  do  you  think  you  can  climb 
the  mountain  ?" 

"  I  hev  done  it,  gineral,  many  and  many  a 
time,"  said  the  native  in  a  voice  that  sounded 
much  like  a  cracked  kettle. 

"  I  know,  but  in  winter  the  slope  is  a  sheet  of 
ice  and  three  feet  of  snow  on  the  summit." 

"I  komed  down  it  not  ten  days  ago.  Whar  I 
kin  come  down  ye  kin  go  up." 

"  I  should  think  so — up  or  down.  Is  there  a 
bridle  path  we  can  follow  ?" 

"  Yes,  eight  miles  below.  But  ye'd  better  make 
yer  own  path.  Ye  must  cum  unto  them  unbe 
known  and  sudden,  and  to  do  that  ye  must  foller 
the  path  squirrels  travil." 

"And  do  you  think  we  can  get  over  it  safely  ?" 

"Yes,  if  ye's  men  of  narve  as  means  to  do 
what  they  has  come  about." 

"Well,"  continued  Garfield,  after  a  pause,  "what 
induces  an  old  man  like  you  to  undertake  a  thing 
so  hazardous  ?" 

"The  hope  to  rid  ther  kentry  of  a  set  of 
murderin'  thieves  as  is  carrying  terror  and  death 
inter  every  poor  man's  home  in  all  the  valley." 

"And  what  reward  do  you  look  for  ?" 

"Nary  reward — only  your  word  that  I  shall  go 
as  I  come,  with  no  one  to  let  or  hinder  me." 

Garfield  took  a  long,  steady  look  at  him,  and 
replied : 

"  Very  well.  I'll  trust  you.  Be  here  early  in 
the  morning." 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  j  . 

When  the  morning  came,  the  snow  was  falling 
so  thickly  that«objects  only  a  few  rods  distant  were 
totally  invisible.  At  nine  o'clock,  the  little  body 
of  cavalry  was  started  up  the  road  to  engage  the 
attention  of  the  enemy  and  draw  him  from  his  in- 
trenchments.  Then  the  infantry  was  set  in  motion, 
In  a  long,  bristling,  serpent-like  column,  catching 
at  every  twig,  and  shrub,  and  fallen  log  that  lay 
in  their  way,  they  clambered  slowly  up  the  icy 
mountain-side,  the  old  guide  leading  the  way  and 
steadying  his  steps  by  the  long  iron-shod  staff 
in  use  among  mountaineers.  The  ridge  at  this 
point  rises  two  thousand  feet  above  the  valley, 
and  half-way  up  breaks  into  abrupt  precipices, 
which  seem  to  defy  the  approach  of  any  foot  but 
that  of  the  deer.  After  a  hard  scramble  through 

o 

the  tangled  thickets,  over  the  ice-coated  rocks  and 
along  the  steep  ridge  which  crowns  the  summit  of 
the  mountain,  the  native,  turning  sharply  to  the 
left,  said  to  Garfield : 

"  You  are  now  within  half  a  mile  of  the  rebel 
position.  Yonder  is  their  outside  picket,  but  the 
way  is  clear ;  press  on  at  the  double  and  you  have 
them." 

The  picket  had  now  descried  the  advancing 
column,  and  firing  his  gun,  he  set  out  at  the  top  of 
his  speed  for  the  rebel  intrenchments.  A  dozen 
bullets  made  shrill  music  about  his  ears,  but  he 
kept  on,  and  the  eager  blue-coats  followed.  When 
within  sight  of  the  rebel  camp,  a  line  was  thrown 


PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

down  along  the  eastern  slope  of  the  mountain 
and  pressing  rapidly  forward  was  formed  along 
the  deep  gorge  through  which  the  high  road 
passes.  Up  to  this  time  the  rebels  had  been  skir 
mishing  with  the  cavalry  in  front  of  their  intrench- 
ments,  but  now  they  gathered  on  the  hill  directly 
opposite  the  advanced  portion  of  the  Union  in 
fantry 

To  try  the  range,  Garfield  sent  a  volley  across 
the  gorge,  and  as  the  smoke  cleared  away,  he  saw 
the  unformed  rebel  line  melt  like  mist  into  the 
opposite  forest.  The  enemy's  position  being  now 
understood,  the  Fortieth  and  Forty-second  Ohio 
were  ordered  to  the  already  formed  left  wing,  and 
then  along  the  line  rang  the  words,  "Press  for 
ward,  scale  the  hill  and  carry  it  with  the  bayonet!" 

A  ringing  shout  was  the  only  answer,  and  then 
the  long  column  swept  down  the  ridge,  across  the 
ravine,  through  the  rebel  camp  and  up  the  oppo 
site  mountain.  The  rebels  gradually  fell  back 
among  the  trees,  but  when  the  Union  bayonets 
clambered  up  the  hill  they  broke  and  ran  in  the 
wildest  confusion.  The  Unionists  followed,  firing 
as  they  ran  and  for  a  few  moments  the  mountains 
echoed  with  the  quick  reports  of  the  Ohio  rifles. 
Pursuit  in  the  dense  forest  was  impossible  and 
soon  the  recall  was  sounded. 

Only  one  was  killed  and  seven  were  wounded. 
But  this  well-nigh  bloodless  victory  rid  Eastern 
Kentucky  of  rebel  rule.  The  troops  were  re-as- 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


181 


sembled  and  passed  a  comfortable  night  in  the 
enemy's  quarters,  faring  sumptuously  upon  the 
viands  there  found.  The  next  morning  the  cabins, 
sixty  in  number,  were  burned,  the  breastworks 
destroyed  and  the  general  set  out  on  his  return 
to  Piketon,  which  he  reached  the  following  night, 
having  been  absent  four  days  and  having  marched 
in  that  time  about  one  hundred  miles  over  a  rough 
and  broken  country. 

Six  days  afterward  an  order  was  received  to 
leave  a  small  garrison  at  Piketon,  and  to  transfer 
the  rest  of  the  command,  as  rapidly  as  possible,  to 
Louisville. 

This  ended  the  campaign  on  the  Big  Sandy,  a 
campaign  that  more  than  justified  every  hope  of 
Garfield's  friends,  and  won  him  a  military  reputa 
tion  that  has  continued  unto  the  end.  The  opera 
tions  in  the  Sandy  Valley  had  been  conducted 
with  such  energy  and  skill  as  to  receive  the  special 
commendation  of  the  commanding-general,  and  of 
the  Government.  General  Buell  was  moved  to 
words  of  unwonted  praise,  and  sent  to  Garfield  the 
following  congratulatory  order : 

HEAD-QUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  OHIO, 
LOUISVILLE,  Ky.,  January  2oth,  1862. 

General  Orders,  No.  40. 

The  general  commanding  takes  occasion  to  thank  General 

Garfield  and  his  troops  for  their  successful  campaign  against 

the  rebel  force  under  General  Marshall,  on  the  Big  Sandy, 

and  their  gallant   conduct  in  battle.     They  have  overcome 

II 


!32  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

formidable  difficulties  in  the  character  of  country,  condition 
of  the  roads  and  the  inclemency  of  the  season  ;  and,  without 
artillery,  have  in  several  engagements,  terminating  in  the 
battle  of  Middle  Creek,  on  the  loth  inst.,  driven  the  enemy 
from  his  intrenched  position  and  forced  him  back  into  the 
mountains,  with  a  loss  of  a  large  amount  of  baggage  and 
stores,  and  many  of  his  men  killed  or  captured. 

These  services  have  called  into  action  the  highest  qualities 
of  a  soldier — fortitude,  perseverance  and  courage. 
By  order,         DON  CARLOS  BUELL, 

Major-  General  Commanding. 

The  War  Department,  to  show  its  appreciation, 
made  Colonel  Garfield  a  Brigadier-General,  the 
commission  bearing1  the  date  of  the  battle  of  Mid 
dle  Creek,  January  roth,  1862.  And  the  country, 
without  understanding  very  well  the  details  of  the 
campaign,  fully  appreciated  the  tangible  result. 
The  discomfiture  of  Humphrey  Marshall  was  a 
source  of  special  chagrin  to  the  rebel  sympathizers 
in  Kentucky,  and  of  amusement  and  admiration 
throughout  the  loyal  West.  Garfield  at  once  took 
rank  in  the  public  estimation,  as  worthily  among 
the  most  promising  of  the  younger  volunteer 
generals. 

In  his  "Ohio  in  the  War,"  Whitelaw  Reid  passes 
this  judgment  on  the  campaign:  "Later  criticism 
will  confirm  the  general  verdict  then  passed 
upon  the  Sandy  Valley  campaign.  It  was  the 
first  of  the  brilliant  series  of  successes  that  made 
the  spring  of  1862  so  memorable.  Mill  Springs, 
Fort  Henry,  Fort  Donelson,  Nashville,  Island 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  1  g 

No.  10  and  Memphis,  followed  in  quick  succession; 
but  it  was  to  Garfield's  honor  that  he  had  opened 
this  season  of  victories.  His  plans,  as  we  have 
seen,  were  based  on  sound  military  principles ;  the 
energy  which  he  threw  into  their  execution  was 
thoroughly  admirable,  and  his  management  of  the 
raw  volunteers,  was  such  that  they  acquired  the 
fullest  confidence  in  their  commander  and  endured 
the  hardships  of  the  campaign  with  fortitude  not 
often  shown  in  the  first  field-service  of  new  troops. 
But  the  operations  were  on  a  small  scale,  and 
their  chief  significance  lay  in  the  capacity  they  de 
veloped,  rather  than  in  their  intrinsic  importance." 


1 84 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

OFF   TO   AID   GRANT. 

GARFIELD  has  now  to  be  transferred  to  a 
wider  field  of  operations.  His  conspicu 
ous  ability,  developed  in  battle,  and  his 
great  bravery  could  not  be  allowed  to  remain  idle 
within  the  bounds  of  the  Big  Sandy  district,  so 
effectively  freed  by  him  from  the  control  of  the 
rebels. 

When  he  arrived  at  Louisville,  he  found  that  the 
Army  of  the  Ohio  was  already  beyond  Nashville, 
on  its  way  to  aid  Grant  at  Pittsburg  Landing.  He 
hastened  after  it,  and  reported  to  General  Buell 
about  thirty  miles  south  of  Columbia,  and  under 
his  orders  at  once  assumed  command  of  the 
Twentieth  Brigade,  then  a  part  of  the  division  un 
der  General  Thomas  J.  Wood.  General  Wood  was 
making  all  possible  effort  to  reach  the  Union  forces 
under  Grant,  as  the  approaching  battle  with  Sidney 
Johnson  was  anticipated  as  very  probably  a  battle 
of  the  greatest  importance. 

The  battle  .began  on  the  morning  of  April  6th. 
About  ten  that  day,  Grant  hearing  that  Wood, 
with  the  second  division  of  Buell's  army,  had  ar 
rived  at  Savannah,  sent  him  the  following  order : 

"You  will  move  your  command,  with  the  utmost 


PICKETS  ON  DUTY. 


ARMY  HEAD-QUARTERS. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIRLD. 


187 


dispatch,  to  the  river  at  this  point  (landing),  where 
steamers  will  be  in  readiness  to  convey  you  to 
Pittsburgh 

Still  later  in  the  day  another  dispatch  was  sent 
to  the  commanding  officer  of  Buell's  forces,  urging 
him  to  hurry  up. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  recount  here  how 
thoroughly  the  Union  forces  were  whipped  on  the 
first  day,  and  how  extremely  probable  it  seemed 
that  the  defeat  would  turn  into  a  rout.  But  here, 
as  on  many  another  field  later  in  the  bloody  con 
flict,  Ohio  saved  the  day.  When  a  halt  was  called 
on  the  evening  of  the  6th  it  was  determined  by 
Grant  that  the  Ohio  troops  were  to  form  upon  the 
left  in  the  morning,  and  the  attack  was  to  be  re 
newed.  During  the  night  of  the  6th,  Buell  busied 
himself  in  getting  his  troops  up.  Nelson's  column 
and  nearly  all  of  Crittenden's  and  McCook's  divi 
sions  were  ferried  across  the  river  and  put  in 
position.  All  night  long  the  gun-boats  dropped 
shells  at  intervals  on  the  rebel  lines,  and  the  woods 
caught  fire,  lighting  up  the  battle-field  for  miles 
away.  But  for  a  merciful  shower  of  rain  thousands 
of  helpless  wounded  would  have  been  burned  to 
death  on  that  blazing  battle-field.  The  orders 
were: 

"As  soon  as  it  is  light  enough  to  see,  attack 
with  a  heavy  skirmish  line,  and  when  you  have 
found  the  enemy,  throw  upon  him  your  whole 
force,  leaving  no  reserve." 


I  88  7//V?  AXD  FVFIJC  CAREER  OF 

With  the  first  gray  of  dawn  this  orcier  was  put 
in  execution.  The  Ohio  troops  \vcre  given  the 
left  of  the  field,  Grant's  army,  or  what  of  it  could 
be  gathered  together,  undertook  to  form  and  main 
tain  the  right.  As  rapidly  as  the  Ohioans  could 
come  up  they  went  into  action.  As  may  be  in 
ferred,  they  fought  with  splendid  energy.  During 
the  early  part  of  the  day  Grant  met  the  First  Ohio 
marching  toward  the  northern  part  of  the  field, 
and  immediately  in  front  of  a  position  which  it  was 
important  should  be  taken.  The  regiment  on  the 
left  was  fighting  hard,  but  about  to  yield  ;  in  fact, 
had  given  away,  when  Grant  called  upon  the  Ohio 
boys  to  change  direction  and  charge.  The  sol 
diers,  with  a  cheer,  obeyed,  and  the  retreating 
troops,  seeing  what  was  going  on,  took  new  cour 
age,  and  rallying  with  loud  shouts,  drove  the 
enemy  from  their  strong  position. 

Garfield  had  all  this  time  been  actively  engaged 
in  every  possible  exertion  to  bring  up  his  brigade 
in  time  to  assist  before  either  defeat  or  victory 
silenced  the  cannonading,  that  he  so  distinctly 
heard.  About  one  P.  M.,  he  reached  the  front, 
and  with  a  wild  cheer  his  men  dashed  at  the  rebels, 
he  leading  through  the  storm  of  lead.  The  fresh 
onslaught,  in  which  Garfield's  brigade  participated, 
changed  the  fortunes  of  the  day,  and  the  rebels 
were  soon  flying  from  where  they  had  fought  so 
long  and  well.  The  Union  troops  were  too  much 
exhausted  for  pursuit,  and  halting  in  the  camps 


JAMES  A.   G  ARTIE  I. D.  ^ 

from  which  they  had  been  driven  the  day  before, 
were  content  to  call  it  a  victory. 

On  the  Qth,  the  War  Department  issued  the 
following  complimentary  order  to  all  concerned: 

"  The  thanks.of  the  department  are  hereby  given 
to  Generals  Grant  and  Buell,  and  their  forces,  for 
the  glorious  repulse  of  Beauregard,  at  Pittsburg, 
in  Tennessee." 

The  next  morning  (the  8th),  Garfield's  brigade 
formed  a  part  of  Sherman's  advance,  and  partici 
pated  in  a  sharp  encounter  with  the  enemy's  rear 
guard,  a  few  miles  beyond  the  battle-field.  The 
brigade  formed  a  part  of  the  Union  advance  upon 
Corinth,  to  which  place  Beauregard  had  retreated. 
This  advance  was  slow,  so  slow  that  it  took  six 
weeks  to  march  fifteen  miles.  It  was  not  until  the 
2 1  st  of  May  that  the  armies  were  fairly  in  line, 
three  miles  from  Corinth,  and  everything  ready  for 
the  expected  battle. 

But  all  the  preparations  for  a  battle  were  of  no 
use,  and  when  Halleck  was  ready  to  engage 
Beauregard,  the  latter  was  no  longer  in  Corinth. 
He  had  retreated.  Garfield's  brigade  had  the 
empty  honor  of  being  among  the  earliest  that  en 
tered  the  abandoned  town. 

Then  when  General  Buell,  turning  eastward, 
sought  to  prepare  for  a  new  aggressive  campaign 
with  his  inadequate  forces,  General  Garfield  was 
assigned  the  task  of  rebuilding  the  bridges  and 
reopening  the  Memphis  and  Charlestown  railroad 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


eastward  from  Corinth  to  Decatur.  Crossing 
the  Tennessee  here,  he  advanced  to  Huntsville, 
where  he  remained  during  the  rest  of  that  cam 
paign,  carrying  out  every  instruction  received, 
with  absolute  fidelity,  and  at  all  times  with  perfect 
success. 

One  of  the  constant  objects  of  General  Buell 
during  the  time  General  Garfield  was  engaged  in 
bridge-building,  a  task  for  which  his  energy  and 
familiarity  with  building-work  peculiarly  fitted  him, 
was  the  enforcement  of  discipline  and  the  reduc 
tion  of  the  somewhat  loose  habits  of  the  men  of 
his  command  to  the  army  standard.  Court  mar- 
tials  were  frequent,  and  it  was  not  always  easy  to 
find  officers  thoroughly  fitted  for  such  duties. 
Garfield's  legal  mind,  his  dispassionate,  fully-rea 
soned  judgment,  singled  him  out  from  among  his 
fellows  for  just  such  \vork.  His  first  detail  in  this 
class  of  army  experience  was  the  case  of  Colonel 
Turchin,  charged  with  committing  gross  excesses. 
These  charges  were  neglect  of  duty,  to  the  preju 
dice  of  good  order  and  discipline,  in  permitting 
the  wanton  and  disgraceful  pillage  of  the  town  of 
Athens,  Alabama  ;  conduct  unbecoming  an  officer 
and  a  gentleman  in  failing  to  pay  a  hotel  bill  in 
the  town  ;  and  insubordination  in  disobeying  the 
orders  against  the  molestation  of  peaceful  citizens 
in  persons  and  property.  Some  of  the  specifica 
tions  particularized  very  shameful  conduct.  The 
court  found  him  guilty  (except  as  to  the  hotel  bill 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  T     T 

story)  and  sentenced  him  to  dismissal  from  the 
service.  Six  of  its  members  recommended  him  to 
clemency,  but  General  Buell  was  determined,  and 
the  sentence  was  carried  out.  The  newspapers 
took  up  the  case  and  championed  the  colonel,  and 
those  of  Chicago  were  very  vehement  in  his  de 
fense.  On  his  return  to  Chicago,  he  was  given  a 
public  reception,  and  the  President,  as  if  to  in 
dorse  the  deeds  of  the  disgraced  colonel,  ap 
pointed  him  a  brigadier. 

The  old  tendency  to  fever  and  ague,  contracted 
in  the  days  of  his  tow-path  experience  on  the 
Ohio  Canal,  was  now  aggravated  in  the  malari 
ous  climate  of  the  South,  and  Garfield  returned 
home  on  sick-leave,  on  the  i  st  of  August.  Hardly 
had  he  started  for  Ohio,  when  the  secretary 
of  war,  who  seems,  at  this  early  day,  to  have 
formed  a  high  estimate  of  Garfielcl,  which  he  con 
tinued  to  entertain  through  the  war,  issued  orders 
to  him  to  proceed  to  Cumberland  Gap,  and  relieve 
General  George  W.  Morgan  of  his  command. 
But  when  they  were  received,  Garfield  was  too  ill 
to  leave  his  bed.  A  month  later,  the  secretary 
ordered  him  to  report  in  person,  at  Washington, 
as  soon  as  his  health  would  permit. 

On  his-  arrival,  soon  after,  it  was  found  that  the 
estimate  placed  upon  his  knowledge  of  law,  his 
judgment  and  his  loyalty,  had  led  to  his  selection 
as  one  of  the  first  members  of  the  court-martial 
for  the  trial  of  the  noted  Fitz  John  Porter. 


192 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


The  intimacy  that  sprung  up  during  this  trial  be 
tween  Garfield  and  General  Hunter,  the  president 
of  the  court-martial,  led  to  an  application  for  him 
for  service  in  South  Carolina,  whither  Hunter  was 
about  to  start.  Garfield's  strong  anti-slavery  views 
had  been  greatly  strengthened  by  his  experience 
thus  far  during  the  war,  and  the  South  Carolina  ap 
pointment  under  a  commander  so  radical  as  Hunter 
was  on  this  account  particularly  gratifying.  But 
in  the  midst  of  his  fears  and  preparations  the  old 
army  in  which  he  had  served,  plunged  into  the 
battle  of  Stone  River.  A  part  of  the  bitter  cost 
of  the  victory  that  followed  was  the  loss  of 
Garesche,  the  lamented  chief  of  staff  to  the  com 
manding  general.  Garfield  was  at  once  selected 
to  take  his  place,  the  appointment  to  South  Car 
olina  was  revoked,  and  early  in  January,  1863,  he 
was  ordered  out  to  join  Major-General  Willliam  S. 
Rosecrans,  then  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the 
Cumberland. 

When  he  arrived  at  Rosecrans's  head-quarters 
that  officer  was  already  prejudiced  against  him. 
For  the  general  understood  that  he  was  a  preacher 
who  had  gone  into  politics,  and  a  man  of  that  cast 
he  was  naturally  opposed  to.  Rosecrans  kept 
him  at  head-quarters  for  a  couple  of  days,  as  he 
1  desired  to  make  his  acquaintance  and  sound  the 
man  before  assigning  him  to  active  duty.  The 
more  he  saw  of  him  the  more  he  liked  him,  and 
finally  he  gave  Garfield  his  choice,  confirmation  as 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

,  J  9o 

chief  of  staff  or  the  command  of  a  brigade.  Most 
men  would  have  taken  the  brigade,  but  Garfield 
chose  to  remain  with  the  general.  That  Rose- 
:rans  never  regretted  the  appointment  as  chief  of 
staff,  which  he  made  immediately  after  the  inter 
view,  is  evidenced  by  what  he  has  said. 

"  We  were  together  until  the  Chattanooga  affair. 

found  him  to  be  a  competent  and  efficient  officer, 
in  earnest  and  devoted  patriot,  and  a  man  of  the 
lighest  honor.  His  views  were  large  and  he 
vas  possessed  of  a  thoroughly  comprehensive 
Bind" 

His  appointment  as  chief  of  staff  gave  great 
•atisfaction  throughout  the  army,  and  it  was  every 
where  expressed.  The  country  was  equally 
>leased,  especially  Ohio.  The  editor  of  the  Zenia 
Torchlight,  a  paper  published  at  Garfield's  home, 
hus  commented  on  the  appointment : 

"  We  have  known  General  James  A.  Garfield  for 
everal  years,  and  entertain  for  him  the  highest 
>ersonal  regard.  He  is  one  of  the  most  eloquent 
nen  in  Ohio,  as  well  as  one  of  the  ripest  scholars. 
Socially  and  morally,  he  has  no  superior.  He  is 
popular  with  all,  as  the  attachment  of  his  scholars, 
is  well  as  his  soldiers,  for  him  demonstrates. 

".  In  respect  to  abilities,  nature  has  by  no  means 
Deen  unfriendly  to  him ;  and  he  has  neither  de- 
pised  nor  slighted  her  gifts.  A  severe  course  of 
nental  training,  combined  with  the  mental  prac- 
ice  obtained  by  presiding  over  one  of  the  colleges 


]  Q,  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

of  Ohio,  has  fully  developed  his  natural  endov 
ments. 

"  Above  all  these  considerations,  every  one  n 
spects  General  Garfield  for  his  stern,  unyielding 
uncompromising  patriotism.  The  permanent  goo 
of  his  country,  the  restoration  of  its  unity,  and  th 
perpetuation  of  the  National  power  and  glor 
through  all  coming  time,  are  the  objects  which  h 
keeps  steadily  in  view." 

Once  installed  in  his  new  position,  he  rapidl 
grew  into  a  favorite.  Possessed  of  sound,  nature 
sense,  an  excellent  judgment,  a  highly-cultivatej 
intellect,  and  the  deserved  reputation  of  a  success 
ful  mflitary  leader,  he  was  soon  to  be  the  mentor  c 
the  staff,  and  his  opinions  sought,  and  his  counsel 
heeded  by  many  who  were  older  and  not  less  dis 
tin<niished  than  himself. 

o 

Edmund  Kirke,  in  his  picturesque  war  stor) 
"Down  in  Tennessee,"  written  in  1863,  draws  th 
following  pen-portrait  of  Garfield  in  his  ne\ 
capacity: 

"In  a  corner  by  the  window,  seated  at  a  smal 
pine  desk — a  sort  of  packing-box,  perched  on  ; 
long-legged  stool,  and  divided  into  pigeon-hole;- 
with  a  turn-down  lid — was  a  tall,  decp-chestec 
sinewy-built  man,  with  regular,  massive  features, ; 
full,  clear  blue  eye,  slightly  tinged  with  gray,  an< 
a  high,  broad  forehead,  rising  into  a  ridge  over  tli 
eyes,  as  if  it  had  been  thrown  up  by  a  plow.  Then 
was  something  singularly  engaging  in  his  oper 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  1 

Jo 

expressive  face,  and  his  whole  appearance  indi 
cated,  as  the  phrase  goes,  'great  reserve  power.' 
-lis  uniform,  though  cleanly  brushed  and  sitting 
easily  upon  him,  had  a  sort  of  democratic  air,  and 
everything  about  him  seemed  to  denote  that  he 
was  *a  man  of  the  people/  A  rusty  slouched 
lat,  large  enough  to  have  fitted  Daniel  Webster, 
ay  on  the  desk  before  him ;  but  a  glance  at  that 
vas  not  needed  to  convince  me  that  his  head  held 
nore  than  the  common  share  of  brains.  Though 

is  yet  young — not  thirty-three — the  reader  has 
leard  of  him,  and  if  he  lives  he  will  make  his  name 
ong  remembered  in  our  history." 

Garfield  was  looked  upon  as  the  only  mature 
member  of  the  staff,  Rosecrans  having  a  par- 
iality  for  young  and  gallant  spirits,  like  Captain 
"harles  Thompson,  Major  Bond,  Colonel  Mickler, 
Captain  Hunter  Brooke,  Major  Horace  Porter, 
subsequently  on  Grant's  staff,  and  Major  Morton 
VlcMichael.  Not  that  Garfield  was  much  older  than 
hese  officers,  but  he  had  a  mature  look  always, 
and  his  mood  was  ever  serious,  as  if  there  was  in 
the  peril  of  the  nation  something  more  of  personal 
concern  and  personal  interest  to  him  than  to  most 
of  his  associates. 

It  was  while  acting1  in  this  capacity  that  Gar- 
leld  had  a  conversation  with  Clement  C.  Valland- 
ngham.  Vallandingham  having  been  banished 
br  his  treasonable  sentiments,  was  brought  to 
Murfeesboro,  Tenn.,  where  the  army  lay,  to  be 


I  (/) 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


sent  by  flag  of  truce  into  the  rebel  lines,  a  ft 
miles  distant,  at  Tullahoma.  When  brought  in 
camp,  Vallandingham  was  taken,  in  the  usu 
course  of  business,  to  Rosecrans's  head-quartei 
and  he  and  Garfield  being  acquaintances,  it  was  n 
tural  they  should  fall  into  conversation,  and  equal 
natural  that  the  conversation  should  turn  upc 
the  policy  and  conduct  of  the  war,  in  a  politic 
sense. 

Vallandingham  was  to  go 4  off  the  next  da 
escorted  as  far  as  the  rebel  lines,  in  the  vicinity 
Tullahoma.  He  entered  Rosecrans's  tent  at  2 
early  hour  of  the  morning  with  an  affectation  of  ui 
concern  and  light-heartedness  which  he  could  n< 
have  felt,  threw  himself  into  a  tragic  attitude,  ar 
in  a  mock  heroic  vein  exclaimed,  quoting  froi 
Romeo  and  Juliet : 

"  Night's  candles  are  burnt  out,  and  jocund  day 
Stands  tiptoe  on  the  misty  mountain  tops." 

Here  he  hesitated,  when  Garfield  quickly  bi 
quietly  finished  the  speech,  by  adding,  in  a  ha 
aside,  to  the  aid-de-camp  in  charge  of  the  flag  c 
truce  escort,  waiting  to  convey  Vallandingham  1 
the  rebel  lines, 

"  I  must  begone  and  live,  or  stay  and  die." 

Vallandingham,  however,  overheard  and  caugl 
the  hidden  meaning  of  the  citation,  and  blushe 
scarlet,  as  he  made  its  application. 


JAMES  A.   GAKFIELD. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

GARFIELD   AS    CHIEF   OF   STAFF. 

THE  chief  of  staff  should  bear  the  same  re 
lation   to   his  general  that  a  minister  oi 
state  does  to  his  sovereign.      What  this 
relation  is,  that  brilliant  historian,  Kinglake,  tells 
us  in  his  "  Crimean  War :" 

"  The  difference  between  a  servant  and  a  minis 
ter  of  state  lies  in  this,  that  the  servant  obeys  the 
orders  given  him,  without  troubling  himself  con 
cerning  the  question  whether  his  master  is  right  or 
wrong,  while  a  minister  of  state  declines  to  be  the 
instrument  for  giving  effect  to  the  measures  which 
he  deems  hurtful  to  his  country.  The  chancellor  of 
the  Russian  Empire  was  sagacious  and  politic. 
That  the  czar  was  wrong  in  these  transactions 
against  Turkey,  no  man  knew  better.  But,  un 
happily  for  the  czar  and  for  his  empire,  the  minis 
ter  did  not  enjoy  so  commanding  a  station  as  to 
be  able  to  put  restraint  upon  his  sovereign,  nor 
even,  perhaps,  to  offer  him  counsel  in  his  angry 
mood." 

We  now  see  that  in  some  respects  our  chief  of 
staff  went  through  a  similar  experience.  From 
the  day  of  his  appointment,  General  Garfield  be 
came  the  intimate  associate  and  confidential  ad- 


Ul-'J^  AXD  n*!3LlC  L'AXKEX   OF 


viser  of  his  chief.  But  he  did  not  occupy  sc 
commanding  a  station  as  to  be  able  to  put 
restraint  upon  him. 

The  time  of  General  Garfield's  arrival  marks 
the  beginning  of  that  period  of  quarrels  with  the 
War  Department,  in  which  General  Rosecrans 
frittered  away  his  influence  and  paved  the  way 
for  his  removal.  That  great  strategist  and  gallant 
soldier  was  always  unwise  in  caring  for  his  own 
interests,  and  generally  was  very  imprudent  in  his 
intercourse  with  his  superiors.  Yet  he  was  nearly 
always  right  in  his  demands,  especially  when  he 
made  appeals  to  the  War  Department  for  more 
cavalry  and  revolving  arms.  In  these  requests  Gar- 
field  was  heart  and  soul  with  his  superior.  At  the 
same  time,  he  did  all  in  his  power  to  soften  the 
tone  of  asperity  which  his  chief  adopted  in  his 
dispatches  to  Washington.  Sometimes  he  took 
the  responsibility  of  totally  suppressing  an  angry 
message.  Oftener  he  ventured  to  soften  the 

o 

phraseology.  But  in  all  this  there  was  a  limit 
beyond  which  he  could  not  go,  and  when  Rose 
crans  had  pronounced  certain  statements  of  the 
department,  "a  profound,  grievous,  cruel  and  un 
generous  official  and  personal  wrong,"  the  good 
offices  of  the  chief  of  staff  were  no  longer  effica- 

o 

cious  —  the  breach  was  irreparable.  Thencefor 
ward  he  could  only  strive  to  make  victories  in  the 
field  atone  for  errors  in  council. 

He  regarded  the  organization  of  the  army  as 


JAMES  A.   ti 


99 


vitally  defective.  Almost  the  first  recommendation 
made  by  General  Garfield  was  the  displacement 
of  A.  M.  McCook  and  T.  L.  Crittenden.  This 
recommendation  was  made  in  course  of  a  dis 
cussion  on  the  battle  of  Stone  River,  in  which 
Rosecrans  explicitly  said  that  these  officers  had 
shown  themselves  incompetent  in  that  engage 
ment.  Garfield  then,  with  his  clear-headed  judg 
ment — utterly  unmoved  by  popular  prejudice,  and 
thoroughly  well  able  to  perceive  real  ability  be 
neath  concealing  misfortune — recommended  that 
McCook  and  Crittenden  be  replaced  by  Irvin  Mc 
Dowell  and  Don  Carlos  Buell.  Garfield  did  not 
take  the  ground  that  Buell  and  McDowell  had 
proved  themselves  equal  to  the  high  commands 
they  had  already  held,  but  without  discussing  this, 
he  argued  at  length  their  masterly  qualifications 
for  important  subordinate  positions,  as  well  as  the 
fact  that  this  offer  of  an  opportunity  to  come  out 
from  the  cloud  under  which  they  rested  would  in 
sure  their  gratitude  and  incite  them  to  their  very 
best  efforts.  With  George  H.  Thomas  already  in 
command,  with  men  like  these  as  his  associates,  and 
with  the  energy  and  genius  of  Rosecrans  to  lead 
them,  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  would  have 
been  the  best  officered  army  in  the  service  of  the 
nation.  But  "  Rosecrans  was  unwilling  to  adopt 
the  suggestion — for  a  reason  creditable  to  his  kind 
ness  of  heart,  but  not  to  his  military  character— 

Crittenden   and  McCook   ought  to  be   removed, 
12 


2OO  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

of  that  he  had  no  doubt,  but — 'lie  hated  to  injure 
two  such  good  fellows/  and  the  two  good  fellows 
remained  with  him  until  Chickamauga." 

From  January  4th  to  June  24th,  Rosecrans  lay 
at  Murfreesboro.  Through  five  months  of  this 
delay  Garfield  was  with  him.  The  War  Depart 
ment  demanded  an  advance,  and,  when  the  spring 
opened,  with  unusual  vehemence.  General  Rose 
crans  delayed,  waiting  for  cavalry,  for  reinforce 
ments,  for  Grant's  movements  before  Vicksburg, 
for  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  for  the  opinions 
of  the  generals.  The  chief  of  staff  at  first  ap 
proved  the  delays  till  the  army  should  be  strength 
ened  and  massed,  but  long  before  the  delaying 
officers  were  ready  he  was  urging  movement  with 
all  his  power.  In  a  private  letter,  dated  June  I2th, 
1863,  he  urged  an  advance.  He  wrote: 

"Bragg's  army  is  weaker  than  it  has  been  since 
the  previous  battles.  If  Grant  succeeds  at  Vicks 
burg,  it  will  take  weeks  to  recover  from  the  shock 
and  strain.  *  *  *  The  turbulent  aspect  of 
politics  in  the  loyal  States  renders  a  decisive  blow 
against  the  enemy  at  this  time  of  the  utmost  im 
portance.  *  *  The  country  is  anxiously  hop 
ing  for  the  army  to  move.  *  *  *  Our  true 
objective  is  the  rebel  army.  Our  army  is  superior 
in  efficiency  and  morale.  *  *  *  For  these  rea 
sons  I  believe  an  immediate  advance  of  all  our 
available  forces  is  advisable,  and  under  the  provi 
dence  of  God  will  be  successful." 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

This  information  he  procured  through  a  secret- 
service  system  that  he  had  established ;  then,  per 
haps,  the  most  perfect  in  any  of  the  Union  armies. 
As  he  subsequently  said,  he  refused  to  believe 
that  this  army,  which  defeated  a  superior  at  Stone 
River,  could  not  now  move  upon  an  inferior  one 
with  reasonable  prospect  of  success. 

The  Army  of  the  Cumberland  agreed  with  Gar- 
field,  who  was  a  great  favorite  with  the  officers 
and  men.  His  ringing  letter  on  the  atrocities  of 
rebel  prison-pens,  written  a  few  months  previous 
to  this,  had  added  greatly  to  his  popularity.  The 
closing  sentence  of  this  letter  is  good  reading  even 
now: 

"We  cannot  believe  that  the  justice  of  God  will 
allow  such  a  people  to  prosper.  Let  every  soldier 
know  that  death  on  the  battle-field  is  preferable 
to  a  surrender  followed  by  such  outrages  as  their 
comrades  have  undergone." 

x  Finally,  General  Rosecrans  formally  asked  his 
corps,  division  and  cavalry  generals  as  to  the  pro 
priety  of  a  movement.  With  singular  unanimity, 
though  for  divers  reasons,  they  opposed  it  Out 
of  seventeen  generals  not  one  was  in  favor  of  an 
immediate  advance,  and  not  one  was  even  willing 
to  put  himself  upon  the  record  as  in  favor  of  an 
early  advance. 

General  Garfield  collated  the  seventeen  letters 
sent  in  from  the  generals  in  reply  to  the  questions 
of  their  commander,  and  fairly  refuted  their  sub- 


202 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


stance,  coupled  with  a  cogent  argument  against 
them  and  in  favor  of  an  immediate  movement. 
This  report,  says  an  excellent  authority,  is  "  the 
ablest  military  document  known  to  have  been  sub 
mitted  by  a  chief  of  staff  to  his  superior  during 
the  war."  General  Garfield  stood  absolutely 
alone,  every  general  commanding  troops  having,  as 
we  have  seen,  either  openly  opposed  or  failed  to 
approve  an  advance.  But  his' statements  were  so 
clear,  and  his  arguments  so  convincing,  that  he 
carried  conviction. 

Twelve  days  after  the  reception  of  this  report 
the  army  moved,  to  the  great  dissatisfaction  of  its 
leading  generals.  One  of  the  three  corps  com 
manders,  Major-General  Thomas  L.  Crittenden, 
approached  the  chief  of  staff  at  the  head-quarters 
the  morning  of  the  advance:  "It  is  understood, 
sir,"  he  said,  "  by  the  general  officers  of  the  army 
that  this  movement  is  your  work.  I  wish  you  to 
understand  that  it  is  a  rash  and  fatal  move,  for 
which  you  will  be  held  responsible." 

This  rash  and  fatal  move  was  the  Tullahoma 
campaign,  a  campaign  perfect  in  its  conception, 
excellent  in  its  general  execution,  and  only  hindered 
from  resulting  in  the  complete  destruction  of  the 
opposing  army  by  the  delays  which  had  too  long 
postponed  its  commencement.  It  might  even  yet 
have  destroyed  Bragg,  but  for  the  terrible  season 
of  rains  which  set  in  on  the  morning  of  the  advance, 
and  continued  uninterruptedly  for  the  greater  part 


JAMES  A.   CAIU'IELD.  OQ^ 

of  a  month.  With  a  week's  earfier  start  it  would 
have  ended  the  career  of  Bragg' s  army  in  the  war. 
Let  us  turn  aside  from  the  direct  story  of  con 
flict  for  a  moment  to  a  personal  word  about  our 
hero.  One  of  the  most  prolific  war  writers — J.  R. 
Gilmore — who  spent  a  month  with  Rosecrans, 
gives  us  some  interesting  gem  pictures  of  Gar- 
field,  as  he  was  at  this  time,  the  spring  and  sum 
mer  of  1 863.  "  We  rode  one  day  out  to  Sheridan's 
head-quarters,"  says  Gilmore,  "and  as  we  entered 
the  forest  encircling  the  town,  Garfield  broke  out 
with  Hosea  Bigelow's  poem : 

"  '  I  du  believe  in  Freedom's  cause/ 

and  if  the  *  Down  East  poet'  would  have  any  ap 
preciation  of  his  own  lines,  he  should  hear  them  in 
such  grand,  old  woods,  the  words  echoed  back 
from  the  great  spreading  trees  and  set  to  the 
music  of  an  hundred  horses'  heels.  He  had 
scarcely  ended,  when  Rosecrans  began  to  tell  how 

"  *  Zekle  crep'  up,  quite  unbeknown, 
An'  peeped  in  thru  the  winder : 
While  there  sot  Huldy  all  alone 
'Ith  no  one  nigh  to  hinder.' 

"'  What  would  you  give  to  have  written  that?' 
Rosecrans  said,  as  he  finished  the  recitation. 

" '  All  the  castles  I  ever  built  in  the  clouds,'  was 
the  reply. 

" '  So  would  I.  You  know  what  Wolie  said  be 
fore  his  great  battle  ?' 

" '  That  he  would  rather  have  written  Gray's 
Elegy  than  take  Quebec.  Would  you  have  said 


204  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

that  before  Stone  River?' 

"  He  hesitated  a  moment,  and  then  answered : 
" '  No,   for  now  we   need  victories  more  than 
poems.' 

"We  soon  arrived  at  Sheridan's.  There  we 
had  some  relaxation.  Sheridan  had  invented 
a  game  he  called  Dutch  Ten-Pins.  On  the 
lawn  in  front  of  his  quarters,  between  two  im 
mense  elms,  he  had  suspended  a  long  rope,  and  to 
the  end  of  it  attached  a  small  cannon-ball.  On 
the  ground,  midway  between  these  trees,  was  a 
square  board  which  held  the  ten-pins.  The  game 
lay  in  throwing  the  ball  so  that  it  would  miss  the 
pins  in  going  out,  and  strike  them  in  coming  back. 
To  do  this  a  peculiar  twist  had  to  be  given  to  the 
rope  by  bending  the  wrist,  and  it  seemed  impossi 
ble  to  avoid  hitting  the  pins  on  the  direct  throw. 
Three  'throws'  were  a  game,  and  only  thirty 
'strokes'  could  be  made.  Sheridan,  by  much 
practice,  had  become  an  expert  at  the  play,  and 
could  make  pretty  regularly  twenty  ' strokes,'  but 
a  novice  did  well  if  he  made  ten.  Sheridan  soon 
challenged  Rosecrans,  Garfield,  and  the  dozen 
officers  with  him  to  enter  the  lists — and  the  chal 
lenger  opened  the  play.  He  cleared  the  board 
twice,  and  missed  it  altogether  the  third  throw. 
'Twenty/  cried  the  scorer,  and  another  took  his 
place.  He  did  indifferently  well.  Others  fol 
lowed  with  more  or  less  success,  though  none 
came  up  to  Sheridan's  score. 


JAMES  A.  GAR  FIELD.  2 

\J 

"'Now  for  the  general/  shouted  the  major, 
laughing,  as  Rosecrans  took  his  place.  '  He'll 
score  thirty,  sure.' 

"'Don't  laugh  until  you  win,  my  boy,'  answered 
the  general,  with  his  peculiar  smile. 

"  Calculating  deliberately  the  motion  of  the  ball, 
he  let  it  go.  Every  pin  fell  on  the  direct  throw, 
and  a  general  laugh  followed.  Not  at  all  dis 
concerted,  he  tried  again  and  again  until  he  had 
played  three  or  four  games  with  scarcely  better 
success.  Amid  the  mock  congratulations  of  the 
whole  assemblage  he  at  last  sat  down,  and  Gar- 
field  entered  the  lists.  'It's  nothing  but  mathe 
matics,'  said  Garfield,  '  you  only  need  an  eye  and 
a  hand/  and  carelessly  throwing  the  ball  he 
cleared  the  board  and  scored  twenty-three  I 

"'You  can't  do  that  again.' 

" '  I'll  try/  answered  the  modest  brigadier,  and 
he  did  do  it  several  times  in  succession." 

Another  anecdote — and  one  that  well  illustrates 
the  instant  correctness  of  Garfield's  reasoning  on 
subjects  of  the  most  vital  and  serious  importance — 
and  we  will  hurry  on  to  Chickamauga.  Toward  the 
close  of  May,  1863,  Rosecrans  received  a  letter,  in 
which  the  scheme  for  a  general  uprising  and  arm 
ing  of  the  blacks,  followed  by  attacks  on  the 
whites,  in  all  the  slave  States,  on  the  first  of  the 
following  August,  was  outlined.  The  support  of 
Rosecrans  was  asked  for  in  his  department,  and 
he  was  told  that  a  similar  plan  had  been  sent  to  a 


'E  AND  ^L'ALSC  CAREER  OF 

Union  commander  in  each  department.  Rose- 
crans  deliberated  over  the  communication  and 
asked  a  bystander  his  opinion. 

"  It  would  end  the  rebellion.  Co-operating"  with 
our  forces,  it  would  certainly  succeed ;  but  the 
South  would  run  with  blood." 

"  Innocent  blood  ?     Women  and  children  ?" 

"  Yes ;  women  and  children.  If  you  let  the 
blacks  loose,  they  will  rush  into  carnage  like 
horses  into  a  burning-  barn.  St.  Domingo  will  be 
multiplied  by  a  million." 

"  But  the  letter  says  that  no  blood  is  to  be  shed 
except  in  self-defense." 

"It  says  so,  and  the  leaders  may  mean  so,  but 
they  cannot  restrain  the  rabble.  Every  slave  has 
some  real  or  fancied  wrong,  and  he  would  take 
such  a  time  to  avenge  it." 

"  I  am  puzzled.  I  must  go  and  talk  with  Gar- 
field.  Come,  go  with  me." 

They  crossed  the  street  to  Garfield's  lodgings 
and  found  him  bolstered  up  in  bed,  quite  sick  of  a 
fever.  Rosecrans  sat  clown  at  the  foot  of  the  bed 
and  handed  him  the  letter.  Garfield  read  it  over 
carefully,  and  then  laying  it  down,  said : 

"  It  will  never  do,  general.  We  don't  want  to 
whip  by  such  means.  If  the  slaves  of  their  own 
accord  rise  and  assert  their  original  right  to  them 
selves,  that  will  be  their  own  affair;  but  we  can 
have  no  complicity  with  them  without  outraging 
the  moral  sense  of  the  civilized  world." 


JAMES  A.   CAKFfELD. 

"  I  knew  you  would  say  so ;  but  the  writer 
speaks  of  other  department  commanders.  May 
they  not  come  into  it  ?" 

"  Yes,  they  may,  and  that  should  be  looked  to. 
Send  this  letter  to  -  —  and  let  him  head  off  the 
movement." 

The  insurrection,  as  every  one  knows,  did  not 
take  place,  save  in  some  unimportant  outbreaks 
in  Georgia  and  Alabama  in  the  following  Septem 
ber. 


208 


LTFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE   BATTLE   OF   CIIICKAMAUGA. 

THERE  now  sprang  up  renewed  differences 
between  General  Rosecrans  and  the  Wat 
Department.  In  the  general  policy  that 
controlled  the  movements  of  the  army  Garfield 
heartily  sympathized ;  he  had,  in  fact,  given  shape 
to  that  policy.  But  he  deplored  his  chiefs  testy 
manner  of  conducting  his  defense  to  the  com 
plaints  of  the  War  Department,  and  did  his  best 
to  soften  the  asperities  of  that  correspondence. 

September  was  now  nearly  come,  the  summer 
almost  gone,  and  the  coming  autumn  was  ripe  in 
its  promise  of  immediate  results.  The  air  was 
full  of  rumors  of  approaching  conflicts,  and  the 
North  waited  the  echo  from  the  battle-field. 

On  August  5th,  General  Halleck  telegraphed 
Rosecrans  peremptory  orders  to  move.  Rose 
crans  quietly  waited  till  the  dispositions  along  his 
extended  lines  were  completed,  till  stores  were 
accumulated  and  the  corn  had  ripened,  so  that  his 
horses  could  be  made  to  live  off  of  the  country, 
On  the  1 5th  he  was  ready. 

The  problem  now  before  him  was  to  cross  the 
Tennessee  River  and  gain  possession  of  Chatta 
nooga,  the  key  to  the  entire  mountain  ranges  ol 


JAMES  A.   GARI'IELD.  0 

last  Tennessee  and  Northern  Georgia,  in  the 
ice  of  an  enemy  of  equal  strength,  whose  busi- 
ess  it  was  to  oppose  him.  Two  courses  were 
pen.  Forcing  a  passage  over  the  river  above 
'hattanooga,  he  might  have  essayed  a  direct  atj 
ick  upon  the  town.  If  not  repulsed  in  the  dan- 
erous  preliminary  movements,  he  would  still 
ave  had  upon  his  hands  a  siege  not  less  formid- 
ble  than  that  of  Vicksburg,  with  difficulties  in- 
omparably  greater  in  maintaining  his  supplies. 
Jut,  if  this  plan  was  not  adopted,  it  then  behooved 
im  to  convince  the  enemy  that  he  had  adopted 

while  crossing  below  he  hastened  southward 
ver  the  ruggedest  roads,  to  seize  the  mountain 
aps,  whence  he  could  debouch  upon  the  enemy's 
ne  of  supplies.  More  briefly,  he  could  either 
ttempt  to  fight  the  enemy  out  of  Chattanooga  or 
ank  him  out  He  chose  the  latter  alternative. 

By  the  28th  the  singular  activity  of  the  National 
Drees  along  a  front  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles, 
ad  blinded  and  bewildered  Bragg  as  to  his  an- 
agonist's  actual  intentions.  Four  brigades  sud- 
enly  began  demonstrating  furiously  against  his 
nes  above  Chattanooga,  and  the  plan  was 
bought  to  be  revealed. 

Rosecrans  must  be  about  attempting  to  force  a 
assage  there,  and  straightway  a  concentration  to 
ppose  him  was  ordered.  Meantime,  bridges,  se- 
retly  prepared,  were  hastily  thrown  across  thirty 
liles  further  down  the  river  at  different  points, 


:  ,/.v/>  rrni.ic  CAREER  OF 

and,  before  "Bragg  had  finished  preparing  to  resij 
a  crossing  above,  Rosecrans,  handling  with  rai 
skill  his  various  corps  and  divisions,  had  securel 
planted  his  army  south  of  the  Tennessee;  an< 
cutting  completely  loose  from  his  base  of  supplie 
was  already  pushing  southward — his  flank  ne? 
the  enemy  being  admirably  protected  by  impai 
sable  mountains. 

For  Bragg  but  one  thing  was  the  least  feasibl< 
As  he  had  been  forced  out  of  Shelbyville,  out  < 
Wartrace,  out  of  Tullahoma ;  precisely  had  th 
same  stress  been  placed  upon  him  by  the  sam 
hand  in  a  still  stronger  position  ;  and  in  all  hast 
he  evacuated  Chattanoogo,  leaving  it  to  the  neai 
est  corps  of  Rosecrans's  army  to  march  quiet! 
in  and  take  possession.  The  very  ease  of  th: 
occupation  proved  its  strongest  element  of  dange 
For  men,  seeing  the  objective  point  in  the  can 
paign  in  their  hands,  forgot  the  columns  toilin 
through  the  mountains  away  to  the  south  ware 
whose  presence  there  alone  compelled  the  reb< 
evacuation.  But  for  them,  the  isolated  troops  i 
Chattanooga  would  have  been  overwhelmec 
Thenceforward  there  was  need  of  still  greate 
generalship  to  reunite  the  scattered  corps.  The 
could  not  return  by  the  way  they  had  gone,  fc 
the  moment  they  began  such  a  movement  Bragj 
holding  the  shorter  line,  and  already  re-enforce 
by  Longstreet's  veteran  corps  of  the  Army  < 
Northern  Virginia,  could  sweep  back  over  th 


JAMES  A.   GAKFIELD. 


0  T 


>ute  of  his  late  retreat.  Plainly,  they  must  pass 
irough  the  gaps,  and  place  themselves  between 
ragg  and  Chattanooga  before  the  stronghold 
-beyond  a  mere  tentative  possession  —  could  be 
ithin  their  grasp.  And  so  it  came  about  that  a 
ittle  —  the  bloody  one  of  Chickamauga  —  was 
ught  to  enable  the  Federal  army  to  concentrate 
:  the  position  one  of  its  corps  had  already  occu- 
.ed  for  days  without  firing  a  shot. 

Unfortunately,  the  concentration  was  not  speedy 
lough.  Indeed,  there  are  some  plausible  reasons 
r  believing  that  Rosecrans  was,  perhaps  for  a 
w  days,  deceived  by  his  easy  success,  into  a  be- 
*f  that  Bragg  was  still  in  full  retreat.  Certainly 
^e  general-in-chief  and  the  War  Department  did 
1  they  could  to  encourage  such  an  idea,  and 
^en  after  Rosecrans,  every  nerve  tense  with 
.e  struggle  to  concentrate  his  corps,  was  striving 
*  prepare  for  the  onset  of  the  re-enforced  rebel 
•my,  General  Halleck  informed  him  of  reports 
at  Bragg's  army  was  re-enforcing  Lee,  and  pleas- 
itly  added,  that  after  he  had  occupied  Dalton  it 
ould  be  decided  whether  he  should  move  still 
rther  southward  ! 

By  this  time,  Bragg  had  gathered  in  every 
Bailable  re-enforcement,  Longstreet  from  the  east, 
uckner  from  Knoxville,  Walker  from  the  army 
'  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  militia  from  Georgia  and, 
gether  waiting  near  Lafayette,  hoped  to  receive 
e  isolated  corps  of  Rosecrans's  army  as  they 


o  r  2  LIFE  AA'D  J'UBLIC  CAREER  OF 

debouched  through  the  gaps,  and  annihilated! 
in  detail.  For  a  day  or  two,  it  looked  as  if 
would  be  successful.  One  way  or  another,  h 
ever,  he  failed.  Rosecrans  gathered  toget 
his  army,  repelling  whatever  assaults  sought 
hinder  the  concentration,  yielding  part  of  the  ! 
of  the  Chickamauga,  and  marching  one  of 
corps  all  through  the  night  of  the  battle. 
September  1 9th,  Bragg  made  his  onset  with  < 
tainly  not  less  than  seventy-five  thousand  rr 
Rosecrans  claimed  for  him  ninety-two  thouss 
Rosecrans  had  fifty-five  thousand.  Of  the  ba 
Whitelaw  Reid  gives  the  following  account  : 

"Bragg's  plan  was  to  turn  his  antagonist's 
and  thus  clear  the  way  into  Chattanooga,  but  rr 
unfortunately    for    Bragg,   the    left  was    held 
Geo.  H.  Thomas,  and  shortly  after  the  attack 
gan,    Rosecrans,    divining   the    danger,   stren< 
ened  Thomas's  corps  with  one  or  two  divisk 
Disaster  overtook  us  at  first,  artillery  was  lost ; 
ground  yielded,  but   Thomas   reformed  and 
vanced  his  lines,  regained  all  that  had  been  1 
sustained  every  shock  of  the  enemy,  and  at  ni 
held  his  position  firmly. 

"Meanwhile  the  contest  on  other  parts  of 
line  had  been  less  severe,  and  had  ended  decide 
in  our  advantage.  But  it  was  seen  that  we  w 
outnumbered,  and  as  they  came  to  think  how  ev 
brigade  in  the  whole  army,  two  only  excepted,  I 
been  drawn  into  the  fight — the  soldiers  begar 
realize  the  dispiriting  nature  of  the  situation. 


JAMES  A.   GARi-IELD. 

"     J 

"Through  the  night,  the  last  of  Longstrect':; 
corps  came  up,  led  by  himself  and  Bragg,  pre 
pared  for  a  vigorous  onset  on  the  National  left. 
Rosecrans  transferred  another  division  (Negley's) 
to  Thomas,  and  placed  two  more  in  reserve  to  be 
hurried  to  Thomas's  aid  if  needed.  At  daybreak, 
he  galloped  along  the  front  to  find  McCook's  line 
ill-formed,  and  also  to  learn  that  Negley  had  not 
yet  been  forwarded  to  Thomas.  The  errors  were 
corrected  as  well  as  possible ;  but  long  before 
•Thomas's  needed  re-enforcements  had  come,  the 
•battle  was  raging  on  his  front  and  flank.  Pro- 

•  foundly  conscious  of  the  danger,  Rosecrans  sought 

•  to  render  still  further  aid,  and  ordered  over  Van 

•  Cleve's  division  from  the  right,  directing  the  sev- 
jeral  division  commanders  and  the  corps  general 

•  to  close  up  the  line  on  the  left.    In  the  heat  of  the 

•  battle,  which  by  this  time  was  broken  out  along 
1  the  right  also,  one  of  these  division  commanders— 
IT.    J.    Wood,    of    Kentucky — misunderstood    his 

I  orders,  and  though  he  has  subsequently  stated 
that  he  knew  the  consequences  of  his  action  must 
be  fatal,  he  chose  to  consider  himself  bound  by 
I  the  order  to  break  the  line  of  battle  and  march  to 
Jthe  rear  of  another  division.  Longstreet  per 
ceived  the  gap  and  hurled  Hopd  into  it.  The 
battle  on  the  right  was  lost.  The  whole  wing 
crumbled  ;  the  enemy  poured  forward  and  all  that 
was  left  of  McCook's  corps,  a  broken  rabble, 
streamed  back  to  Chattanooga. 


2  j  5  /'//'7i  y/A7>  PUBLIC  CAREER  Ol- 

"General  Rosecrans,  himself,  was  caught  in  this 
rout  and  borne  along,  vainly  striving  to  stem  its 
tide.  Finally  conceiving  that  if  the  wing  least 
pressed  was  thus  destroyed,  Thomas,  upon  whom 
he  knew  the  main  efforts  of  the  enemy  were  con 
centrated,  could  not  hold  out  beyond  nightfall 
he  hastened  to  Chattanooga  to  make  dispositions 
for  the  retreat  and  defense  which  he  already  re 
garded  as  inevitable.  Meanwhile,  his  chief  o: 
staff,  General  Garfield,  was  sent  to  Thomas,  to 
convey  to  him  information  of  what  had  happened 
and  of  the  plans  for  the  future." 

As  chief  of  staff,  it  was  Garfield's  duty  to  remain 
with  General  Rosecrans,  and  it  happened  that  the 
latter  established  his  head-quarters  for  the  day  in 
the  rear  of  the  right  wing  and  centre,  leaving  to 
General  George  H.  Thomas  the  duty  of  directing 
the  fortunes  of  the  left  wing.  McCook  and  Crit- 
tenden,  it  will  be  remembered,  were  commanders 
of  the  other  two  corps.  Shortly  after  the  fog, 
which  for  the  most  of  the  morning  enveloped 
the  field,  and  made  manoeuvring  almost  impos 
sible,  the  rebels,  under  Longstreet,  who  had 
come  from  Lee's  Virginia  army  to  take  part  in  the 
great  contest,  made  a  grand  assault  on  the  right 
and  centre.  They  were  just  in  time  to  take  ad 
vantage  of  Wood's  fatal  mistake,  which  left  a  gap 
in  the  Union  line.  The  rebels  penetrated  far  to 
the  rear  of  the  Federal  line  at  this  point,  and  turn 
ing,  drove  back  the  right  of  Thomas's  forces  and 


CHATTANOOGA  BATTLE-FIELD  AND  APPROACHES. 


JAMES  A.   GAR  FIELD.  2  l 

the  left  of  the  other  two  corps.  The  latter  were 
eventually  routed,  driven  across  the  ridge  of  hills 
to  roads  leading  to  Chattanooga,  toward  which 
they  retreated  in  dreadful  disorder  and  panic.  In 
the  tumult  of  defeat  of  the  centre  and  right,  Mc- 
Cook,  Crittenden  and  Rosecrans,  with  their  staff 
officers,  were  driven  beyond  the  ridge  named,  and 
they,  too,  started  for  Chattanooga,  not  knowing 
whether  Thomas  had  been  annihilated  or  had 
escaped. 

Garfield  followed  his  commander  about  half  way 
to  Chattanooga.  Riding  up  to  Rosecrans,  he  said, 
"General,  I  ask  permission  to  return  and  join 
General  Thomas."  Some  slight  remonstrance 
was  made,  but  Garfield  persevered  in  his  desire, 
and  obtained  permission.  Captain  William  B. 
Gaw,  of  the  engineers,  upon  this  offered  to  act  as 
guide,  knowing  the  country  thoroughly,  and  shar 
ing  the  general's  wish  to  be  where  there  was  dan 
ger.  Accompanied  by  Gaw  and  his  orderly,  Gar- 
field  set  out  on  his  now  famous  ride.  Striking 
through  the  Rossville  Gap,  in  the  mountain  range, 
he  rapidly  pushed  southward  in  search  of  General 
Thomas,  the  firing  of  whose  guns,  indicating  that 
the  Union  troops  were  by  no  means  in  retreat, 
could  be  plainly  heard.  The  sounds  borne  on  the 
peaceful  breeze  were  as  fire  to  the  heels  of  Gar- 
field's  horse,  and  on  he  dashed,  his  whole  energy 
bent  upon  reaching  the  scene  of  action.  For  his 
was  the  true  soldier's  spirit ;  his  the  true  soldier's 
13 


220 


Z//7i  AXD  rUBLIC  CARLLR  CF 


creed,  Napoleon's  advice  to  his  generals  :  "  March 
in  the  direction  of  the  heaviest  firing." 

At  the  time  he  made  this  attempt  the  road  by 
which  Garfield  expected  to  reach  General  Thomas 
was  under  cover  by  sharp-shooters  and  the  ad 
vance  guards  of  the  rebels,  who  were  pushing 
forward  to  secure  possession  of  the  road,  and 
thereby  cut  off  Thomas's  line  of  retreat.  Garfield 
did  not  know  of  their  presence  there  until  admon 
ished  of  it  by  the  pattering  of  their  too  lively  bul 
lets.  Garfield's  horse  and  that  of  his  guide,  Cap 
tain  Gaw,  were  shot  at  the  first  discharge,  and 
Garfield's  orderly  was  wounded,  though  not  se 
riously.  They  were  compelled  to  abandon  the 
road,  and  take  to  the  fields  and  the  mountain-side, 
where  Gaw's  familiarity  with  the  topography  of 
the  country  came  into  play.  Intrusting  himself 
implicitly  to  Gaw,  Garfield  was  -eventually,  after 
repeated  avoidance  of  danger,  brought  in  safety  to 
General  Thomas's  side. 

The  "Rock  of  Chickamauga"  was  reached  just 
after  the  repulse  of  the  enemy  in  a  formidable  as 
sault  all  along  Thomas's  line,  which  the  rebels  en 
veloped  on  both  flanks.  He  found  Thomas  and 
his  staff,  General  Gordon  Granger,  General  J.  B. 
Steedman,  General  Wood,  and  others,  grouped  in 
a  hollow  of  the  open  field,  a  depression  just  suffi 
cient  to  protect  them  from  the.  direct  rebel  fire. 

Garfield  at  once  gave  Thomas  a  brief  account 
of  the  disaster  to  the  right  and  centre.  Thomas, 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  2  0  j 

in  return,  stated  his  own  intention  and  his  situa 
tion.  The  conversation,  however,  was  not  finished, 
it' was  cut  short  by  a  fresh  rebel  assault.  It  was 
made  in  great  force  and  with  great  desperation, 
the  rebels  evidently  foreseeing,  that  if  repulsed, 
they  could  not  get  their  troops  in  position  for  yet 
another  assault  before  the  sun  went  down  and 
darkness  came  to  the  aid  of  the  enemy.  The  fire 
lasted  furiously  for  half  an  hour,  when  the  rebels 
again  broke  and  abandoned  the  assault.  During 
this  desperate  melee  Garfield  quietly  sat  on  the 
ground  behind  a  dead  tree,  and  coolly  indited  a 
dispatch  to  General  Rosecrans  detailing  the  situa 
tion  ;  and  while  he  sat  there,  and  during  the 
heaviest  of  the  firing,  a  white  dove,  after  hovering 
around  and  above  for  several  minutes,  finally  set 
tled  on  the  topmost  perch  of  the  tree  above  Gar- 
field's  head.  He're  it  remained  during  the  heat  of 
the  fight,  and  when  the  musketry  ceased,  it  flew 
away  to  the  north.  The  attention  of  Garfield  and 
General  Wood  was  called  to  the  bird.  Garfield 
said  nothing,  ,but  went  on  writing.  Wood  re 
marked  :  "  Good  omen  of  peace."  Garfield  fin 
ished  his  dispatch,  sent  it  by  an  officer,  and  himself 
remained  on  the  field  with  General  Thomas  until 
the  retreat  was  effected  the  same  night  to  Chatta 
nooga.  At  seven  o'clock  that  evening  a  shotted 
salute  of  six  Napoleon  guns  fired  into  the  woods, 
after  the  last  of  the  retreating  assailants,  under 
the  personal  supervison  of  General  Gordon  Gran- 


222  LirE  AND  PUBLIC  CAXEER  OF 

ger  and  General  Garfield,  were  the  last  shots  fired 
in  the  battle  of  Chickamauga.  What  was  left  of 
the  Union  army  was  master  of  the  field.  For  the 
time  the  enemy  evidently  regarded  himself  as  re 
pulsed,  and  Garfield  said  that  night,  and  has  always 
since  maintained,  that  there  was  no  necessity  for 
an  immediate  retreat  on  Rossville. 

This  was  Garfield's  last  military  service  of  mo 
ment.  He  wrote  every  order  that  day  but  one — 
that  one  was  the  fatal  order  to  General  Wood, 
which,  displacing  his  brigade,  enabled  Hood  to 
break  through  and  turn  the  Union  flank.  That 
order  Rosecrans  wrote  himself.  But  after  Wood 
had  been  moved,  and  after  Davis  had  been  shat 
tered  and  beaten  back,  when  the  whole  right  wing, 
mad  with  panic,  surged  back  through  the  gaps, 
Garfield  came  upon  the  field,  showing  clearly  that 
communication  could  be  established  between  the 
reserve  and  Thomas,  who  still  stood  as  steadfast 
as  the  spur  of  Mission  Ridge,  that  loomed  behind 
him.  Through  him  the  reserves  were  pushed  to 
the  left  of  Thomas,  enabling  him  to  hold  Polk  and 
Longstreet  at  bay  during  that  long,  sad  afternoon 
of  shock  and  repulse.  And  it  should  never  be  for 
gotten,  in  Garfield's  praise,  that  it  was  on  his  own 
earnest  representations  that  he  procured  permis 
sion — by  half  refusing  to  further  retreat — to  go  to 
Thomas,  and  so  back  into  battle.  He  refused  to 
believe  that  Thomas  was  routed  or  the  battle  lost. 

General  Wood,  in  his  official  report  of  Chicka- 


GEN.  GEORGE  H.  THOMAS. 


MISSIONARY  RIDGE. 


'  •     .       ,    *"„ 
'*«     ,•    -      -  •  '  , '     »• 


JAMES  A.   GARFILLD.  2  0  , 

mauga,  said  of  General  Garfield's  action  on  that 
day  of  disaster: 

"It  affords  me  much  pleasure  to  signalize  the 
presence  with  my  command,  for  a  length  of  time 
during  the  afternoon  (present  during  the  period 
of  hottest  fighting),  of  another  distinguished  of 
ficer,  Brigadier-General  James  A.  Garfield,  chief 
of  the  staff.  After  the  disastrous  rout  on  the 
right,  General  Garfield  made  his  way  back  to  the 
battle-field  (showing  clearly  that  the  road  was  open 
to  all  who  might  choose  to  follow  it),  and  came  to 
where  my  command  was  engaged.  The  brigade 
which  made  so  determined  a  resistance  on  the 
crest  of  the  narrow  ridge  during  all  the  long  Sep 
tember  afternoon,  had  been  commanded  by  Gen 
eral  Garfield  when  he  belonged  to  my  division. 
The  men  remarked  his  presence  with  much  satis 
faction,  and  were  delighted  that  he  was  a  witness 
of  the  splendid  fighting  they  were  doing. 

Rosecrans,  in  his  official  report,  added  his 
measure  of  praise 

"To  "Brigadier-General  James  A.  Garfield,  chief 
of  staff,  I. am  especially  indebted  for  the  clear  and 
ready  manner  in  which  he  seized  the  points  of  ac 
tion  and  movement,  and  expressed  in  orders  the 
ideas  of  the  general  commanding." 

On  an  afternoon  not  long  afterward — the  army 
was  then  at  Chattanooga — Garfield  approached  his 
commander,  Rosecrans,  and  said  to  him:  "Gen 
eral,  I  have  been  asked  to  accept  the  Republican 


226  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

nomination  for  Congress  from  the  Ashtabula  dis 
trict.  What  ought  I  to  do?  What  is  your  advice? 
Ought  I  to  accept?  Can  I  do  so  honorably?" 

"I  am  glad,  for  your  sake,"  returned  Rosecrans, 
"that  you  have  a  new  distinction,  and  I  certainly 
think  you  can  accept  with  honor,  and,  what  is 
more,  I  deem  it  your  duty  to  do  so.  The  war  is 
not  over  yet,  nor  will  it  be  for  some  time  to  come. 
There  will  be,  of  necessity,  many  questions  aris 
ing  in  Congress  which  will  require  not  alone 
statesmanlike  treatment,  but  the  advice  of  men 
having  an  acquaintance  with  military  affairs.  For 
this,  and  other  reasons,  I  believe  you  will  be  able 
to  do  equally  good  service  to  your  country  in  Con 
gress  as  in  the  field.  Now,  let  me  give  you  a 
piece  of  advice.  When  you  go  to  Congress,  be 
careful  what  you  say.  Don't  talk  too  much,  but 
when  you  do  talk  speak  to  the  point.  Be  true  to 
yourself,  and  you  will  make  your  mark  before  the 
country." 

After  a  week  or  two  further  service,  he  was  sent 
as  bearer  of  dispatches  to  Washington.  He  there 
learned  of  his  promotion  to  a  major-generalship  of 
volunteers  "for  gallant  and  meritorious  conduct  at 
the  battle  of  Chickamauga."  He  might  have  re 
tained  this  position  in  the  army,  and  the  military 
capacity  he  had  displayed,  the  high  favor  in  which 
he  was  held  by  the  Government,  and  the  certainty 
of  assignment  to  important  commands  seemed  to 
augur  a  brilliant  future.  He  was  a  poor  man,  too, 


BLOCK-HOUSE  AT  CHATTANOOGA 


HEAD-QUARTERS  OF  THOMAS. 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF  22Q 

and  the  major-general's  salary  was  more  than 
double  that  of  the  congressman.  But,  on  mature 
reflection,  he  decided  that  the  circumstances  under 
which  the  people  had  elected  him  to  Congress, 
bound  him  to  an  effort  to  obey  their  wishes.  He 
was,  furthermore,  urged  to  enter  Congress  by  the 
officers  of  the  army,  who  looked  to  him  for  aid  in 
procuring  such  military  legislation  as  the  country 
and  the  army  required.  Under  the  belief  that  the 
path  of  usefulness  to  the  country  lay  in  the  direction 
in  which  his  constituents  pointed,  he  sacrificed  what 
seemed  to  be  his  personal  interests  and,  on  the 
5th  of  December,  1863,  resigned  his  commission, 
after  nearly  three  years  of  service. 

He  left  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  followed 
by  the  regrets  and  good  wishes  of  every  man  in 
it — for  each  was  his  friend — and  he  laid  down  his 
unstained  sword,  to  enter  an  arena  where  he  has 
won  a  prouder  fame,  a  soldier  of  few  but  shining 
laurels.  A  distinguished  military  critic  thus  sums 
up  his  soldierly  achievements  : 

"  He  proved  himself  a  good,  independent  com 
mander  in  the  small,  but  important  operations  in 
the  Sandy  Valley.  His  campaign  there  opened 
our  series  of  successes  in  the  West,  and,  though 
fought  against  superior  forces,  began  with  us  the 
habit  of  victory.  After  that  he  was  only  a  subor 
dinate.  But  he  always  enjoyed  the  confidence  of 
his  immediate  superiors  and  of  the  department. 
As  chief  of  staff,  he  was  unrivaled.  There,  as 


030  JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

elsewhere,  he  was  ready  to  accept  the  gravest  re 
sponsibilities  in  following1  his  convictions.  The 
bent  of  his  mind  was  aggressive ;  his  judgment  in 
military  matters  was  always  good;  his  papers  on 
the  Tullahoma  campaign  will  stand  a  monument 
of  his  courage  and  his  far-reaching  soldierly  saga 
city;  and  his  conduct  at  Chickamauga  will  nevei 
be  forgotten  by  a  nation  of  brave  men." 

In  following  Garfield's  career  upon  the  field 
of  battle,  we  have  steadily  pursued  the  thread 
of  the  direct  story,  rather  than  turn  aside  to 
garner  here  and  there  a  flower  of  incident,  or  to 
gather  a  blossom  growing  beside  the  smoking 
cannon's  mouth,  There  were  many  such  scat 
tered  about  the  path  he  trod  with  such  earnest 
feet.  And  we  may,  therefore,  with  entire  rele 
vance  and  appreciable  purpose,  devote  a  page 
to  the  humors  of  conflict,  as  Garfield  found,  ab 
sorbed  and  generated  them. 

No  man  has  a  keener  sense  of  justice  thar 
General  Garfield.  One  day,  a  fugitive  slave  came 
rushing  into  the  camp,  with  a  bloody  head  and  ap 
parently  frightened  almost  to  death.  He  hac 
only  passed  my  tent,  says  a  staff  officer  of  General 
Sherman,  when,  in  a  moment,  a  regular  bully  of  a 
fellow  came  riding  up  and,  with  a  volley  of  oaths: 
began  to  ask  after  his  "  nigger." 

General  Garfield  was  not  present,  and  he 
passed  on  to  the  division  commander,  who  hap 
pened  to  be  a  sympathizer  with  the  theory  that 


JAMES  A.   CARFIELD.  „  ^  T 

20X 

fugitives  should  be  returned  to  their  masters,  and 
that  the  Union  soldiers  should  be  made  instru 
ments  for  returning  them.  He  accordingly  wrote 
a  mandatory  order  to  General  Garfield,  in  whose 
command  the  darkey  was  supposed  to  be  hiding, 
telling  him  to  hunt  up  and  deliver  over  the  prop- , 
erty  of  the  outraged  citizen. 

The  staff  officer  who  brought  the  order  stated 
the  case  fully  to  General  Garfield  before  handing 
him  the  order,  well  knowing  the  general's  strong 
anti-slavery  views.  The  general  took  the  order 
and,  after  reading  it  carefully,  deliberately  wrote 
on  it  the  following  indorsement: 

"I  respectfully  but  positively  decline  to  allow 
my  command  to  search  for,  or  deliver  up  any 
fugitive  slaves.  I  conceive  that  they  are  here  for 
quite  another  purpose'.  The  command  is  open 
and  no  obstacle  will  be  placed  in  the  way  of  the 
search." 

When  the  staff  officer  read  the  general's  in 
dorsement  he  was  inclined  to  be  frightened,  and 
remonstrated  against  Garfield's  determination. 
He  said  if  he  returned  the  order  in  that  shape 
to  the  division  commander  he  certainly  would 
arrest  and  court-martial  the  writer.  To  this  the 
Ohio  general  simply  replied: 

"The  matter  may  as  well  be  tested  first  as  last. 
Right  is  right,  and  I  do  not  propose  to  mince 
matters  at  all.  My  soldiers  are  here  for  far  other 
purposes  than  hunting  and  returning  fugitive 
slaves." 


232 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


The  staff  officer  returned  to  the  divisioi 
commander  and  communicated  Garfield's  indorse 
ment  and  resolve.  The  division  commander  wa; 
highly  incensed,  and  at  once  sent  for  Garfield,  whon 
he  attempted  to  bull-doze  into  abandoning  hii 
position.  The  Ohio  abolitionist  was,  however,  no 
the  man  for  the  operation,  and  in  return  the  divi 
sion  commander  was  obliged  to  listen  to  such  £ 
lecture  as  made  him  think  possibly  that  he  was  if 
the  wrong.  At  all  events  no  court-martial  wa< 
convened  to  try  the  general  who  had  so  fla 
grantly  refused  to  obey  orders,  and  thereafter  the 
division  commander  refrained  from  issuing  orden 
on  the  subject  of  slavery. 

General  Garesche,  Rosecrans's  chief  of  staff  be 
fore  Garfield,  was  killed  the  first  day  of  thu 
fight  at  Murfreesboro.  A  solid  shot  took  his  heac 
off.  "Old  Rosey,"  as  he  was  familiarly  called,  whc 
was  at  Garesche's  side  when  the  fatal  shot  struct 
him,  glanced  at  the  headless  body  of  his  faithfu 
officer  and  exclaimed  "poor fellow!  poor  fellow!1 
Then  he  called  out,  "scatter,  gentlemen,  scatter!' 
The  order  was  obeyed  by  staff  and  orderlies  witl 
more  than  alacrity,  as  the  enemy  had  the  staff  ii 
blank  range  of  a  well-manned  battery  and  the  sho 
were  flying  thick  and  fast  without  any  respect  t< 
persons.  "A  few  days  after,"  says  Thoma 
Dougherty,  "  I  do  not  remember  how  many,  whei 
we  had  got  into  quarters  at  Murfreesboro,  Gen 
eral  Ganfield  joined  us  to  take  the  dead  man' 


v 


BATTLE-FIELD  AS  IT  APPEARS  TO-DAY. 


REDOUBT  AT  PAINTVILLE. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  ^ 

O  \j 

lace  as  chief  of  staff.  The  boys  were  delighted  and 
hought  him  a  perfect  success.  As  an  illustration 
f  his  kindness  of  heart,  a  virtue  not  practiced 
ften  by  army  officers  in  the  field,  they  delighted  to 
elate  the  following  story  as  told  by  a  sergeant  in 
osecrans's  army. 

"  One  night,  very  late,  the  boys  were  rolled  in 
eir  blankets  on  the  hall  floor  asleep,  and  I  was 
t  my  post,  sitting  on  a  chair  at  the  door  of  the  tent 
f  the  general  commanding,  awaiting  orders  to  be 
taken  to  their  destination  by  the  then  sleeping  men. 
e  light  was  but  a  tallow  candle,  stuck  in  a  sar- 
ine-box.  I,  with  chair  tilted  against  the  wall,  had 
alien  asleep,  when  General  Garfield,  the  new 
hief  of  staff,  emerged  from  the  head-quarter 
room  with  quick  step.  Not  noticing  my  extended 
imbs,  he  tripped  over  them  and  dropped  on  his 
ands  and  knees  on  the  floor.  He  was  no  light 
weight,  and  even  then  the  fall  was  not  easy.  Af 
frighted,  I  started  from  my  sleep,  sprang  to  my 
feet  and,  as  the  general  arose,  saluted.  •  I  ex 
pected  nothing  else  than  to  be  cursed,  and  proba 
bly  kicked  and  cuffed,  too,  from  one  end  of  the 
hall  to  the  other.  To  my  astonishment,  the  tall 
general  said,  kindly  and  quietly :  *  Excuse  me,  ser- 
jjj  geant,  I  did  not  see  you.'  I  not  only  excused  him, 
but  with  my  comrades,  to  whom  the  incident  was 
related,  we  all  learned  to  revere  and  respect  the 
kindly-hearted  man  who  had  come  to  us  as  chief 
of  staff." 


236 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


George    O.  Gardener  relates    a    storv  that   is 

£>  ~ 

apropos  to  end  our  chapter: 

"  After  the  great  and  sanguinary  battle  of  Chickamauga,  ] 
was  bound  North  on  a  twenty  days'  furlough.  At  Louisvilk 
I  met  Generals  Garfield  and  Steedman.  Garfield  was  going 
to  Congress,  and  Steedman  North  on  business.  We  happened 
to  go  down  to  the  ferryboat  in  the  same  'bus,  on  top  of  which 
were  Garfield's  #nd  Steedman's  negro  servants.  It  appean 
that,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  emancipation  proclamatior 
was  not  general,  and  did  not  at  that  time  apply  to  Kentucky, 
that  State's  Legislature  had  taken  advantage  of  it  and  passec 
laws  regarding  the  kidnapping  and*confiscating  of  every  straj 
negro  the  gangs  of  civil  officers  and  citizens  could  lay  theii 
hands  upon.  Officers  with  posses  were  stationed  at  the  levees 
instructed  and  authorized  to  seize  all  negroes  attempting  tc 
cross  the  river  on  the  boats,  no  matter  where  they  were  from 
When  we  went  on  the  boat  we  were  all  in  ignorance  of  thi: 
State  law,  and  of  the  fact  that  a  strong  force  of  men  were  01 
the  boat  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  any  unlucky  darkey  wh( 
might  be  going  North  with  the  Union  officers.  My  attentior 
was  first  called  to  the  fact  by  hearing  General  Garfield  ask  i 
pompous-looking  man :  '  What  do  you  want  with  that  boy  ?' 

"I  looked  out  of  the  'bus  window  and  noticed  that  the  man 
in  company  with  others,  was  ordering  the  two  boys  to  *ge 
down  from  the  'bus  and  go  ashore  with  them.  The  man,  wh( 
claimed  to  be  the  sheriff,  said  the  boys  could  not  go  acros; 
the  river;  that  he  should  take  possession  of  them,  etc.,  am 
proceeded  to  force  them  off  the  boat.  At  this,  Garfield  anc 
Steedman  jumped  out  of  the  'bus.  Garfield  was  mad  ;  he  tok 
these  insolent  men  that  he  had  been  fighting  rebels  in  the  fielc 
for  two  years,  that  he  would  now  do  some  fighting  on  th< 
water,  and  that  if  they  did  not  leave  the  boat  at  once  the] 
would  get  hurt.  He  stood  between  the  negroes  and  tin 
officers,  and  shook  his  fist  in  their  faces,  and  dared  them  tc 
touch  the  black  boys  who  had  so  faithfully  stood  by  him  ir 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  2  „  - 

Ihe  camp  and  on  the  battle-grounds  of  Stone  River  and 
thickamauga.  General  Steedman  was  mad ;  he  pulled  off 
his  coat  and  marched  into  the  crowd,  saying  he  could  fight 
puch  a  white-livered  set  of  rascals  with  good  relish;  Chicka- 
pauga  had  had  no  terrors  for  him,  neither  had  kidnappers. 

"It  was  an  exciting  time  for  them.  While  Garfield  and 
bteedman  were  getting  the  negroes  away  from  the  sheriff  and 
his  deputies,  us  fellows  in  the  'bus  were  getting  our  revolvers 

t  of  our  valises,  and  we  soon  were  out  and  forming  a  line 
of  battle,  one  deep  and  far  apart,  in  the  rear  of  Garfield  and 
Steedman.  The  sheriff  finally  exhibited  a  disposition  to  take 
the  negroes  at  any  risk.  Garfield,  followed  by  us  blue-coats, 
moved  on  the  enemy  in  force.  They  retreated  '  right  smart ' 
to  the  shore.  The  sheriff,  from  his  safe  place  on  the  shore, 
ordered  the  captain  of  the  boat  not  to  move  the  boat  with  the 
negroes  on  board.  The  captain  then  came  to  Garfield,  and 
told  him  that  he,  the  captain,  could  not  take  the  boys  across 
the  river  without  incurring  a  heavy  fine,  and  therefore  would 
not  move  the  boat.  General  Garfield  said  he  would  relieve 
him  of  responsibility,  so  he  announced  he  would  pilot  the 
boat  across  if  some  one  would  volunteer  to  run  the  engine. 
Upon  several  of  the  soldiers  agreeing  to  do  it,  the  captain 
caved  and  ordered  the  boat  untied,  saying  he  would  take  the 
crowd  across,  arid  stop  the  'tarnal  fuss.  The  boat  started  and 
the  row  ended." 


GARFIELD  AS  A  STATESMAN. 


Statesmanship  consists  rather  in  removing  causes  than  in 
punishing  or  evading  results. 

Garfield's  Speech  on  the  Ninth  Census* 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  2  .  l 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

HE   APPEARS   IN   CONGRESS. 

GENERAL  GARFIELD  entered,  on  re 
signing  from  the  army,  a  wider  field  of 
usefulness  than  that  permitted  him  at  the 
ront.  But  he  still  remained  one  of  the  nation's 
.efenders.  His  election  to  Congress  was  the  re- 
ult  of  a  popular  idea  in  the  North  during  the 
ummer  of  1862 — that  the  war  would  end  in  a  few 
lonths,  or  be  over  at  least  by  Christmas.  Be- 
eving  this,  it  was  but  rational  that  the  people 
hould  take  up,  for  the  purpose  of  rewarding  them 
/ith  Congressional  honors,  those  who  had  won 
.istinction  in  arms.  Garfield  was  one  of  the 
Dumber. 

The  Congressional  district  in  which  he  lived  is 
;enerally  called  the  Ashtabula  district,  and  has 
>een  more  faithful  to  its  representatives  than  any 
f  those  of  the  North — having  had  but  four  in 
alf  a  century.  It  now  consists  of  the  counties  of 
Ashtabula,  Lake,  Granger,  Trumbull  and  Mahoney. 
lie  County  of  Portage,  which  was  a  part  of  it 
fhen  Garfield  was  first  elected,  was  detached  a 
•ear  aeo.  The  district  is  the  Nineteenth,  and  is 

o 

ituated  in  the  Western  Reserve — the  New  Eng- 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


land  of  the  North-west  —  in  North-east  Ohio.  It 
was  originally  settled  by  New  Englanders,  and  its 
population  has  the  thrift,  the  keen  intelligence,  the 
habits  of  local  self-government,  the  political  in 
stincts,  and  the  morals  of  New  England.  There 
is  no  population  of  equal  numbers  on  the  long 
line  reaching  from  New  York  to  Chicago,  that 
writes  so  many  letters  and  receives  through  the 
mails  so  much  reading  matter.  There  is  less  illit 
eracy  in  proportion  to  the  population,  than  in  any 
other  district  in  the  United  States.  The  district  is 
essentially  a  rural  one,  with  the  exception  of  some 
iron-working  portions  in  the  southern  end.  It  is 
the  eastern  portion  of  the  Reserve.  It  early  be 
came  deeply  interested  in  the  anti-slavery  move 
ment,  and  this  greatly  quickened  the  interest  of 
its  people  in  public  affairs.  It  is  this  intelligent 
interest  in  national  welfare  that  has  made  the 
district  acce&ible  to  General  Garfield's  earnest, 
straight-forward  exposition  of  solid  political  doc 
trines,  to  his  high  bearing,  to  the  impact  of  his 
mental  and  moral  power  upon  intelligent  and 
honest  minds,  rather  than  by  any  managing  or 
demagogic  measures. 

This  district  was  the  same  that  was  long  made 
famous  by  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  the  anti-slavery 
champion.  Grown  careless  of  the  arts  of  politics 
toward  the  end  of  his  career,  he  came  to  look 
upon  a  nomination  and  re-election  as  a  matter  of 
course.  His  over-confidence  was  taken  advan- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

tage  of  by  an  ambitious  lawyer  named  Hutchins, 
to  carry  the  convention  of  1858  against  him.  The 
friends  of  Giddings  never  forgave  Hutchins,  and 
cast  about  for  a  means  of  defeating  him.  The 
old  man,  himself,  was  comfortably  quartered  in  his 
consulate  at  Montreal,  and  did  not  care  to  make 
fight  to  get  back  to  Congress.  So,  his  supporters 
made  use  of  the  popularity  of  General  Garfield, 
and  nominated  him  while  he  was  with  his  brigade. 
He  had  no  knowledge  of  any  such  movement  in 
his  behalf,  and  when  he  accepted  the  nomination 
he  did  so  in  the  belief  that  the  war  would  be  over 
before  he  would  be  called  upon  to  take  his  seat. 
He  was  elected  by  a  large  majority.  He  con 
tinued  his  military  service  up  to  the  day  Congress 
met.  Even  then  he  seriously  thought  of  resign 
ing  his  position  as  a  representative,  rather  than  his 
major-general's  commission,  and  would  have  done 
so  had  there  been  any  prospect  of  active  opera 
tions  during  the  winter  months.  He  has  often 
expressed  regret  that  he  did  not  fight  the  war  to 
the  end.  Had  he .  done  so  he  would,  doubtless, 
have  ranked  at  its  close  among  the  foremost  of 
the  victorious  generals  of  the  Republic. 

In  the  great  arena  he  entered  in  December, 
1863,  he  has  ever  since  remained — seventeen 
years.  Only  one  member  of  that  body  antedates 
him — Judge  Kelley.  All  this  time  he  has  been  an 
active  participant  in  the  events  that  have  tran 
spired  in  Congress,  and  he  has  left  the  imprint  of 


0  „  A  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

2  44 

his  ability  and  patriotism  as  thoroughly  upon  the 
legislation  of  the  country  as  any  one  man  now'  in 
public  service.  He  certainly  realizes  the  meaning 
of  the  title,  "  a  public  benefactor."  We  will  de 
fine  that  in  his  own  words,  from  a  speech  made  on 
December  loth,  1878: 

"  The  man  who  wants  to  serve  his  country  must  put  him 
self  in  the  line  of  its  leading  thought,  and  that  is  the  restora 
tion  of  business,  trade,  commerce,  industry,  sound  political 
economy,  hard  money  and  the  payment  of  all  obligations, 
and  the  man  who  can  add  anything  in  the  direction  of  ac 
complishing  any  of  these  purposes  is  a  public  benefactor." 

No  man  with  such  an  ideal  could  fail  to  at  once 
take  high  rank.  Nor  did  Garfield  fail  to  clo  so. 
At  the  outset  he  was  recognized  as  a  leader,  and 
his  influence  grew  with  his  service.  He  was  ap 
pointed  on  the  military  committee,  under  the 
chairmanship  of  General  Schenck,  the  colleague- 
ship  of  Farnsworth,  both  fresh  from  the  field,  and 
was  of  great  service — -just  as  Rosecrans  antici 
pated  he  would  be — in  carrying  through  the 
measures  that  served  to  recruit  the  armies  durin^ 

o 

the  closing  months  of  the  war.  His  activity,  in 
dustry  and  thorough  knowledge  of  the  wants  of 
the  army,  were  of  the  first  value  in  all  legislation 
pertaining  to  military  matters.  He  was  appointed 
chairman  of  a  select  committee  of  seven,  ap 
pointed  to  investigate  the  alleged  frauds  in  the 
money-printing  bureau  of  the  Treasury.  He  soon 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

bccame  known  as  a  powerful  speaker,  remarkably 
ready  and  always  effective  in  debate. 

His  first  speech  of  any  length,  on  January  28th, 
1864,  gave  ample  promise  in  the  bud  of  the 
flowers  of  powerful  oratory  so  soon  to  bloom.  It 
was  a  reply  to  his  Democratic  colleague,  Mr. 
Finck,  and  was  in  favor  of  the  confiscation  of 
rebel  property.  We  quote  from  its  brilliant  pas 
sages  : 

"The  war  was  announced  by  proclamation,  and  it  must 
end  by  proclamation.  We  can  hold  the  insurgent  States  in 
military  subjection  half  a  century- — if  need  be,  until  they  are 
purged  of  their  poison  and  stand  up  clean  before  the  country. 
They  must  come  back  with  clean  hands,  if  they  come  at  all. 
I  hope  to  see  in  all  those  States  the  men  who  fought  and 
suffered  for  the  truth,  tilling  the  fields  on  which  they  pitched 
their  tents.  I  hope  to  see  them,  like  old  Kasper  of  Blenheim, 
on  the  summer  evenings,  with  their  children  upon  their  knees, 
and  pointing  out  the  spot  where  brave  men  fell  and  marble 
commemorates  it. 

##***## 

"I  deprecate  these  apparently  partisan  remarks ;  it  hurts  me 
to  make  them,  but  it  hurts  me  more  to  know  they  are  true.  I 
conclude  by  returning  once  more  to  the  resolution  before 
me.  Let  no  weak  sentiments  of  misplaced  sympathy  deter  us 
from  inaugurating  a  measure  which  will  cleanse  our  nation 
and  make  it  the  fit  home  of  freedom  and  a  glorious  manhood. 
Let  us  not  despise  the  severe  wisdom  of  our  Revolutionary 
fathers,  when  they  served  their  generation  in  a  similar  way. 
Let  the  republic  drive  from  its  soil  the  traitors  that  have  con 
spired  against  its  life,  as  God  and  His  angels  drove  Satan  and 
his  host  from  Heaven.  He  was  not  too  merciful  to  be  just, 
and  to  hurl  down  in  chains  and  everlasting  darkness  the 


246 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


'traitor    angel'    who    'first  broke    peace    in    Heaven/  and 
rebeled  against  Him." 

Soon  after  he  spoke  in  favor  of  the  payment  of 
prompt  and  liberal  bounties  by  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment  to  encourage  enlistments,  and  rapidly 
earned  Congressional  reputation. 

This  readiness  at  trenchant  debating  proved,  in 
some  respects,  injurious  to  his  rising  fame.  He 
spoke  so  readily  that  members  were  constantly 
asking  his  services  in  behalf  of  favorite  measures, 
and  in  the  impulsive  eagerness  of  a  young  man 
and  a  young  member,  he  often  consented.  He 
thus  came  to  be  too  frequent  a  speaker,  and  the 
House  wearied  a  little  of  his  polished  periods,  and 
began  to  think  him  too  fond  of  talking.  His  su 
perior  knowledge,  too,  used  to  offend  some  of  his 
less  learned  colleagues  at  first.  They  thought 
him  bookish  and  pedantic,  until  they  found  how 
solid  and  useful  was  his  store  of  knowledge,  and 
how  pertinent  to  the  business  in  hand  were  the 
drafts  he  made  upon  it.  But  this  in  time  wore  off. 
His  genial  personal  ways  soon  made  him  many 
warm  friends,  and  reaction  set  in.  The  men  of 
brains  in  both  houses,  and  in  the  departments, 
were  not  long  in  discovering  that  here  was  a  fresh, 
strong,  intellectual  force  that  was  destined  to 
make  its  mark  upon  the  politics  of  the  country. 
They  sought  his  acquaintance,  and  befoVe  he  had 
been  long  in  Washington,  he  had  the  advantage 
of  the  best  society  in  the  capital. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

247 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE  LADDER  OF  HONOR. 

TO  the  steadily-growing  good  opinion  of  his 
district,  Garfield  lived  out  his  first  term. 
When  the  time  came  for  holding  the  Con 
gressional  Convention  of  1864,  in  the  Nineteenth 
District,  it  was  whispered  around  in  the  Western 
Reserve  that  Garfield  had  written  the  Wade-Davis 
manifesto  against  President  Lincoln,  or,  at  least, 
was  in  sympathy  with  it.  The  convention  was 
eager  to  nominate  him,  but  it  was  objected,  and 
the  objection  seemed  to  have  some  force  with  the 
delegates,  that  he  had  not  condemned  the  mani 
festo.  He  was  called  upon  to  explain  himself,  and 
the  way  he  did  so  will  never  be  forgotten.  En 
tering  the  convention  hall,  he  walked  up  to  the 
platform,  planted  himself  firmly  on  it,  and  began  a 
speech  that  he  must  have  thought  would  dig  his 
political  grave.  He  spoke  only  for  half  an  hour, 
and  he  told  his  hearers  he  had  not  written  the 
Wade-Davis  letter,  but  he  had  only  one  regret 
connected  with  it,  and  that  was  that  there  was  a 
necessity  for  its  appearance.  He  approved  the 
letter,  defended  the  motives  of  the  authors,  asserted 
his  right  to  independence  of  thought  and  action, 
and  told  the  delegates  that  if  they  did  not  want  a 


248 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


free  agent  for  their  representative,  they  had  better 
find  another  man,  for  he  did  not  desire  to  serve 
them  longer. 

As  he  warmed  up  to  his  subject  he  captivated 
the  convention  with  his  plain,  hard  reasoning  and 
his  glowing  eloquence.  When  he  had  finished 
speaking,  he  left  the  platform  and  strode  out  of 
the  hall.  As  he  reached  the  front  of  the  stairs,  on 
his  way  out  of  the  building,  he  heard  a  great 
noise,  which  -he  imagined  was  the  signal  of  his 
unanimous  rejection.  On  the  contrary,  it  was 
the  applause  that  followed  his  nomination  by 
acclamation.  His  very  boldness  had  stunned 
the  convention,  expecting,  as  it  did,  something 
entirely  different  from  the  party  leader.  It  was 
some  seconds  before  anything  was  said,  but 
finally  an  Ashtabula  delegate  got  on  his  feet,  and 
said :  "By ,  the  man  who  can  face  a  conven 
tion  like  that,  ought  to  be  nominated  by  acclama 
tion."  It  didn't  take  the  convention  long  to  find 
out  that  it  entertained  a  similar  admiration  for  his 
independence  and  pluck,  and  the  result  was  as 
related,  before  his  opponents  in  the  convention 
had  time  to  open  their  mouths. 

Governor  Todd  closed  the  meeting  with  the  re 
mark  :  "A  district  that  will  allow  a  young  fellow 
like  Garfield  to  tweak  its  nose  and  cuff  its  ears  in 
that  manner,  deserves  to  have  him  saddled  on  it 
for  life." 

General  Garfield,  speaking  of  this  incident,  said 
he  knew  it  was  a  bold  action  for  a  youngster,  bu{ 


JAMES  A.   CARFIELD. 

2  49 

he  believed  both  Mr.  Wade  and  Mr.  Davis  to  be 
right,  and  he  determined  to  stand  by  them.  "This 
showed  me,  completely,  the  truth  of  the  old 
maxim,  that  'Honesty  is  the  best  policy,'  and  I 
have  ever  since  been  entirely  independent  in  my 
relations  with  the  people  of  my  district." 

The  news  of  his  action  spread  far  and  wide.  A 
day  or  two  afterward  he  met  Ben  Wade,  who 
seized  him  by  the  hand,  and  roared  out: 

"  Look  here,  do  you  know  you  did  a  d brave 

thing  at  that  convention  the  other  day  ?" 

"  It  was  my  duty,  Mr.  Wade,  to  say  what  I  did, 
as  I  believed  you  and  Mr.  Davis  to  be  in  the 
right,"  replied  Garfield. 

"  Bosh,"  cried  old  Ben,  "  I  say  it  was  d cl 

brave.  Why,  not  one  fellow  in  a  dozen  but  would 
have  given  Davis  and  I  the  go-by.  All  you  had 
to  do  was  to  go  in  and  teter  a  little  before  the  con 
vention,  and  they  would  have  promised  in  advance 
to  re-nominate  you.  But  you  didn't  do  it ;  devil  the 
bit  did  you  do  it.  You  took  the  bull  by  the  horns 
like  a  man,  and  told  the  convention  it  was  wrong, 
and  I  say  it  was  d — — d  brave  in  you  to  do  so. 
Now,  mind  you,  Garfield,  you  have  got  that 
district,  and  they  won't  fool  with  you  any  more. 
The  people  of  Ohio  like  a  bold  and  honest  man, 
and  they  have  found  one  in  you,  and  they  ain't 
going  to  give  you  up  soon.  Just  you  go  ahead, 
they  know  you  are  worth  a  dozen  limber-jacks, 
and  they  will  stick  by  you.  It's  a  clear  case  you 


250 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


won't  turn  for  anybody — you  had  the  best  chance 
to  turn  the  other  day  before  that  convention  you 

will  ever  have,  and  you  didn't  do  it — no  d if 

you  did.  The  people  hate  a  trimmer,  and  I  tell 
you  your  action  at  that  convention  has  given  the 
men  and  women  of  your  district  a  new  idea  of  you. 
As  for  me,"  added  old  Ben,  the  tears  starting  to 
his  eyes,  "  I  won't  say  how  much  I  am  obliged  to 
you  for  the  way  you  stood  by  me,  but  I  shall 
never  forget  it,  never,  sir,  while  I  live  on  this 
earth."  Then  the  old  war-horse  went  abruptly 
away,  and  the  young  statesman  knew  he  had  made 
a  friend  for  life  of  the  oldest  and  best  statesman 
Ohio  ever  had. 

When  the  election  came  off  he  was  returned  by 
a  majority  of  twelve  thousand. 

On  his  return  to  Congress  on  the  opening  of 
his  second  term,  having  proved  himself  such  an 
invaluable  worker,  and  having  risen  to  such  in 
fluence  in  the  handling  of  financial  questions,  that 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  requested  he  be 
appointed  on  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,* 
the  leading  committee  of  the  House.  This  was 
much  more  in  the  line  of  his  tastes  and  studies. 
His  work  during  this  term  was  earnest,  thorough 
and  incessant,  and  he  steadily  gained  in  the  estima 
tion  of  his  colleagues.  He  delivered  a  noted  speech 
on  the  "Constitutional  Amendment  to  Abolish 


*  The  committee   which   matures  the  financial    legislation  of  Congress   and   provide* 
the  means  of  raising  the  revenue. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  2 

Slavery,"  and  from  the  Committee  on  Military  Af 
fairs,  on  which  he  had  been  appointed,  made  a 
report  on  the  discharge  of  soldiers  who  enlisted 
to  fill  old  regiments.  a 

He  made  noted  speeches  also  on  the"Freedman's 
Bureau"  and  the  "Restoration  of  the  Rebel  States," 
on  the  "Public  Debt  and  Specie  Payments,"  and  on 
"the  National  Bureau  of  Education."  On  March 
6th  of  this  year  ('66)  he  argued  the  L.  P.  Milligan 
conspiracy  case  against  the  Government,  ap 
pealed  to  the  Supreme  Court  from  the  courts  of 
Indiana.  Ben.  Butler,  Hon.  James  Speed,  Hon. 
Henry  Stanberry  appeared  for  the  United  States, 
and  with  Mr.  Garfield  for  the  petitioners  were  the 
Hon.  J.  A.  McDonald,  Hon.  J.  S.  Black  and  Hon. 
David  Dudley  Field.  Mr.  Garfield's  argument 
was  most  elaborate  and  bristled  with  precedents 
and  telling  points.  Its  peroration  was  as  follows: 

"It  is  in  your  power,  O  Judges!  to  erect  in  this  citadel  of 
our  liberties  a  monument  more  lasting  than  brass;  invisible 
indeed  to  the  eye  of  flesh,  but  visible  to  the  eye  of  the  spirit, 
as  the  awful  form  and  figure  of  justice,  crowning  and  adorning 
the  Republic ;  rising  above  the  storms  of  political  strife, 
above  the  din  of  battle,  above  the  earthquake  shock  of  rebel 
lion  ;  seen  from  afar  and  hailed  as  protector  by  the  oppressed 
of  all  nations;  dispensing  equal  blessings,  and  covering  with 
the  protecting  shield  of  law  the  weakest,  the  humblest,  the  mean 
est,  and,  until  declared  by  solemn  law  unworthy  of  protection, 
the  guiltiest  of  its  citizens." 

When  the  nominating  convention  met  again  in 


2r2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

the  late  summer  of  1866,  some  few  of  his  constitu 
ents,  living  in  the  Mahoning  Valley,  an  iron  pro 
ducing  district,  opposed  his  re-nomination  on  tin 
ground  that  he  did  not  favor  as  high  a  tariff  01 
iron  as  they  wanted.  The  convention,  howevei 
was  overwhelmingly  on  his  side,  not  a  single  anti 
Garfield  delegate  securing  a  seat,  and  in  afte 
years  he  succeeded  in  convincing  these  opponent 
that  a  moderate  duty,  affording  a  sufficient  margii 
for  protection,  was  better  for  their  interests  thai 
a  high  prohibitory  rate.  During  his  third  tern 
he  was  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Militar 
Affairs,  being  placed  at  the  head  of  this  com 
mittee  in  1867.  In  this  committee  he  had  plent; 
of  work  to  do  looking  after  the  demands  of  th< 
discharged  soldiers  for  pay  and  bounty,  of  whicl 
many  had  been  deprived  by  red-tape  decisions  o 
the  Government  accounting  officers.  It  wa 
during  this  term  that  everything  seemed  drifting 
toward  greenbacks  and  repudiation.  He  took  i 
bold  stand,  as  his  views  were  opposed  to  those  o 
many  leading  men  of  his  party,  and  to  the  declara 
tions  of  the  Republican  State  Committee  of  Ohic 
he  indeed  seemed  to  hazard  his  re-nomination,  bu 
he  did  not  hesitate  firmly  and  fully  to  avow  his  con 
victions.  His  financial  doctrines  were  at  lengtl 
adopted  by  the  entire  party,  and  fully  indorsed  ii 
the  Chicago  Republican  platform. 

These  two  years  are  marked  by  speeches  on  "Re 
construction,"  "the  Currency,"  "Taxation  of  Unitec 


JAMES  A.   GARFTELD.  2  „ 

0  «j 

States  Bonds,"  an  address  on  "College  Education," 
(June  i^th,  1867,)  at  Hiram,  Ohio,  before  the  liter 
ary  societies  of  the  Eclectic  Institute,  and  a  Deco 
ration  Day  address  at  Arlington,  Va.,  May  3oth, 
1868. 

He  was  opposed  in  the  nominating  convention 
of  1868,  by  Darius  Cadwell,  of  Ashtabula  County, 
who  secured  forty  votes  chiefly  from  his  own 
county,  and  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  his  oppo 
nent  elected  by  one  of  his  overwhelming  majori 
ties.  When  he  reached  Congress  he  was 
appointed  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Banking 
and  Currency,  and  during  this  Congress,  beside 
work  on  this  committee,  he  did  most  of  the  hard 
work  on  the  Ninth  Census.  His  work  is  this  ses 
sion  is  noted  for  a  most  elaborate,  painstaking 
report  on  remodeling  the  army  and  investigation 
into  the  causes  of  Black  Friday.  This  report, 
which  is  far  too  long  to  print  here,  is  a  fascinating 
story  for  any  reader,  possessing  little  of  the  saw 
dust  filling  common  to  "Pub.  Docs."  April  ist, 
1870,  he  made  a  speech  on  the  tariff. 

This  year  there  was  no  opposition  either  in  the 
convention  or  the  field,  and  Garfield  returned  to 
the  capital  for  his  fifth  two  years.  In  1871,  he 
was  promoted  to  the  chairmanship  of  the  Commit 
tee  on  Appropriations,  as  successor  to  Henry  L. 
Dawes,  which  he  held  until  the  Democrats  got 
control  of  the  House,  in  1875.  He  made  speeches 
on  the  "McGarrahan  Claim,"  the  "Right  to  Orig- 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  °F 


inate  Revenue  Bills,"  "Enforcing  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment,"  "National  Aid  to  Education."  He 
delivered,  on  November  25th,  1871,  an  elaborate 
eulogy  on  General  George  H.  Thomas,  and  Feb 
ruary  Qth,  1872,  argued  the  Henderson  case  be 
fore  the  Supreme  Court. 

In  1872,  a  few  blank  ballots  were  cast  in  the 
nominating  convention,  and  a  liberal  Republican 
was  taken  up  by  the  opposition  at  the  election,  but 
Garfield  received  his  old-time  majority  and  re 
turned  again  to  Washington.  He  delivered,  on 
July  2d,  1873,  an  oration  to  the  -students  of  Hud 
son  College,  on  "The  Future  of  the  Republic." 
In  October,  the  same  year,  he  was  in  the  Supreme 
Court,  in  the  Rogers  case,  and  contributed  some 
papers  to  the  Western  Reserve  and  Northern 
Ohio  Historical  Society. 

The  year  1874  was  the  year  of  the  Democratic 
tidal  wave,  the  Credit  Mobilier  and  the  salary 
grab  having  alienated  many  of  the  Republican 
thousands.  Nowhere  did  these  two  affairs  make 
a  deeper  impression  than  in  the  sensitive  and  jeal 
ous  constituency  represented  by  Mr.  Garfield. 
Mr.  Whittlesey  and  Mr.  Giddings,  who  had  pre 
ceded  Mr.  Garfield,  were  men  of  unsullied  repu 
tation.  The  faintest  semblance  to  anything  like  a 
wrong  or  improper  course  of  conduct  was  enough 
to  draw  forth  the  honest,  plain-spoken  indignation 
of  men  who  were  not  ready  to  justify  the  slightest 
departure  from  the  line  of  right.  General  Gar- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

ield  had  now  represented  the  district  in  five  suc- 
;ssive  Congresses,  and,  though  not  so  well  known 
is  he  is  to-day,  his  name  had  crossed  the  conti- 
lent  to  the  West  and  the  ocean  to  the  East.    The 
listrict  felt  very  proud  of  him.     No  representative 
icld  his   constituency  with  a  firmer   hand.     His 
inure  promised  to  be  as  long  as  that  of  Whittle- 
>ey  or  Giddings.     But  now  all  was  changed.     A 
.epublican   convention,  that  met  in  Warren  for 
;ome   local    purpose,  demanded   his   resignation. 
IMost  men  denounced,  all  regretted,  none  defended 
'hat   had   been  done.     All    that  the    staunchest 
I  friends  of  General  Garfield  presumed  to  do  was 
to  say:  "Wait  until  you  hear  the  case;  hear  what 
'Garfield  has  to  say  before  you  determine  that  he 
is  a  dishonest  man."     Garfield  wrote  from  Wash 
ington  to   a  friend:  "The  district  is  lost,  and  as 
soon  as  I  can  close  up  my  affairs  here  I  am  coming 
home  to  capture  it." 

And  he  did  capture  it.  He  issued  his  pamph 
lets,  "Review  of  the  Transactions  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier  Company "  and  "  Increase  of  Salaries  " 
from  Washington,  and  then  came  on  to  Hiram. 
These  pamphlets,  with  a  personal  speech  in  War 
ren  somewhat  later,  constituted  his  direct  defense. 
When  the  next  campaign  opened,  he  went,  as 
usual,  upon  the  stump.  He  rarely  referred  to 
the  charges  against  him,  and  never  did  unless 
compelled  to.  He  grappled  with  the  questions  of 
the  day.  He  went  from  county  to  county,  and 


256  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

almost  from  village  to  village.  His  knowledge 
was  so  great,  his  argumentation  so  logical,  his 
spirit  so  earnest,  and  his  bearing,  both  public  and 
private,  so  manly,  that  men  began  to  ask :  "  Can 
it  be  true  that  Mr.  Garfield  is  such  a  man  as  they 
tell  us  ?"  Prejudice  was  slowly  but  surely  over 
come,  and  at  the  polls  the  people's  belief  was  thus 
expressed:  Garfield,  12,591;  Regular  Democratic 
ticket,  6,245  ;  Independent  Republican  ticket, 
3,427.  His  antagonist  this  time  was  a  Republi 
can,  named  Casement,  who  is  to-day  one  of  the 
general's  best  friends.  During  all  the  storm  of 
abuse  that  darkened  this  year,  the  sunshine  of  the 
future  was  predicted.  A  sonnet  appeared  in  the 
Washington  Evening  Star,  in  the  winter  of  '74: 

"TO   JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

"  Thou  who  didst  ride  on  Chickamauga's  day, 
All  solitary,  down  the  fiery  line, 
And  saw  the  ranks  of  battle  rusty  shine, 
Where  grand  old  Thomas  held  them  from  dismay, 
Regret  not  now,  while  meaner  factions  play 
Their  brief  campaigns  against  the  best  of  men  ; 
For  those  spent  balls  of  slander  have  their  way, 
And  thou  shalt  see  the  victory  again. 
Weary  and  ragged,  thou(  h  the  broken  lines 
Of  party  reel,  and  thine  own  honor  bleeds, 
That  mole  is  blind  fhat  Garfield  undermines ! 
That  shot  falls  short  that  hired  slander  speeds ! 
That  man  will  live  whose  place  the  State  assigns, 
And  whose  high  mind  the  mighty  nation  needs  !" 

In  1876,  he  was  again  re-elected.  He  served 
in  this  term  as  a  member  of  the  Committee  on 
Rules,  in  recognition  of  his  rare  knowledge  of 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

Darliamentary  law.  In  1877,  Mr.  Blaine  took  his 
seat  in  the  Senate,  and  the  mantle  of  Republican 
eadership  in  the  House,  by  common  consent,  de 
scended  to  Mr.  Garfield ;  a  mantle  which  he  has 
worn  with  honor  ever  since.  He  was,  at  the 
opening  of  this  Congress,  the  Republican  candi 
date  for  the  speakership,  but  the  Democrats  were 
.argely  in  the  majority,  and  Mr.  Randall  was 
elected  over  him.  In  this  same  year,  upon  the 
ippointment  of  Senator  Sherman  to  the  post  of 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  his  own  inclinations 
jind  the  support  of  his  friends  in  Ohio  led  him  to 
ispire  to  the  vacant  Senatorial  chair.  The  repre 
sentations  of  President  Hayes  are  understood  to 
nave  been  effective  in  preventing  him  from  be- 
:oming  a  candidate  for  that  place,  on  the  ground 
that  his  services  were  more  needed  as  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  Mr.  Stanley 
Matthews  was  elected  Senator.  When  the  House 
was  organized,  however,  the  Speakership  was  car- 
jried  off  by  the  Democracy,  and  General  Garfield 
was  left  "out  in  the  cold."  It  was  just  as  well  for 
him,  for  two  years  later  the  Democracy  also  car 
ried  Ohio  and  elected  "  Gentleman  George  "  Pen- 
dleton  to  Matthews's  seat  in  the  Senate. 

In  1878,  he  was  re-elected  by  a  majority  of 
9,613.  Opposition  was  now  no  more.  Men  who 
bad  been  most  denunciatory  was  now  warmest  in 
bis  praise ;  and  it  was  actually  left  to  the  friends 
who  had  stood  by  him  through  all  the  storm  to 
15 


256 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


almost  from  village  to  village.  His  knowledge 
was  so  great,  his  argumentation  so  logical,  his 
spirit  so  earnest,  and  his  bearing,  both  public  and 
private,  so  manly,  that  men  began  to  ask :  "  Can 
it  be  true  that  Mr.  Garfield  is  such  a  man  as  they 
tell  us  ?"  Prejudice  was  slowly  but  surely  over 
come,  and  at  the  polls  the  people's  belief  was  thus 
expressed:  Garfield,  12,591;  Regular  Democratic 
ticket,  6,245  ;  Independent  Republican  ticket, 
3,427.  His  antagonist  this  time  was  a  Republi 
can,  named  Casement,  who  is  to-day  one  of  the 
general's  best  friends.  During  all  the  storm  of 
abuse  that  darkened  this  year,  the  sunshine  of  the 
future  was  predicted.  A  sonnet  appeared  in  the 
Washington  Evening  Star,  in  the  winter  of '74: 

"TO  JAMES   A.    GARFIELD. 

"  Thou  who  didst  ride  on  Chickamauga's  day, 
All  solitary,  down  the  fiery  line, 
And  saw  the  ranks  of  battle  rusty  shine, 
Where  grand  old  Thomas  held  them  from  dismay, 
Regret  not  now,  while  meaner  factions  play 
Their  brief  campaigns  against  the  best  of  men  ; 
For  those  spent  balls  of  slander  have  their  way, 
And  thou  shall  see  the  victory  again. 
Weary  and  ragged,  thou(  h  the  broken  lines 
Of  party  reel,  and  thine  own  honor  bleeds, 
That  mole  is  blind  fhat  Garfield  undermines ! 
That  shot  falls  short  that  hired  slander  speeds  ! 
That  man  will  live  whose  place  the  State  assigns, 
And  whose  high  mind  the  mighty  nation  needs  !" 

In  1876,  he  was  again  re-elected.  He  served 
in  this  term  as  a  member  of  the  Committee  on 
Rules,  in  recognition  of  his  rare  knowledge  of 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


257 


parliamentary  law.  In  1877,  Mr.  Blaine  took  his 
seat  in  the  Senate,  and  the  mantle  of  Republican 
leadership  in  the  House,  by  common  consent,  de 
scended  to  Mr.  Garfield ;  a  mantle  which  he  has 
worn  with  honor  ever  since.  He  was,  at  the 
opening  of  this  Congress,  the  Republican  candi 
date  for  the  speakership,  but  the  Democrats  were 
largely  in  the  majority,  and  Mr.  Randall  was 
elected  over  him.  In  this  same  year,  upon  the 
appointment  of  Senator  Sherman  to  the  post  of 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  his  own  inclinations 
and  the  support  of  his  friends  in  Ohio  led  him  to 
aspire  to  the  vacant  Senatorial  chair.  The  repre 
sentations  of  President  Hayes  are  understood  to 
have  been  effective  in  preventing  him  from  be 
coming  a  candidate  for  that  place,  on  the  ground 
that  his  services  were  more  needed  as  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  Mr.  Stanley 
Matthews  was  elected  Senator.  When  the  House 
was  organized,  however,  the  Speakership  was  car 
ried  off  by  the  Democracy,  and  General  Garfield 
was  left  "out  in  the  cold."  It  was  just  as  well  for 
him,  for  two  years  later  the  Democracy  also  car 
ried  Ohio  and  elected  "  Gentleman  George  "  Pen- 
dleton  to  Matthews's  seat  in  the  Senate. 

In  1878,  he  was  re-elected  by  a  majority  of 
9,613.  Opposition  was  now  no  more.  Men  who 
had  been  most  denunciatory  was  now  warmest  in 
his  praise ;  and  it  was  actually  left  to  the  friends 
who  had  stood  by  him  through  all  the  storm  to 
'5 


2bO 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


so  cordial,  generous  and  general  a  greeting,  without  distinc 
tion  of  party,  without  distinction  of  interests,  as  I  have  re 
ceived  here  to-night. 

"  I  came  here,  fellow-citizens,  to  thank  this  general  assembly 
for  their  great  act  of  confidence  and  compliment  to  me.  I 
do  not  undervalue  the  great  office  that  you  have  tendered  to 
me  yesterday  and  to-day ;  but  I  say,  I  think  without  any 
mental  reservation,  that  the  manner  in  which  it  was  tendered 
to  me  is  far  higher  to  me,  far  more  desirable,  than  the  thing 
itself.  That  it  has  been  a  voluntary  gift  of  the  general  as 
sembly  of  Ohio,  without  solicitation,  tendered  to  me  because 
of  their  confidence,  is  as  touching  and  high  a  tribute  as  one 
man  can  receive  from  his  fellow-citizens,  and,  in  the  name  of 
all  my  friends,  for  myself,  I  give  you  my  thanks. 

"  I  recognize  the  importance  of  the  place  to  which  you 
have  elected  me ;  and  I  should  be  base  if  I  did  not  also  re 
cognize  the  great  man  whom  you  have  elected  me  to  succeed. 
I  say  for  him,  Ohio  has  had  few  larger-minded,  broader- 
minded  men  in  the  records  of  her  history  than  that  of  Allen 
G.  Thurman.  Differing  widely  from  him,  as  I  have  done 
in  politics  and  do,  I  recognize  him  as  a  man  high  in  character 
and  great  in  intellect ;  and  I  take  this  occasion  to  refer  to 
what  I  have  never  before  referred  to  in  public — that  many 
years  ago,  in  the  storm  of  party  fighting,  when  the  air  was 
filled  with  all  sorts  of  missiles  aimed  at  the  character  and 
reputation  of  public  men,  when  it  was  even  for  his  party 
interest  to  join  the  general  clamor  against  me  and  my  associ 
ates,  Senator  Thurman  said  in  public,  in  the  campaign,  on  the 
stump— when  men  are  as  likely  to  say  unkind  things  as  at  any 
place  in  the  world — a  most  generous  and  earnest  word  of  de 
fense  and  kindness  for  me,  which  I  shall  never  forget  so  long 
as  I  live.  I  say,  moreover,  that  the  flowers  that  bloom  over 
the  garden  wall  of  party  politics,  are  the  sweetest  and  most 
fragrant  that  bloom  in  the  gardens  of  this  world,  and,  where 
we  can  fairly  pluck  them  and  enjoy  their  fragrance,  it  is 
manly  and  delightful  to  do  so. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  26l 

"And  now,  gentlemen  of  the  general  assembly,  without 
distinction  of  party,  I  recognize  this  tribute  and  compliment 
made  to  me  to-night.  Whatever  my  own  course  may  be  in 
the  future,  a  large  share  of  the  inspiration  of  my  future  public 
life  will  be  drawn  from  this  occasion  and  these  surroundings, 
and  I  shall  feel  anew  the  sense  of  obligation  that  I  feel  to  the 
State  of  Ohio." 

June  loth  this  year  he  was  nominated  at  Chi 
cago  for  the  presidency,  and  on  July  6th  he  was 
elected  a  trustee  of  Williams  College. 

We  have  not  in  this  chapter  given  anything 
more  than  a  skeleton  outline  of  his  career,  upon 
which  to  hang  the  fuller  flesh  of  the  succeeding 
pages,  believing  this  arrangement  will  prove  more 
agreeable  to  the  reader  than  following  General 
Garfield  step  by  step. 


262 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

» 

AN   ORNAMENT   OK  CONGRESS. 

GENERAL   GARFIELD'S  career  in  Con 
gress  has  been  essentially  one  of  work. 
The  number  of  his  speeches,  reports,  reso 
lutions,   debates,    etc.,  is    high    in    the   hundreds. 
What  he  was  as  an  orator  we  shall  see  later.     As 
a  debater  he  has  had  few  equals.     Producing  al 
ways  an  overwhelming  array  of  facts,  he  has  ever 
been  a 

Tower  of  strength, 
Which  stands  four  square  to  all  the  winds  that  blow ! 

He  was  thorough  in  committee  work,  assiduous 
in  private  study  of  pending  questions  and  an  able 
debater,  by  no  means  a  common  combination  of 
qualities.  He  interested  himself  in  many  subjects 
of  great  importance  to  the  public,  in  which  your 
common  congressman  has  small  interest;  in  the 
census,  in  education,  in  the  scientific  surveys,  in 
the  life-saving  service,  and  in  many  more.  As  the 
Republican  leader  in  the  House,  he  has  been  more 
conservative  and  less  rash  than  Elaine,  and 
his  judicial  turn  of  mind  made  him  prone  to  look 
for  both  sides  of  a  question,  and  always  relieved 
him  of  the  charge  of  partisanship.  When  the 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  2^ 

issue  fairly  touched  his  convictions,  however,  he 
became  thoroughly  aroused  and  struck  tremen 
dous  blows.  Elaine's  tactics  were  to  continually 
harass  the  enemy  by  sharp-shooting,  surprises  and 
picket-firing.  Garfield  waited  always  for  an  op 
portunity  to  deliver  a  pitched  battle,  and  his  gen 
eralship  was  shown  to  best  advantage  when  the 
fight  was  a  fair  one,  and  waged  on  grounds  where 
each  party  thought  itself  the  strongest.  Then  his 
solid  shot  of  argument  was  exceedingly  effective. 
He  has  always  taken  a  genuine  pride  in  the  histor 
ical  achievements  of  the  Republican  party,  with 
which  he  has  been  identified  from  its  birth.  He 
has  a  traditional  leaning  toward  all  measures  for 
the  advantage  of  the  freedmen  or  the  curtailing  the 
influence  of  the  party  which  he  holds  to  have  been 
responsible  for  the  rebellion.  Nevertheless,  he  is 
by  no  means  deficient  in  generous  impulses  toward 
the  South,  and  has  more  than  once  exerted  his  in 
fluence  to  prevent  the  passage  of  rash  partisan 
legislation  against  the  interests  of  that  section.  The 
"  Confederate  brigadiers  "  in  Congress  have  found 
him  a  determined  and  loyal  adversary,  but  he  has 
never  stooped  to  take  unfair  advantage  of  the  nu 
merical  preponderance  of  his  party.  As  leader  of 
the  Republican  minority  in  the  present  House  of 
Representatives  he  has  known  how  to  reconcile 
the  party  fealty  with  a  concilatory  disposition 
toward  the  party  in  power,  and  has  not  been  un 
duly  obstructive  of  any  legislation  which  di4  not, 


264 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


in  his  opinion,  transcend  the  fair  limits  of  part; 
predominance.  He  is  in  all  things  a  calm,  cour 
teous,  determined  leader  of  men — 

rich  in  saving  common  sense, 


And,  as  the  wisest  only  are, 
In  his  simplicity  sublime. 

He  is  not  a  practical  politician  and  knows  littl< 
of  the  machinery  of  caucuses  and  conventions  o 
the  methods  of  conducting  close  campaigns.  A 
a  politician  in  the  larger  and  better  sense  o 
shaping  the  policy  of  a  great  party,  however,  h< 
has  few  equals.  To  no  man  is  the  Republicai 
party  more  indebted  for  its  successes  in  recen 
years  than  to  James  A.  Garfield. 

With  the  single  exception  of  1867,  when  h< 
spent  several  weeks  in  Europe,  partly  in  company 
with  Senator  Elaine  and  Senator  Morrill,  he  ha: 
done  hard  work  on  the  stump  for  the  Republicai 
party  in  every  campaign  since  he  entered  Con 
gress.  On  the  stump,  he  is  one  of  the  best  ora 
tors  in  his  party.  He  has  a  good  voice,  an  air  o 
evident  sincerity,  great  clearness  and  vigor  o 
statement,  and  a  way  of  knitting  his  argument: 
together,  so  as  to  make  a  speech  deepen  its  im 
pressiorj  on  the  mind  of  the  hearer,  until  the  cli 
max  clinches  the  argument  forever.  For  th< 
past  teq  years,  his  services  have  been  in  demanc 
in  all  parts  of  the  country.  He  has  usually  re 
served  half  his  time  for  the  Ohio  c^rjvass,  anc 
given  the  other  half  to  other  States.  The  No 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  265 

vember  election  finds  him  worn  and  haggard  with 
travel  and  speaking  in  the  open  air,  but  his  robust 
constitution  always  carries  him  through,  and  after 
a  few  weeks'  rest  on  his  farm  he  appears  in 
Washington  refreshed  and  ready  for  the  duties  of 
the  session. 

A  mind  so  prone  as  his  to  look  philosophically 
into  his  surroundings  could  not  fail  to  have  studied 
into  the  history  and  functions  of  the  body  of  which 
he  has  made  such  an  illustrious  member,  and  it 
will  be  fitting  to  follow  a  criticism  of  him  as  a 
member  of  that  body,  with  his  own  remarks  upon 
it.  In  July,  1877,  he  contributed  to  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  an  article,  entitled  "A  Century  in  Con 
gress,"  from  which  we  extract  his  views  of  the 
same: 

"  Congress  has  always  been  and  must  always  be  the  theatre 
of  contending  opinions,  the  forum  where  the  opposing  forces 
of  political  philosophy  meet  to  measure  their  strength ;  where 
the  public  good  must  meet  the  assaults  of  local  and  sectional 
interests,  in  a  word,  the  appointed  place  where  the  nation 
seeks  to  utter  its  thoughts  and  register  its  will. 

"In  the  main,  the  balance  of  power  so  admirably  adjusted 
and  distributed  among  the  three  great  departments  of  the 
Government  has  been  safely  preserved.  It  was  the  purpose 
of  our  fathers  to  lodge  absolute  power  nowhere;  to  leave  each 
department  independent  within  its  own  sphere;  yet,  in  every 
case,  responsible  for  the  exercise  of  its  discretion.  But  some 
dangerous  innovations  have  been  made.  And  first,  the  ap 
pointing  power  of  the  President  has  been  seriously  encroached 
upon  by  Congress,  or  rather  by  the  members  of  Congress. 
Curiously  enough,  this  encroachment  originated  in  the  act  of 


266  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

the  chief  executive  himself.  The  fierce  popular  hatred  of  the 
Federal  party,  which  resulted  in  the  elevation  of  Jefferson  to 
the  presidency,  led  that  officer  to  set  the  first  example  of  re 
moving  men  from  office  on  account  of  political  opinions. 
For  political  causes  alone,  he  removed  a  considerable  number 
of  officers  who  had  recently  been  appointed  by  President 
Adams,  and  thus  set  the  pernicious  example.  His  immediate 
successors  made  only  a  few  removals  for  political  reasons. 
But  Jackson  made  his  political  opponents,  who  were  in  office, 
feel  the  full  weight  of  his  executive  hand.  From  that  time 
forward,  the  civil  officers  of  the  Government  became  the 
prizes  for  which  political  parties  strove  ;  and  twenty-five  years 
ago,  the  corrupting  doctrine  that  *  to  the  victors  belong  the 
spoils '  was  shamelessly  announced  as  an  article  of  political 
faith  and  practice.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  state  with  ade 
quate  force  the  noxious  influence  of  this  doctrine.  *  *  * 
The  present  system  invades  the  independence  of  the  ex 
ecutive,  and  make  him  less  responsible  for  the  character  of 
his  appointments ;  it  impairs  the  efficiency  of  the  legislator, 
by  diverting  him  from  his  proper  sphere  of  duty,  and  involv 
ing  him  in  the  intrigues  of  aspirants  for  office  ;  it  degrades 
the  civil  service  itself,  by  destroying  the  personal  independ 
ence  of  those  who  are  appointed ;  it  repels  from  the  service 
those  high  and  manly  qualities  which  are  so  necessary  to  a 
pure  and  efficient  administration  ;  and,  finally,  it  debauches 
the  public  mind  by  holding  up  public  office  as  the  reward  of 
mere  party  zeal.  To  reform  this  service  is  one  of  the  highest 
and  most  imperative  duties  of  statesmanship.  This  reform 
cannot  be  accomplished  without  a  complete  divorce  between 
Congress  and  the  Executive  in  the  matter  of  appointments. 
It  will  be  a  proud  day  when  an  administrator,  senator  or  re 
presentative,  who  is  in  good  standing  in  his  party,  can  say  as 
Thomas  Hughes  said,  during  his  recent  visit  to  this  country, 
that  though  he  was  on  the  "most  intimate  terms  with  the  mem 
bers  of  his  administration,  yet  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  se 
cure  the  removal  of  the  humblest  clerk  in  the  civil  service  of 
his  government." 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  267 

"  I  have  long  believed  that  the  official,  relations  between 
the  Executive  and  Congress  should  be  more  open  and  direct. 
They  are  now  conducted  by  correspondence  with  the  pre 
siding  officers  of  the  two  Houses,  by  consultation  with  com 
mittees,  or  by  private  interviews  with  individual  members. 
This  frequently  leads  to  misunderstandings,  and  may  lead  to 
corrupt  combinations.  It  would  be  far  better  for  both  de 
partments  if  the  members  of  the  cabinet  were  permitted  to  sit 
in  Congress  and  participate  in  the  debates  on  measures  re 
lating  to  their  several  departments — but,  of  course,  without  a 
vote.  This  would  tend  to  secure  the  ablest  men  for  the  chief 
executive  offices,  it  would  bring  the  policy  of  the  administra 
tion  into  the  fullest  publicity  by  giving  both  parties  ample 
opportunity  for  criticism  and  defense. 

"  The  most  alarming  feature  of  our  situation  is  the  fact  that 
so  many  citizens  of  high  character  and  solid  judgment  pay  but 
little  attention  to  the  sources  of  political  power,  to  the  selec 
tion  of  those  who  shall  make  their  laws.  The  clergy,  the 
faculties  of  colleges,  and  many  of  the  leading  business  men  of 
the  community  never  attend  the  township  caucus,  the  city 
primaries  or  the  county  conventions ;  but  they  allow  the  less 
intelligent  and  the  more  selfish  and  corrupt  members  of  the 
community  to  make  the  slates  and  l  run  the  machine  '  of  poli 
tics.  They  wait  until  the  machine  has  done  its  work,  and 
then,  in  surprise  and  horror  at  the  ignorance  and  corruption 
in  public,  sigh  for  the  return  of  that  mythical  period  called 
the  'better  and  purer  days  of  the  Republic.'  It  is  precisely 
this  neglect  of  the  first  steps  in  our  political  processes  that  has 
made  possible  the  worst  evils  of  our  system.  Corrupt  and  in 
competent  presidents,  judges  and  legislators  can  be  removed, 
but  when  the  fountains  of  political  power  are  corrupted,  when 
voters  themselves  become  venal  and  elections  fraudulent,  there 
is  no  remedy  except  by  awakening  the  public  conscience  and 
bringing  to  bear  upon  the  subject  the  power  of  public  opinion 
and  the  penalties  of  the  law.  The  practice  of  buying  and 
selling  votes  at  our  popular  elections  has  already  gained  a  foot- 


LIFE  AXD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


hold,  though  it  has  not  gone  as  far  as  in  England.  In  j 
word,  our  national  safety  demands  that  the  fountains  of  politi 
cal  power  shall  be  made  pure  by  intelligence,  and  kept  pun 
by  vigilance  :  that  the  best  citizen  shall  take  heed  to  th« 
selection  and  election  of  the  worthiest  and  most  intelligenl 
among  them  to  hold  seats  in  the  national  legislature  ;  and 
that  when  the  choice  has  been  made,  the  continuance  of  theii 
representatives  shall  depend  upon  his  faithfulness,  his  abilitj 
and  his  willingness  to  work." 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  ORATOR'S  POWER. 

WE  must  now  invite  the  reader's  attention 
to  Garfield  as  he  appears  in  his 
speeches,  and  if  we  cannot  follow  him 
as  fully  as  we  would  like — to  show  his  rare  orator 
ical  power  and  splendid  statesmanship,  to  develop 
in  his  own  words  what  he  is — it  is  because  space 
forbids.  His  speeches  alone  make  volumes  and 
we  can  only  cull  here  and  there  a  flower  from  the 
thickly  blossoming  fields. 

It  was  impossible  for  a  man  so  large  hearted,  so 
patriotic  as  Garfield  is  not  to  have  felt  deeply  the 
death  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  saw  that  it  was 
not  the  hand  of  one  man  but  the  spirit  of  seces 
sion  aiming  a  last  despairing  blow  at  the  great 
principles  that  had  conquered  it.  Naturally  then 
his  was  the  tongue  to  give  some  expression  to  the 
nation's  grief.  And  in  the  exciting  hours  that 
followed  Booth's  cowardly  pistol  shot,  when  the 
whole  North  was  roused  with  a  whirlwind  of  mad 
passion,  Garfield's  hand  was  apparent  in  staying 
the  impending  storm,  in  counseling  that  course 
that  led  to  the  wiser  way,  the  better  plan. 

In  the  incident  we  are  about  to  relate  the  extra 
ordinary  moral  power  always  exerted  over  men  by 


270 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


the  nominee  for  the  Presidency,  was  perhaps 
never  shown  to  a  better  advantage.  The  incident 
is  contributed  to  this  volume  by  a  distinguished 
public  man,  who  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  ex 
citing  scene : 

"I  shall  never  forget  the  first  time  I  saw  General  Garfield. 
It  was  the  morning  after  President  Lincoln's  assassination. 
The  country  was  excited  to  its  utmost  tension,  and  New  York 
city  seemed  ready  for  the  scenes  of  the  French  revolution. 
The  intelligence  of  Lincoln's  murder  had  been  flashed  by  the 
wires  over  the  whole  land.  The  newspaper  head-lines  of  the 
transaction  were  set  up  in  the  largest  type,  and  the  high  crime 
was  on  every  one's  tongue.  Fear  took  possession  of  men's 
minds  as  to  the  fate  of  the  Government,  for  in  a  few  hours 
the  news  came  on  that  Se ward's  throat  was  cut,  and  that  at 
tempts  had  been  made  upon  the  lives  of  others  of  the  Govern 
ment  officers.  Posters  were  stuck  up  everywhere,  in  great 
black  letters,  calling  upon  the  loyal  citizens  of  New  York, 
Brooklyn,  Jersey  City  and  neighboring  places  to  meet  around 
the  Wall-Street  Exchange  and  give  expression  to  their  senti 
ments.  It  was  a  dark  and  terrible  hour.  What  might  come 
next  no  one  could  tell,  and  men  spoke  with  bated  breath. 
The  wrath  of  the  workingmen  was  simply  uncontrollable,  and 
revolvers  and  knives  were  in  the  hands  of  thousands  of  Lin 
coln's  friends,  ready,  at  the  first  opportunity,  to  take  the  law 
into  their  own  hands,  and  avenge  the  death  of  their  martyred 
President  upon  any  and  all  who  dared  to  utter  a  word  against 
him.  Eleven  o'clock  A.  M  was  the  hour  set  for  the  rendez 
vous.  Fifty  thousand  people  crowded  around  the  Exchange 
Building,  cramming  and  jamming  the  streets,  and  wedged  in 
tight  as  men  could  stand  together.  With  a  few  to  whom  a 
special  favor  was  extended,  I  went  over  from  Brooklyn  at 
nine  A.  M.,  and,  even  then,  with  the  utmost  difficulty, 
found  my  way  to  the  reception  room  for  the  speakers  in  the 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


271 


front  of  the  Exchange  Building,  and  looking  out  on  the 
high  and  massive  balcony,  whose  front  was  protected  by  a 
heavy  iron  railing.  We  sat  in  solemnity  and  silence,  waiting 
for  General  Butler,  who,  it  was  announced,  had  started  from 
Washington,  and  was  either  already  in  the  city  or  expected 
every  moment.  Nearly  a  hundred  generals,  judges,  states 
men,  lawyers,  editors,  clergymen  and  others  were  in  that 
room  waiting  Butler's  arrival.  We  stepped  out  to  the  balcony 
to  watch  the  fearfully  solemn  and  swaying  mass  of  people. 
Not  a  hurrah  was  heard,  but  for  the  most  part  a  dead  silence, 
or  a  deep,  ominous  muttering  ran  like  a  rising  wave  up  the 
street  toward  Broadway,  and  again  down  toward  the  river  on 
the  right.  At  length  the  batons  of  the  police  were  seen 
swinging  in  the  air,  far  up  on  the  left,  parting  the  crowd  and 
pressing  it  back  to  make  way  for  a  carriage  that  moved 
slowly,  and  with  difficult  jogs,  through  the  compact  multi 
tude.  Suddenly  the  silence  was  broken,  and  the  cry  of 
'Butler!'  'Butler!'  'Butler!'  rang  out  with  tremendous  and 
thrilling  effect,  and  was  taken  up  by  the  people.  But  not  a 
hurrah  !  Not  once  !  It  was  the  cry  of  a  great  people,  asking 
to  know  how  their  President  died.  The  blood  bounced  in 
our  veins,  and  the  tears  ran  like  streams  down  our  faces. 
How  it  was  done  I  forget,  but  Butler  was  pulled  through  and 
pulled  up,  and  entered  the  room,  where  we  had  just  walked 
back  to  meet  him.  A  broad  crape,  a  yard  long,  hung  from 
his  left  arm — terrible  contrast  with  the  countless  flags  that 
were  waving  the  nation's  victory  in  the  breeze.  We  first 
realized,  then,  the  truth  of  the  sad  news  that  Lincoln  was 
dead.  When  Butler  entered  the  room  we  shook  hands. 
Some  spoke,  some  could  not ;  all  were  in  tears.  The  only 
word  Butler  had  for  us  all,  at  the  first  break  of  the  silence, 
was,  '  Gciitlcmeji,  he  died  in  the  fullness  of  his  fame  /'  and  as 
he  spoke  it  his  lips  quivered  and  the  tears  ran  fast  down  his 
cheeks.  Then,  after  a  few  moments,  came  the  speaking. 
And  you  can  imagine  the  effect,  as  the  crape  fluttered  in  the 
wind,  while  his  arm  was  uplifted.  Dickinson,  of  New  York 


272 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


State,  was  fairly  wild.  The  bid  man  leaped  over  the  iron 
railing  of  the  balcony  and  stood  on  the  very  edge,  overhang 
ing  the  crowd,  gesticulating  in  the  most  vehement  manner, 
and  almost  bidding  the  crowd  'burn  up  the  rebel,  seed, 
root  and  branch,'  while  a  bystander  held  on  to  his  coat-tails 
to  keep  him  from  falling  over.  By  this  time  the  wave  of 
popular  indignation  had  swelled  to  its  crest.  Two  men  lay 
bleeding  on  one  of  the  side  streets,  the  one  dead,  the  other 
next  to  dying ;  one  on  the  pavement,  the  other  in  the  gutter. 
They  had  said  a  moment  before  that  '  Lincoln  ought  to  have 
been  shot  long  ago  !'  They  were  not  allowed  to  say  it  again. 
Soon  two  long  pieces  of  scantling  stood  out  above  the  heads 
of  the  crowd,  crossed  at  the  top  like  the  letter  X,  and  a  looped 
halter  pendent  from  the  junction,  a  dozen  men  following  its 
slow  motion  through  the  masses,  while  '  Vengeance '  was  the 
cry.  On  the  right,  suddenly,  the  shout  rose,  'The  World  !' 
'  the  World  !'  '  the  office  of  the  World  !'  '  World  !'  '  World  !' 
and  a  movement  of  perhaps  eight  thousand  or  ten  thousand 
turning  their  faces  in  the  direction  of  that  building  began  to 
be  executed.  It  was  a  critical  moment.  What  might  come 
no  one  could  tell,  did  that  crowd  get  in  front  of  that  office. 
Police  and  military  would  have  availed  little  or  been  too  late. 
A  telegram  had  just  been  read  from  Washington,  '  Seward  is 
dying.'  Just  then,  at  that  juncture,  a  man  stepped  forward 
with  a  small  flag  in  his  hand,  "and  beckoned  to  the  crowd. 
'Another  telegram  from  Washington!'  And  then,  in  the 
awful  stillness  of  the  crisis,  taking  advantage  of  the  hesitation 
of  the  crowd,  whose  steps  had  been  arrested  a  moment,  a 
right  arm  was  lifted  skyward,  and  a  voice,  clear  and  steady, 
loud  and  distinct,  spoke  out,  '  Fellow-citizens  !  Clouds  and 
darkness  are  round  about  Him  !  His  pavilion  is  dark  waters 
and  thick  clouds  of  the  skies  !  Justice  and  judgment  are  the 
establishment  of  His  throne  !  Mercy  and  truth  shall  go  be 
fore  His  face  !  Fellow-citizens  !  God  reigns,  and  the  Gov 
ernment  at  Washington  still  lives!'  The  effect  was  tremen 
dous.  The  crowd  stood  riveted  to  the  ground  with  awe, 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


273 


gazing  at  the  motionless  orator,  and  thinking  of  God  and  the 
security  of  the  Government  in  that  hour.  As  the  boiling 
waves  subsides  and  settles  to  the  sea,  when  some  strong  wind 
beats  it  down,  so  the  tumult  of  the  people  sank  and  became 
still.  All  took  it  as  a  divine  omen.  It  was  a  triumph  of 
eloquence,  inspired  by  the  moment,  such  as  falls  to  but  one 
man's  lot,  and  that  but  once  in  a  century.  The  genius  of 
Webster,  Choate,  Everett,  Seward,  never  reached  it.  What 
might  have  happened  had  the  surging  and  maddened  mob 
been  let  loose,  none  can  tell.  The  man  for  the  crisis  was  on 
the  spot,  more  potent  than  Napoleon's  guns  at  Paris.  I  in 
quired  what  was  his  name.  The  answer  came  in  a  low  whis 
per,  'It  is  General  Garfield,  of  Ohio  !'  ' 

At  another  meeting  in  the  same  city,  he  spoke 
upon  the  great  event : 

"By  this  last  act  of  madness,  it  seems  as  though  the  Re 
bellion  had  determined  that  the  President  of  the  soldiers 
should  go  with  the  soldiers  who  have  laid  down  their  lives  on 
the  battle-field.  They  slew  the  noblest  and  gentlest  heart  that 
ever  put  down  a  rebellion  upon  this  earth.  In  taking  that 
life  they  have  left  the  iron  hand  of  the  people  to  fall  upon 
them.  Love  is  on  the  front  of  the  throne  of  God,  but  jus 
tice  and  judgment,  with  inexorable  dread,  follow  behind ;  and 
when  law  is  slighted  and  mercy  despised,  when  they  have  re 
jected  those  who  would  be  their  best  friends,  then  comes  jus 
tice  with  her  hoodwinked  eyes,  and  with  the  sword  and  scales. 
From  every  gaping  wound  of  your  dead  chief,  let  the  voice  go 
up  from  the  people  to  see  to  it  that  our  house  is  swept  and 
garnished.  I  hasten  to  say  one  thing  more,  fellow-citizens. 
For  mere  vengeance  I  would  do  nothing.  This  nation  is  too 
great  to  look  for  mere  revenge.  But  for  security  of  the  future 
I  would  do  everything. ' ' 

It  was  Garfield  who  made  the  speech  when  the 
16 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


House  took  official  action  on  the  death  of  the 
President,  and  it  was  he,  again,  who  (February 
1  2th,  1878),  retouched  with  his  eloquent  powers 
the  same  theme  on  receiving  F.  B.  Carpenter's 
painting  of  Lincoln  and  Emancipation,  on  behalf 
of  the  nation. 

It  was  eminently  natural  that  he  should  have 
been  chosen  on  such  occasions,  for  every  act  of 
his  life  has  been  a  testimony  in  defense  of  his 
country  ;  that  country  which  he  loves  so  well. 
Speaking  on  its  future,  he  said,  at  Hudson  Col 
lege  : 

"  Our  great  dangers  are  not  from  without.  We  do  not  live 
by  the  consent  of  any  other  nation.  We  must  look  within  to 
find  elements  of  danger.  The  first  and  most  obvious  of  these  is 
territorial  expansion,  overgrowth,  and  the  danger  that  we  shall 
break  to  pieces  by  our  own  weight.  This  has  been  the  common 
place  of  historians  and  publicists  for  many  centuries,  and  its 
truth  has  found  many  striking  illustrations  in  the  experience  of 
mankind.  But  we  have  fair  ground  for  believing,  that  new 
conditions  and  new  forces  have  nearly  if  not  wholly  removed 
the  ground  of  this  danger.  Distance,  estrangement,  isolation 
have  been  overcome  by  the  recent  amazing  growth  in  the 
means  of  intercommunication.  For  political  and  industrial 
purposes  California  and  Massachusetts  are  nearer  neighbors 
to-day,  than  were  Philadelphia  and  Boston  in  the  days  of  the 
Revolution.  It  was  distance,  isolation,  ignorance  of  separate 
parts,  that  broke  the  cohesive  force  of  the  great  empires  of 
antiquity.  Fortunately,  our  greatest  line  of  extension  is  from 
east  to  west,  and  our  pathway  along  the  parallels  of  latitude 
are  not  too  broad  for  safety  —  for  it  lies  within  the  zone  of 
national  development.  The  Gulf  of  Mexico  is  our  special 
providence  on  the  south.  Perhaps  it  would  be  more  fortu- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.       V 

nate  for  us  if  the  northern  shore  of  that  gulf  stretched  west 
ward  to  the  Pacific.  If  our  territory  embraced  the  tropics, 
the  sun  would  be  our  enemy.  '  The  stars  in  their  courses  ' 
would  fight  against  us.  Now  these  celestial  forces  are  our 
friends,  and  help  to  make  us  one.  Let  us  hope  the  Republic 
will  be  content  to  maintain  this  friendly  alliance. 

"  Our  northern  boundary  is  not  yet  wholly  surveyed.  Per 
haps  our  neighbors  across  the  lakes  will  some  day  take  a  hint 
from  nature,  and  save  themselves  and  us  the  discomfort  of  an 
artificial  boundary.  Restrained  within  our  present  southern 
limits  with  a  population  more  homogenious  than  that  of  any 
other  great  nation,  and  with  a  wonderful  power  to  absorb  and 
assimilate  to  our  own  type  the  European  races  that  come 
among  us,  we  have  but  little  reason  to  fear  that  we  shall  be 
broken  up  by  divided  interests  and  internal  feuds,  because 
of  our  great  territorial  extent.  Finally,  our  great  hope  for 
the  future — our  great  safeguard  against  danger,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  general  and  thorough  education  of  our  people  and  in 
the  virtue  which  accompanies  such  education.  And  all  these 
elements  depend,  in  a  large  measure,  upon  the  intellectual 
and  moral  culture  of  the  young  men  who  go  out  from  our 
higher  institutions  of  learning.  From  the  standpoint  of  this 
general  culture  we  may  trustfully  encounter  the  perils  that 
assail  us.  Secure  against  dangers  from  abroad,  united  at 
home  by  the  stronger  ties  of  common  interest  and  patriotic 
pride,  holding  and  unifying  our  vast  territory  by  the  most 
potent  forces  of  civilization,  relying  upon  the  intelligent 
strength  and  responsibility  of  each  citizen,  and,  most  of  all, 
upon  the  power  of  truth,  without  undue  arrogance,  we  may 
hope  that  in  the  centuries  to  come  our  Republic  will  continue 
to  live  and  hold  its  high  place- among  the  nations  as 

"  '  The  heir  of  all  the  ages  in  the  foremost  files  of  time.'  " 

From  our  Republic  and  its  future,  we  turn  aside 
to  gather  in  a  literary  scrap,  an  address  on  Burns, 


276 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


in  which  we  find  this,  from  a  fine  comparison  of 
three  of  the  world's  song-writers  • 

"To  appreciate  the  genius  and  achievements  of  Robert 
Burns,  it  is  fitting  to  compare  him  with  others  who  have  been 
eminent  in  the  same  field.  In  the  highest  class  of  lyric 
poetry  their  names  stand  eminent.  Their  field  covers  eighteen 
centuries  of  time,  and  the  three  names  are  Horace,  Beranger 
and  Burns.  It  is  an  interesting  and  suggestive  fact,  that  each 
of  these  sprang  from  the  humble  walks  of  life.  Each  may 
be  described  as  one — 

"  '  Who  begs  a  brother  of  the  earth 
To  give  him  leave  to  toil,' 

and  each  proved  by  his  life  and  achievements  that,  however 
hard  the  lot  of  poverty,  'a  man's  a  man  for  a'  that. 

"A  great  writer  has  said  that  it  took  the  age  forty  years  to 
catch  Burns,  so  far  was  he  in  advance  of  the  thoughts  of  his 
times.  But  we  ought  not  to  be  surprised  at  the  power  he 
exhibited.  We  are  apt  to  be  misled  when  we  seek  to  find  the 
cause  of  greatness  in  the  schools  and  universities  alone. 
There  is  no  necessary  conflict  between  nature  and  art.  In 
the  highest  and  best  sense  art  is  as  natural  as  nature.  We  do 
not  wonder  at  the  perfect  beauty  of  the  rose,  although  we  may 
not  understand  the  mysteries  by  which  its  delicate  petals  are 
fashioned  and  fed-out  of  the  grosser  elements  of  earth.  We 
do  not  wonder  at  the  perfection  of  the  rose  because  God  is 
the  artist.  When  He  fashioned  the  germ  of  the  rose-tree  He 
made  possible  the  beauties  of  its  flower.  The  earth  and  air 
and  sunshine  conspired  to  unfold  and  adorn  it — to  tint  and 
crown  it  with  peerless  beauty.  When  the  Divine  Artist  would 
produce  a  poem,  He  plants  a  germ  of  it  in  a  human  soul,  and 
out  of  that  soul  the  poem  springs  and  grows  as  from  the  rose- 
tree  the  rose. 

"  Burns  was  a  child  of  nature.  He  lived  close  to  her  beat, 
ing  heart,  and  all  the  rich  and  deep  sympathies  of  life  glowed 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  2JJ 

and  lived  in  his  heart.     The  beauties  of  earth,  air  and  sky 
filled  and  transfigured  him. 

"  <  He  did  but  sing  because  he  must, 
And  piped  but  as  the  linnets  sing.' 

"With  the  light  of  his  genius  he  glorified  'the  banks  and 
braes'  of  his  native  land,  and,  'speaking  for  the  universal 
human  heart,  has  set  its  sweetest  thought  to  music : 

"  '  Whose  echoes  roll  from  soul  to  soul, 
And  grow  forever  and  forever.'  " 


278 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

QUESTIONS   OF   POLITICAL   ECONOMY. 

CONTEMPORANEOUSLY  with  his  entry 
into  Congress,  Garfield  began  a  course  of 
severe  study  of  financial  and  political 
economy,  going  home  every  evening  to  his  modest 
lodgings  on  Thirteenth  Street,  with  an  armful  of 
books  borrowed  from  the  Congressional  Library, 
into  which  he  deeply  burrowed.  This  study  was 
superbly  lucrative.  For  his  financial  views  have 
always  been  sound  and  based  on  the  firm  founda 
tion  of  honest  money  and  unsullied  national 
honor.  His  record  in  the  legislation  concerning 
these  subjects  is  without  a  flaw.  No  man  in  Con 
gress  made  a  more  consistent  and  unwavering 
fight  against  the  paper  money  delusions  that 
flourished  during  the  decade  following  the  war, 
and  in  favor  of  specie  payments  and  the  strict  ful 
fillment  of  the  nation's  obligations  to  its  creditors. 
His  speeches  became  the  financial  gospel  of  the 
Republican  party. 

We  will  quote  some  texts  from  this  gospel.  In 
the  course  of  his  strenuous  fight  against  the  re 
peal  of  the  resumption  act,  Mr.  Garfield  said : 

"The  men  of  1862  knew  the  dangers  from  sad  experience 
in  our  history;  and,  like  Ulysses,  lashed  themselves  to  the 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

mast  of  public  credit  when  they  embarked  upon  the  stormy 
and  boisterous  sea  of  inflated  paper  money,  that  they  might 
not  be  beguiled  by  the  siren  song  that  would  be  sung  to  them 
when  they  were  afloat  on  the  wild  waves. 

"  But  the  times  have  changed  ;  new  men  are  on  deck,  men 
who  have  forgotten  the  old  pledges,  and  now  only  twelve 
years  have  passed  (for  as  late  as  1865  this  House,  with  but  six 
dissenting  votes,  resolved  again  to  stand  by  the  old  ways  and 
bring  the  country  back  to  sound  money),  only  twelve  years 
have  passed,  and  what  do  we  find?  We  find  a  group  of 
theorists  and  doctrinaires  who  look  upon  the  wisdom  of  the 
fathers  as  foolishness.  We  find  some  who  advocate  what  they 
call  '  absolute  money,'  who  declare  that  a  piece  of  paper 
stamped  a  ' dollar'  is  a  dollar;  that  gold  and  silver  are  a  part 
of  the  barbarism  of  the  past,  which  ought  to  be  forever 
abandoned.  We  hear  them  declaring  that  resumption  is  a 
delusion  and  a  snare.  We  hear  them  declaring  that  the  eras 
of  prosperity  are  the  eras  of  paper  money.  They  point  us  to 
all  times  of  inflation  as  periods  of  blessing  to  the  people  and 
prosperity  to  business ;  and  they  ask  us  no  more  to  vex  their 
ears  with  any  allusion  to  the  old  standard — the  money  of  the 
Constitution.  Let  the  wild  swarm  of  financial  literature  that 
has  sprung  into  life  within  the  last  twelve  years,  witness  how 
widely  and  how  far  we  have  drifted.  We  have  lost  our  old 
moorings,  and  have  thrown  overboard  our  old  compass ;  we 
sail  by  alien  stars,  looking  not  for  the  haven,  but  are  afloat  on 
a  harborless  sea. 

"Suppose  you  undo  the  work  that  Congress  has  attempted 
— to  resume  specie  payment — what  will  result?  You  will  de 
preciate  the  value  of  the  greenback.  Suppose  it  falls  ten 
cents  on  the  dollar?  You  will  have  destroyed  ten  per  cent, 
of  the  value  of  every  deposit  in  the  savings  banks,  ten  per 
cent,  of  every  life  insurance  policy  and  fire  insurance  policy, 
of  every  pension  to  the  soldier,  and  of  every  day's  wages  of 
every  laborer  in  the  nation.  The  trouble  with  our  greenback 
dollar  is  this :  it  has  two  distinct  functions,  one  a  purchasing 


2 8O  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

power,  and  the  other  a  debt-paying  power.  As  a  debt-paying 
power,  it  is  equal  to  one  hundred  cents ;  that  is,  to  pay  an 
old  debt.  A  greenback  dollar  will,  by  law,  discharge  our 
hundred  cents  of  debt.  But  no  law  can  give  it  purchasing 
power  in  the  general  market  of  the  world,  unless  it  represents 
a  known  standard  of  coin  value.  Now,  what  we  want  is,  that 
these  two  qualities  of  our  greenback  dollar  shall  be  made 
«qual — its  debt-paying  power  and  its  general  purchasing 
power.  When  these  are  equal,  the  problems  of  our  currency 
are  solved,  and  not  till  then.  Summing  it  all  up  in  a  word,  the 
struggle  now  pending  in  this  House  is,  on  the  one  hand,  to 
make  the  greenback  better,  and  on  the  other,  to  make  it 
worse.  The  resumption  act  is  making  it  better  every  day. 
Repeal  that  act,  and  you  make  it  indefinitely  worse.  In  the 
name  of  every  man  who  wants  his  own  when  he  has  earned  it, 
I  demand  that  we  do  not  make  the  wages  of  the  poor  man  to 
shrivel  in  his  hands  after  he  has  earned  them ;  but  that  his 
money  shall  be  made  better  and  better,  until  the  plow-holder's 
money  shall  be  as  good  as  the  bondholder's  money ;  until  our 
standard  is  one,  and  there  is  no  longer  one  money  for  the 
rich  and  another  for  the  poor." 

He  has  never  wavered  upon  this  issue.  He 
voted  to  sustain  the  credit  of  the  Government  in 
all  stages  of  the  finance  question.  Many  faltered, 
he  always  stood  firm.  In  1870  he  pressed  a  reso 
lution  upon  Congress  pledging  that  body  and  the 
country  to  an  honorable  performance  of  its  con 
tracts,  and  in  1876,  when  the  "fiat"  rage  was  upon 
the  people,  and  his  party  friends  in  Ohio  fell  away 
from  him  in  all  directions,  he  stood  firm.  To  all 
protests  and  appeals  he  had  but  one  answer,  "It 
is  honorable  ;  it  is  just ;  it  is  right.  Standing  here 
may  defeat  my  nomination,  may  defeat  my  elec- 


JAMES  A.   CARFIRLD. 

tion ;  but  I  would  rather  be  beaten  in  right  than 
succeed  in  wrong."  In  his  speech  at  Missillon, 
O.,  August  24th,  1878,  speaking  of  resumption,  he 
said: 

"It  is  right  because  the  public  faith  demands  it;  it  is  as 
unpatriotic  as  it  is  dishonest  to  attempt  to  prevent  it.  The 
highest  interests  both  of  labor  and  capital  demand  it." 

Referring  in  the  same  speech  to  the  substitu 
tion  of  greenbacks  for  national  bank  notes,  he 
said : 

"  This  makes  a  complete  divorce  between  the  business  of 
the  country  and  the  volume  of  its  circulating  mediums.  Are 
we  prepared,  under  a  Government  which  our  fathers  meant 
should  be  a  hard-money  Government,  to  banish  gold  and  sil 
ver  from  circulation  in  the  country  for  all  time  to  come,  and 
do  the  business  of  the  country  upon  nothing  but  irredeemable 
paper,  depending  for  its  volume  upon  the  will  and  caprice  of 
the  moment  or  upon  the  views  of  members  of  Congress  seek 
ing  re-election  or  aspiring  to  higher  places?" 

When  Mr.  Garfield  entered  Congress,  he  ob 
served  that  no  one  devoted  himself  to  an  exami 
nation  of  the  appropriations  in  detail,  and  in  order 
to  acquaint  himself  so  as  to  vote  intelligently  upon 
them,  he  submitted  them  to  a  careful  analysis. 
This  analysis  he  yearly  delivered  to  the  House, 
and  it  was  from  the  start  well  received.  It  came 
in  time  to  be  called  "Garfield's  budget  speech." 
Now  each  year  he  examines  the  appropriations 
carefully — being  a  member  of  the  committee — 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


and  then  makes  his  speech,  which  is  always  ac 
cepted  as  the  exposition  of  the  nation's  condition. 
By  its  means  and  his  committee  work,  he  has 
largely  reduced  the  expenditures  of  the  Govern 
ment  and  thoroughly  reformed  the  system  of  esti 
mates  and  appropriations,  providing  for  closer 
accountability  on  the  part  of  those  who  spend  the 
public  money,  and  a  clear  knowledge  on  the  part 
of  those  who  vote  it  of  what  it  is  used  for. 
Illustrating  this  he  said  on  one  occasion  : 

"The  necessary  expenditures  of  the  Government  form  the 
base  line  from  which  we  measure  the  amount  of  our  taxation 
required,  and  on  which  we  base  our  system  of  finance.  We 
have  frequently  heard  it  remarked  since  the  session  began, 
that  we  should  make  our  expenditures  come  within  our  reve 
nues  —  that  we  should  'cut  our  garment  according  to  our 
cloth.'  This  theory  may  be  correct  when  applied  to  private 
affairs,  but  it  is  not  applicable  to  the  wants  of  nations.  Our 
national  expenditures  should  be  measured  by  the  real  necessi 
ties  and  the  proper  needs  of  the  Government.  We  should  cut 
our  garment  so  as  to  fit  the  person  to  be  clothed.  If  he  be  a 
giant  we  must  provide  cloth  sufficient  for  a  fitting  garment. 

"The  Committee  on  Appropriations  are  seeking  earnestly 
to  reduce  the  expenditures  of  the  Government,  but  they  reject 
the  doctrine  that  they  should  at  all  hazards  reduce  the  expend 
itures  to  the  level  of  the  revenues,  however  small  those  reve 
nues  may  be.  They  have  attempted  rather  to  ascertain  what 
are  the  real  and  vital  necessities  of  the  Government;  to  find 
what  amount  of  money  will  suffice  to  meet  all  its  honorable 
obligations,  to  carry  on  all  its  necessary  and  essential  func 
tions,  and  to  keep  alive  those  public  enterprises  which  the 
country  desires  its  Government  to  undertake  and  accomplish. 
When  the  amount  of  expenses  necessary  to  meet  these  objects 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD,  28^ 

is  ascertained,  that  amount  should  be  appropriated,  and  ways 
and  means  for  procuring  that  amount  should  be  provided. 
On  some  accounts,  it  is  unfortunate  that  our  work  of  appro 
priations  is  not  connected  directly  with  the  work  of  taxation. 
If  this  were  so,  the  necessity  of  taxation  would  be  a  constant 
check  upon  extravagance,  and  the  practice  of  economy  would 
promise,  as  its  immediate  result,  the  pleasure  of  reducing 
taxation." 

We  will  touch  here  upon  a  question  of  only 
secondary  importance,  the  tariff.  It  is  often  urged 
against  Garfield  that  he  is  a  free-trader,  and  it  is 
sought  to  be  proved  by  the  fact  that  he  is  an 
honorary  member  of  the  Cobden  Club.  This  cir 
cumstance  has  no  significance,  as  will  be  seen  by 
an  extract  from  one  of  his  letters  written  in  1879  : 

"In  1868,  I  made  a  speech  in  favor  of  the  resumption  of 
specie  payments,  in  which  I  discussed  elaborately  the  doc 
trines  of  money  and  the  obligation  of  the  nation  to  pay  its 
debt.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  sent  some  copies  of 
that  speech  to  our  minister  in  London,  believing  that  it  would 
strengthen  our  credit  abroad.  John  Bright  received  a  copy, 
and  was  so  pleased  with  it  that  he  had  me  elected  an  hono 
rary  member  of  the  Cobden  Club.  I  had  never  before  heard 
of  this  club,  and,  up  to  that  time,  Charles  Sumner  was  the 
only  member  of  Congress  who  had  ever  been  thus  compli 
mented.  Some  years  after  that  I  learned  that  the  Cobden 
Club  believed  in  free  trade,  as  nearly  all  Englishman  do ; 
but,  of  course,  I  was  in  no  way  responsible  for  their  belief. ' ' 

Referring  more  particularly  to  his  record,  it  is 
both  just  and  proper  that  we  should  state  the  pro 
tectionists  of  the  country  who  have  kept  watch 
over  tariff  legislation  during  the  past  twenty 


284 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


years,  and  who  have  assisted  to  shape  and  main 
tain  the  present  tariff,  are  perfectly  satisfied  with 
his  tariff  votes  and  speeches.  They  and  all  other 
protectionists  have,  indeed,  abundant  reason  to  be 
thankful  to  him  for  valuable  assistance  rendered 
to  the  cause  of  home  industry  when  it  was  in 
serious  peril  from  free-trade  attacks'.  His  votes 
and  speeches  have  been  uniformly  and  constantly 
in  favor  of  the  protective  policy.  His  first  tariff 
speech  in  Congress  was  made  in  1866.  In  this 
speech  he  carefully  defined  his  position  on  the 
question  of  protection,  as  follows : 

"I  hold  that  a  properly  adjusted  competition  between 
home  and  foreign  products  is  the  best  gauge  to  regulate  in 
ternational  trade.  Duties  should  be  so  high  that  our  manujac- 
turers  can  fairly  compete  with  the  foreign  product,  but  not  so 
high  as  to  enable  them  to  drive  out  the  foreign  article,  enjoy 
a  monopoly  of  the  trade,  and  regulate  the  price  as  they 
please.  This  is  my  doctrine  of  protection.  If  Congress 
pursues  this  line  of  policy  steadily,  we  shall,  year  by  year, 
approach  more  nearly  to  the  basis  of  free  trade,  because  we 
shall  be  more  nearly  able  to  compete  with  other  nations  on 
equal  terms.  I  am  for  a  protection  that  leads  to  ultimate  free 
trade.  I  am  for  that  free  trade  which  can  only  be  achieved 
through  a  reasonable  protection." 

In  his  next  tariff  speech,  delivered  in  1870,  upon 
General  Schenck's  tariff  bill,  which  provoked  a 
long  and  bitter  controversy,  General  Garfield  ad 
vised  the  protectionists  of  the  House  to  assent  to 
a  moderate  reduction  of  the  war  duties  which 
were  then  in  force ;  for  the  reason  that  they  were 


JAMES  A.  GAR  FIELD.  2gc 

higher  than  was  then  necessary  for  the  protection 
of  our  industries,  and,  being  so,  they  gave  occa 
sion  for  unfriendly  criticism  of  the  protective 
policy,  from  which  it  should  be  relieved.  He  said: 

"After  studying  the  whole  subject  as  carefully  as  I  am  able, 
I  am  -firmly  of  the  opinion  that  the  wisest  thing  that  the  pro 
tectionists  in  this  House  can  do  is  to  unite  in  a  moderate  re 
duction  of  duties  on  imported  articles.  He  is  not  a  faithful 
representative  who  merely  votes  for  the  highest  rate  proposed 
in  order  to  show  on  the  record  that  he  voted  for  the  highest 
figure,  and,  therefore,  is  a  sound  protectionist.  He  is  the 
wisest  man  who  sees  the  tides  and  currents  of  public  opinion, 
and  uses  his  best  efforts  to  protect  the  industry  of  the  people 
against  sudden  collapses  and  sudden  changes.  Now,  if  I  do 
not  misunderstand  the  signs  of  the  times,  unless  we  do  this  our 
selves,  prudently  and  wisely,  we  shall  before  long  be  com 
pelled  to  submit  to  a  violent  reduction,  made  rudely  and 
without  discrimination,  which  will  shock  if  not  shatter  all 
our  protected  industries. 

"  The  great  want  of  industry  is  a  stable  policy ;  and  it  is  a 
significant  comment  on  the  character  of  our  legislation  that 
Congress  has  become  a  terror  to  the  business  men  of  the 
country.  This  very  day,  the  great  industries  of  the  nation 
are  standing  still,  half  paralyzed  at  the  uncertainty  which 
hangs  over  our  proceedings  here.  A  distinguished  citizen  of 
my  own  district  has  lately  written  me  this  significant  sen 
tence  :  '  If  the  laws  of  God  and  nature  were  as  vacillating 
and  uncertain  as  the  laws  of  Congress  in  regard  to  the  busi 
ness  of  its  people,  the  universe  would  soon  fall  into  chaos. ' 

"Examining  thus  the  possibilities  of  the, situation,  I  be 
lieve  that  the  true  course  for  the  friends  of  protection  to  pur 
sue  is  to  reduce  the  rates  on  imports  when  we  can  justly  and 
safely  do  so  ;  and,  accepting  neither  of  the  extreme  doctrines 
urged  on  this  floor,  endeavor  to  establish  a  stable  policy  that 
will  commend  itself  to  all  patriotic  and  thoughtful  people." 


286  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

General  Schenck's  bill  passed  the  House,  June 
6th,  1870,  General  Garfield  voting  for  it  in  com 
pany  with  all  the  protectionists  in  that  body.  It 
passed  the  Senate  during  the  same  month,  such 
leading  protectionists  as  Senators  Howe,  Scott, 
Morrill,  of  Vermont,  Sherman  and  Wilson,  voting 
for  it.  The  bill  reduced  the  duties  on  a  long  list  of 
articles — pig  iron,  for  instance,  from  nine  dollars  to 
seven  dollars — but  it  was  a  triumph  of  the  pro 
tective  policy  and  a  disastrous  defeat  of  the  free 
traders  and  revenue  reformers,  who  had  favored 
still  lower  duties.  It  embodied  provisions  that  are 
retained  in  the  existing  tariff,  with  which  all  pro 
tectionists  are  entirely  satisfied. 

In  1872,  two  years  after  the  passage  of  General 
Schenck's  bill,  a  bill  to  reduce  duties  on  imports 
and  to  reduce  internal  taxes  was  reported  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  by  Mr.  Dawes,  the 
chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee, 
and  after  discussion  it  passed  by  a  large  majority, 
such  prominent  protectionists  as  Dawes,  Frye, 
Foster,  Frank  W.  Palmer,  Ellis  H.  Roberts,  Wil 
liam  A.  Wheeler,  and  George  F.  Hoar  voting  for 

o  o 

it.  General  Garfield  voted  for  it.  Judge  Kelley 
and  sixty  other  protectionists  voted  against  it.  It 
became  a  law,  passed  the  Senate  by  a  two-thirds 
vote,  such  leading  protectionists  as  Ferry,  Howe, 
the  two  Morrills,  Morton,  Sherman  and  Wilson, 
supporting  it.  Protectionists,  as  will  be  seen,  were 
not  united  upon  the  merits  of  this  bill,  which, 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

among  other  provisions,  reduced  the  duty  on  many 
iron  and  steel  products  ten  per  cent.,  but  there 
was  no  conflict  of  principle  involved  in  their  dif 
ferences — nothing  but  a  question  of  expediency. 

Says  a  recent  writer  on  this  subject,  giving  a 
page  of  its  history : 

"In  1875,  three  years  after  the  passage  of  the  bill  just  re 
ferred  to,  Mr.  Dawes,  still  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee,  reported  a  bill  to  further  protect  the  sinking  fund 
and  to  provide  for  the  exigencies  of  the  Government,  which 
provided  among  other  things  for  the  restoration  of  the  ten 
per  cent,  which  had  been  taken  from  the  duties  on  iron  and 
steel  by  the  act  of  1872.  This  bill  passed  the  House  by  a 
close  vote,  General  Garfield  voting  for  it,  as  did  nearly  every 
protectionist  in  the  House.  The  bill  passed  the  Senate  and 
became  a  law,  the  vote  being  very  close — yeas,  30;  nays,  29. 
The  protectionists  in  the  Senate  were  almost  unanimously  in 
favor  of  it.  Mr.  Sherman  made  a  strong  speech  against  it, 
and  Mr.  Scott  and  Mr.  Frelinghuysen  very  ably  supported  it. 
Mr.  Sherman  voted  against  it.  The  passage  of  this  bill  gave 
great  encouragement  to  our  prostrated  iron  and  steel  in 
dustries. 

"The  next  tariff  measure  that  came  before  Congress  was 
the  bill  of  Mr.  Morrison,  which  was  presented  in  the  House 
in  1876,  but  was  so  vigorously  opposed  that  it  never  reached 
the  dignity  of  a  square  vote  upon  its  merits.  Two  years  after 
ward  Mr.  Wood  undertook  the  preparation  of  a  tariff  bill 
'  which  greatly  reduced  duties  on  most  articles  of  foreign  man 
ufacture,  and  which  he  confidently  hoped  might  become  a 
law.  This  bill  possessed  more  vitality  than  that  of  Mr.  Mor 
rison's,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  friends  of  pro 
tection  were  able  to  secure  its  defeat.  On  the  4th  of  June 
General  Garfield  delivered  an  elaborate  speech  against  it  in 
committee  of  the  whole,  in  the  course  of  which  he  said : 


2gg  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

"  '  I  would  have  the  duty  so  adjusted  that  every  great  Amer 
ican  industry  can  fairly  live  and  make  fair  profits.  The  chiel 
charge  I  make  against  this  bill  is  that  it  seeks  to  cripple  the 
protective  features  of  the  law.' 

"He  further  said,  in  concluding  his  speech: 

"  'A  bill  so  radical  in  its  character,  so  dangerous  to  our  busi 
ness  prosperity,  would  work  infinite  mischief  at  this  time, 
when  the  country  is  just  recovering  itself  from  a  long  period 
of  depression  and  getting  again  upon  solid  ground,  just  com 
ing  up  out  of  the  wild  sea  of  panic  and  distress  which  has 
tossed  us  so  long. 

"  '  Let  it  be  remembered  that  twenty-two  per  cent,  of  all  the 
laboring  people  of  this  country  are  artisans  engaged  in  manu 
factures.  Their  culture  has  been  fostered  by  our  tariff  laws. 
It  is  their  pursuits  and  the  skill  which  they  have  developed 
that  produced  the  glory  of  our  Centennial  Exhibition.  Tc 
them  the  country  owes  the  splendor  of  the  position  it  holds 
before  the  world  more  than  to  any  other  equal  number  of  oui 
citizens.  If  this  bill  becomes  a  law,  it  strikes  down  their  occu 
pation  and  throws  into  the  keenest  distress  the  brightest  and 
best  elements  of  our  population. 

"  '  When  the  first  paragraph  has  been  read  I  will  propose  tc 
strike  out  the  enacting  clause.  If  the  committee  will  do  thai 
we  can  kill  the  bill  to-day. ' 

"On  the  day  following  the  delivery  of  General  Garfield'j 
speech  his  suggestion  to  strike  out  the  enacting  clause  was 
carried  into  effect,  upon  motion  of  Mr.  Conger,  and  the  bill 
was  killed;  yeas,  134;  nays,  121.  The  majority  against  the 
bill  was  only  13. 

"During  the  recent  session  of  Congress  a  vigorous  effort  was 
made  to  break  down  the  tariff  by  piecemeal  legislation.  '  Di 
vide  and  ^conquer '  was  the  motto  of  the  free-traders.  They 
were  defeated  in  every  effort  to  reduce  duties,  and  in  ever) 
instance  they  encountered  General  Garfield's  opposition. 
Iron  and  steel  manufacturers  have  good  cause  to  remembei 
his  vote  in  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  last  March  on 
the  bill  of  Mr.  Covert  to  reduce  the  duty  on  steel  rails.  Gen 
eral  Garfield  voted  with  Judge  Kelley  and  Messrs.  Conger, 
Frye,  Felton,  Gibson  and  Phelps  against  any  reduction,  and 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

that  was  the  end  of  Mr.  Covert's  bill — the  vote  being  seven 
against  to  six  in  favor  of  it.  Had  the  bill  prevailed  the  en 
tire  line  of  duties  on  iron  and  steel  and  other  manufactures 
would  have  been  seriously  endangered." 

A  word  on  another  question  of  political  econ 
omy  to  close  this  chapter  appropriately,  remem 
bering  the  national  work  this  year,  is  found  in 
General  Garfield's  speech  urging  the  importance 
of  the  last  census  : 

"  The  developments  of  statistics  are  causing  history  to  be 
re-written.  Till  recently  the  historian  studied  nature  in  the 
aggregate,  and  gave  us  only  the  story  of  princes,  dynasties, 
sieges  and  battles.  Of  the  people  themselves — the  great 
social  body,  with  life,  growth,  forces,  elements,  etc. — he  told 
us  nothing.  Now,  statistical  inquiry  leads  him  into  the 
hovels,  homes,  workshops,  mines,  fields,  prisons,  hospitals, 
and  all  places  where  human  nature  displays  its  weakness  and 
strength.  In  these  explorations  he  discovers  the  seed  of  na 
tional  growth  and  decay,  and  thus  becomes  the  prophet  of  his 
generation. 

"  Statistical  science  is  indispensable  to  modern  statesman 
ship.  In  legislation,  as  in  physical  science,  it  is  beginning  to 
be  understood  that  we  can  control  terrestrial  forces  only  by 
obeying  their  laws.  The  legislator  must  formulate  in  his  sta 
tistics  not  only  the  national  will,  but  also  those  great  laws  of 
social  life  revealed  by  statistics.  He  must  study  society  rather 
than  black-letter  learning.  He  must  learn  the  truth  that  '  so 
ciety  usually  prepares  the  crime,  and  the  criminal  is  only  the 
instrument  that  completes  it;'  that  statesmanship  consists 
rather  in  removing  causes  than  in  punishing  or  evading 
results." 


2nO  LIFE  A.\'D  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

ARRAIGNING   HIS   ENEMIES. 

GENERAL  GARFIELD  has  ever  dealt 
his  enemies  in  Congress  sledge-hammer 
blows,  and  yet  not  with  any  malignity  or 
from  the  sly  hand  of  revenge.  His  tongue  has 
only  been  moved  by  what  he  considered  the  ne 
cessities  of  the  situation.  The  inheritance  of  tra 
dition  from  his  district  would,  if  no  other  cause 
had  prompted,  have  allied  him  with  the  North 
when  the  Rebellion  became  a  question  for  each 
and  every  one.  His  vigorous,  clear  mind  needed 
no  words  to  shape  its  course.  Whenever  the 
Union  was  concerned  he  answered  every  call  with 
electric  readiness. 

One  of  his  early  speeches  in  Congress  gave 
him  high  oratorical  rank.  Alexander  Long,  of 
Ohio,  delivered  in  1 864  an  exceedingly  ultra  Peace- 
Democratic  speech — proposing  that  Congress 
should  recognize  the  Southern  Confederacy.  The 
speech  attracted  marked  attention,  and  by  com 
mon  consent  it  was  left  to  the  young  member,  so 
fresh  from  the  battle-fields  of  his  country,  to  reply. 
The  moment  Long  took  his  seat,  Garfield  rose. 
His  opening  sentence  thrilled  his  listeners.  In  a 
moment  he  was  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  mem- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

bers  from  the  remoter  seats,  and  in  the  midst  of 
great  excitement  and  wild  applause  from  his  side 
he  poured  forth  an  invective  rarely  surpassed  in 
that  body  for  power  and  elegance : 

"MR.  CHAIRMAN :  I  am  reminded  by  the  ocurrences  of  this 
afternoon  of  two  characters  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  as 
compared  with  two  others  in  the  war  of  to-day. 

"The  first  was  Lord  Fairfax,  who  dwelt  near  the  Potomac,  a 
few  miles  from  us.  When  the  great  contest  was  opened  be 
tween  the  mother  country  and  the  colonies,  Lord  Fairfax, 
after  a  protracted  struggle  with  his  own  heart,  decided  that 
he  must  go  with  the  mother  country.  He  gathered  his  man 
tle  *bout  him  and  went  over  grandly  and  solemnly. 

"There  was  another  man,  who  cast  in  his  lot  with  the 
struggling  colonists  and  continued  with  them  till  the  war  was 
well-nigh  ended.  In  an  hour  of  darkness  that  just  preceded 
the  glory  of  morning,  he  hatched  the  treason  to  surrender  for 
ever  all  that  had  been  gained  by  the  enemies  of  his  country. 
Benedict  Arnold  was  that  man. 

"Fairfax  and  Arnold  find  their  parallel  in  the  struggle  of 
to-day. 

' '  When  this  war  was  begun  many  good  men  stood  hesitating 
and  doubting  what  they  ought  to  do.  Robert  E.  Lee  sat  in 
his  house  across  the  river  here,  doubting  and  delaying,  and 
going  off  at  last  almost  tearfully  to  join  the  army  of  his  State. 
He  reminds  one  in  some  respects,  of  Lord  Fairfax,  the  stately 
royalist  of  the  Revolution. 

"But  now,  when  tens  of  thousands  of  brave  souls  have  gone 
up  to  God  under  the  shadow  of  the  flag;  when  thousands 
more,  maimed  and  shattered  in  the  contest,  are  sadly  awaiting 
the  deliverance  of  death;  now,  when  three  years  of  terrific 
warfare  have  raged  over  us,  when  our  armies  have  pushed  the 
rebellion  back  over  mountains  and  rivers,  and  crowded  it  into 
narrow  limits  until  a  wall  of  fire  girds  it;  now,  when  the  up- 


2Q2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

lifted  hand  of  a  majestic  people  is  about  to  hurl  the  bolts  of 
its  conquering  power  upon  the  rebellion,  now  in  the  quiet  of 
this  hall,  hatched  in  the  lowest  depths  of  a  similar  dark  trea 
son,  there  rises  a  Benedict  Arnold  and  proposes  to  surrender 
all  up,  body  and  spirit,  the  nation  and  the  flag,  its  genius  and 
its  honor,  now  and  forever  to  the  accursed  traitors  to  our 
country.  And  that  proposition  comes — God  forgive  and  pity 
my  beloved  State — it  comes  from  a  citizen  of  the  tin^e-honored 
and  loyal  commonwealth  of  Ohio. 

"I  implore  you,  brethren,  in  this  House,  to  believe  that 
not  many  births  ever  gave  pangs  to  my  mother  State,  such  as 
she  suffered  when  that  traitor  was  born  !  I  beg  you  not  to 
believe  that  on  the  soil  of  that  State  such  another  growth  has 
ever  deformed  the  face  of  nature,  and  darkened  the  light  of 
God's  day!" 

The  speech  continued  in  the  same  strain, 
polished  and  powerful.  Its  delivery  upon  the  spur 
of  the  moment,  in  immediate  reply  to  an  elaborate 
effort,  which  had  taken  him  as  well  as  the  rest  of 
the  House  by  surprise,  won  him  a  crowning 
credit. 

Four  years  ago  he  handles  the  same  question, 
as  it  reappears,  in  another  and  less  objectionable 
form.  In  the  course  of  a  speech,  "  Can  the  Dem 
ocratic  Party  be  Safely  Intrusted  with  the  Adminis 
tration  of  the  Government,"  in  answer  to  Mr. 
Lamar,  the  Great  Republican  said : 

"  I  share  all  that  gentleman's  aspirations  for  peace,  for 
good  government  at  the  South — and  I  believe  I  can  safely  as 
sure  him  that  the  great  majority  of  the  nation  shares  the  same 
aspirations.  But  he  will  allow  me  to  say  that  he  has  not  fully 
stated  the  elements  of  the  great  problem  to  be  solved  by  the 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  293 

statesmanship  of  to-day.  The  actual  field  is  much  broader 
than  the  view  he  has  taken.  And  before  we  can  agree  that 
the  remedy  he  proposes  is  an  adequate  one,  we  must  take  in 
the  whole  field,  comprehend  all  the  conditions  of  the  prob 
lem,  and  then  see  if  his  remedy  is  sufficient.  The  change  he 
proposes  is  not  like  the  ordinary  change  of  a  ministry  in 
England,  when  the  Government  is  defeated  on  a  tax  bill  or 
some  routine  measure  of  legislation.  He  proposes  to  turn 
over  the  custody  and 'management  of  the  Government  to 
a  party  which  has  persistently,  and  with  the  greatest  bit 
terness,  resisted  all  the  great  changes  of  the  last  fifteen 
years— changes  which  were  the  necessary  results  of  a  vast 
revolution — a  revolution  in  national  policy,  in  social  and 
political  ideas;  a  revolution  whose  causes  were  not  the 
work  of  a  day  nor  a  year,  but  of  generations  and  centuries. 
"  The  scope  and  character  of  that  mighty  revolution  must 
form  the  basis  of  our  judgment  when  we  inquire  whether 
such  a  change  as  he  proposes  is  safe  and  wise.  But  that  is 
'not  all  of  the  situation.  On  the  other  hand,  we  see  the 
North,  after  leaving  its  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dead 
upon  the  field  of  battle  and  bringing  home  its  five  hundred 
thousand  maimed  and  wounded  to  be  cared  for,  crippled  in  its 
industries,  staggering  under  the  tremendous  burden  of  public 
and  private  debt,  and  both  North  and  South  weighted  with  un 
paralleled  burdens  and  losses — the  whole  nation  suffering 
from  .that  loosening  of  the  bonds  of  social  order  which  al 
ways  follows  a  great  war,  and  from  the  resulting  corruption 
both  in  the  public  and  the  private  life  of  the  people.  These, 
Mr.  Chairman,  constitute  the  vast  field  which  we  must  sur 
vey  in  order  to  find  the  path  which  will  soonest  lead  our  be 
loved  country  to  the  highway  of  peace,  of  liberty  and  pros 
perity.  Peace  from  the  shock  of  battle,  the  higher  peace 
of  our  streets,  of  our  homes,  of  our .  equal  rights,  we  must 
make  secure  by  making  the  conquering  ideas  of  the  war 
everywhere  dominant  and  permanent.  But  such  a  result  can 
be  reached  only  by  comprehending  the  whole  meaning  of 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


the  revolution  through  which  we  have  passed  and  are  still 
passing.  I  say  still  passing  ;  for  I  remember  that  after  the 
battle  of  arms  comes  the  battle  of  history.  The  cause  that 
triumphs  in  the  field  does  not  always  triumph  in  history. 
And  those  who  carried  the  war  for  union,  and  equal  and  uni 
versal  freedom  to  a  victorious  issue  can  never  safely  relax 
their  vigilance,  until  the  ideas  for  which  they  fought  have 
become  embodied  in  the  enduring  forms  of  individual  and 
national  life. 

"Has  this  been  done?  Not  yet.  I  ask  the  gentleman  in 
all  plainness  of  speech,  and  yet  in  all  kindness,  is  he  correct 
in  his  statement  that  the  conquered  party  accept  the  results 
of  the  war  ?  Even  if  they  do,  I  remind  the  gentleman  that 
accfpt  is  not  a  very  strong  word.  I  go  further.  I  ask  him  if 
the  Democratic  party  have  adopted  the  results  of  the  war? 
Is  it  not  asking  too  much  of  human  nature  to  expect  such  un 
paralleled  changes  to  be  not  only  accepted,  but  in  so  short 
a  time  adopted  by  men  of  strong  and  independent  opinions. 
This  conflict  of  opinion  was  not  merely  one  of  sentimental 
feeling  ;  it  involved  our  whole  political  system  ;  it  gave  rise 
to  two  radically  different  theories  of  the  nature  of  our  Gov 
ernment  :  the  North  believing  and  holding  that  we  were  a 
nation,  the  South  insisting  that  we  were  only  a  confedera 
tion  of  sovereign  States,  and  insisting  that  each  State  had  the 
right,  at  its  own  discretion,  to  break  the  Union,  and  con 
stantly  threatening  secession  where  the  full  rights  of  slavery 
were  not  acknowledged.  Thus  the  defense  and  aggrandize 
ment  of  slavery,  and  the  hatred  of  abolitionism,  became, 
not  only  the  central  idea  of  the  Democratic  party,  but  its 
master  passion  ;  a  passion  intensified  and  inflamed  by  twenty- 
five  years  of  fierce  political  contest,  which  had  not  only 
driven  from  its  ranks  all  those  who  preferred  freedom  to  slav 
ery,  but  .had  absorbed  all  the  extreme  pro-slavery  elements 
of  the  fallen  Whig  party.  Over  against  this  was  arrayed  the 
Republican  party,  asserting  the  broad  doctrines  of  nation 
ality  and  loyalty,  insisting  that  no  State  had  a  right  to  secede, 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


295 


that  secession  was  treason,  and  demanding  that  the  institu* 
tion  of  slavery  should  be  restricted  to  the  limits  of  the 
States  where  it  already  existed.  But  here  and  there,  many 
bolder  and  more  radical  thinkers  declared,  with  Wendell 
Phillips,  that  there  never  could  be  union  and  peace,  freedom 
and  prosperity,  until  we  were  willing  to  see  John  Hancock 
under  a  black  skin.  Now,  I  ask  the  gentleman  if  he  is  quite 
sure,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  the  Democratic  party,  its  southern 
as  well  as  its  northern  wing,  have  followed  his  own  illustri 
ous  and  worthy  example  in  the  vast  progress  he  has  made 
since  1859?  He  assures  us  that  the  transformation  has  been 
so  complete,  that  the  nation  can  safely  trust  all  the  most  pre 
cious  fruits  of  the  war  in  the  hands  of  that  party  who  stood 
with  him  in  1859.  If  that  be  true,  I  rejoice  at  it  with  all  my 
heart ;  but  the  gentleman  must  pardon  me  if  I  ask  him  to 
assist  my  wavering  faith  by  some  evidence,  some  consoling 
proofs.  When  did  the  great  transformation  take  place  ?  Cer 
tainly  not  within  two  years  after  the  delivery  of  the  speech  I 
have  quoted ;  for,  two  years  from  that  time  the  contest  h  is 
arisen  much  higher ;  it  had  risen  to  the  point  of  open,  terrible 
and  determined  war.  Did  the  change  come  during  the  war? 
Oh,  no;  for,  in  the  four  terrible  years  ending  in  1865,  every 
resource  of  courage  and  power  that  the  Southern  States  could 
muster  was  employed  not  only  to  save  slavery,  but  to  destroy 
the  Union.  So  the  transformation  had  not  occurred  in  1865. 
When  did  it  occur?  Aid  our  anxious  inquiry,  for  the  nation 
ought  to  be  sure  that  the  great  change  has  occurred  before  it 
can  safely  trust  its  destinies  to  the  Democratic  party.  Did  it 
occur  in  the  first  epoch  of  reconstruction — the  two  years  im 
mediately  following  the  war?  During  that  period  the  at 
tempt  was  made  to  restore  governments  in  the  South  on  the 
basis  of  the  white  vote.  Military  control  was  held  generally, 
but  the  white  population  of  the  Southern  States  were  invited 
to  elect  their  own  legislatures  and  establish  provisional  gov 
ernments.  In  the  laws,  covering  a  period  of  two  and  a  half 
years,  1865,  1866,  and  a  portion  of  1867,  enacted  by  those 


296 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


legislatures,  we  ought  to  find  proof  of  the  transformation,  if  it 
had  then  occurred.  What  do  we  find  ?  What  we  should 
naturally  expect,  that  a  people,  accustomed  to  the  domination 
of  slavery,  re-enacted  in  almost  all  of  the  Southern  States,  and 
notably  in  the  States  of  Mississippi  and  Louisiana,  laws  limit 
ing  and  restricting  the  liberty  of  the  colored  man  ;  vagrant 
laws  and  peonage  laws,  whereby  negroes  were  sold  at  auction 
for  the  payment  of  a  paltry  tax  or  fine,  and  held  in  a  slavery 
as  real  as  the  slavery  of  other  days.  I  believe  this  was  true  of 
nearly  all  of  the  Southern  States ;  so  that  the  experiment  of 
allowing  the  white  population  of  the  South  to  adjust  that  very 
question  proved  a  frightful  failure ;  and  then  it  was  that  the 
National  Congress  intervened.  They  proposed  an  act  of  re 
construction,  an  act  which  became  a  law  on  the  2d  of  March, 
1867.  That  was  the  plan  of  reconstruction  offered  to  those 
who  had  been  in  rebellion,  offered  by  a  generous  and  brave 
nation ;  and  I  challenge  the  world  to  show  an  act  of  equal 
generosity  to  a  conquered  people.  What  answer  did  it  meet? 
By  the  advice  of  Andrew  Johnson,  a  bad  adviser,  backed  by 
the  advice  of  the  Northern  Democracy,  a  still  worse  adviser, 
ten  of  the  eleven  States  lately  in  rebellion  contemptuously 
rejected  the  plan  of  reconstruction  embraced  in  the  Fourteenth 
Amendment  of  the  Constitution.  They  would  have  none  of 
it ;  they  had  been  advised  by  their  Northern  allies  to  stand 
out,  and  were  told  when  the  Democracy  came  into  power  they 
should  be  permitted  to  come  back  to  their  places  without 
guarantees  or  conditions.  This  brings  us  to  1868.  Had  the 
transformation  occurred  then?  For,  remember,  gentlemen, 
I  am  searching  for  the  date  of  the  great  transformation  similar 
to  that  which  has  taken  place  in  the  gentleman  from  Mis 
sissippi.  We  do  not  find  it  in  1868.  On  the  contrary,  in 
that  year,  we  find  Frank  P.  Blair,  of  Missouri,  writing  these 
words,  which,  a  few^j ays  after  they  were  written,  gave  him  the 
nomination  for  the  Vice-Presidency  on  the  Democratic  ticket : 
'"There  is  but  one  way  to  restore  government  and  the 
Constitution,  and  that  is  for  the  President  elect  to  declare 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


297 


these  acts ' — and  the  Constitutional  Amendment  with  them — 
'  to  declare  all  these  acts  null  and  void,  compel  the  army  to 
undo  its  usurpations  at  the  South,  and  disperse  the  carpet-bag 
State  governments,  and  allow  the  white  people  t6  recognize 
their  own  governments,  and  elect  Senators  and  Representa 
tives.' 

"Because  he  wrote  that  letter  he  was  nominated  for  Vice- 
President  by  the  Democratic  party.  Therefore,  as  late  as 
July,  1868,  the  transformation  had  not  occurred.  Had  it 
occurred  in  1872?  In  1871  and  1872  all  the  amendments 
of  the  Constitution  had  been  adopted,  against  the  stubborn 
resistance  of  the  Northern  and  Southern  Democracy.  I  call 
you  to  witness  that,  with  the  exception  of  three  or  four  Demo 
cratic  representatives,  who  voted  for  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
the  three  great  amendments,  the  thirteenth,  the  fourteenth 
and  the  fifteenth,  met  the  determined  and  united  opposition 
of  the  Democracy  of  this  country.  Each  of  the  amendments, 
now  so  praised  by  the  gentleman,  was  adopted  against  the 
whole  weight  of  your  resistance.  And  two  years  after  the 
adoption  of  the  last  amendment,  in  many  of  your  State  plat 
forms,  they  were  declared  null  and  void.  In  1871  and  1872 
occurred  throughout  the  South  those  dreadful  scenes,  enacted 
by  the  Ku-Klux  organizations,  of  which  I  will  say  only  this : 
that  a  man.  facile  princeps  among  the  Democrats  of  the  slave- 
holding  States — Reverdy  Johnson — who  was  sent  down  to 
defend  those  who  were  indicted  for  their  crimes,  held  up  his 
hands  in  horror  at  the  shocking  barbarities  that  had  been  per 
petrated  by  his  clients  upon  negro  citizens.  I  refer  to  the 
evidence  of  that  eminent  man,  as  a  sufficient  proof  of  the 
character  of  that  great  conspiracy  against  the  freedom  of  the 
colored  race.  So  the  transformation  had  not  come  in  the 
days  of  Ku-Klux,  of  1871  and  1872.  Had  it  come  in  1873 
and  the  beginning  of  1874?  Had  it  come  in  the  State  ot 
Mississippi?  .Had  it  come  in  one-quarter  oi  the  States  lately 
in  rebellion  ?  Here  is  a  report  from  an  honorable  committee 
of  the  House,  signed  by  two  gentlemen  who  are  still  members, 


298 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


Mr.  Conger  and  Mr.  Hurlbut — a  report  made  as  late  as 
December,  1874,  in  which  there  is  disclosed,  by  innumerable 
witnesses,  the  proof  that  the  white-line  organization,  an 
avowed  military  organization,  formed  within  the  Democratic 
party,  had  leagued  themselves  together  to  prevent  the  enjoy 
ment  of  suffrage  and  equal  rights  by  the  colored  men  of  the 
South. 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  after  the  facts  I  h'ave  cited,  am  I  not  war 
ranted  in  raising  a  grave  doubt  whether  the  transformation 
occurred  at  all,  except  in  a  few  patriotic  and  philosophic 
minds?  The  light  gleams  first  on  the  mountain  peaks;  but 
shadows  and  darkness  linger  in  the  valley.  It  is  in  the  valley 
masses  of  those  lately  in  rebellion  that  the  light  of  this  beau 
tiful  philosophy,  which  I  honor,  has  not  penetrated.  Is  it 
safer  to  withhold  from  them  the  custody  and  supreme  con 
trol  of  the  precious  treasures  of  the  Republic  until  the  mid 
day  sun  of  liberty,  justice  and  equal  laws  shall  shine  upon 
them  with  unclouded  ray?  In  view  of  all  the  facts,  consider 
ing  the  centuries  of  influence  that  brought  on  the  great  strug 
gle,  is  it  not  reasonable  to  suppose  that  it  will  require  yet 
more  time  to  effect  the  great  transformation?  The  gentleman 
from  Mississippi  (Mr.  Lamar)  says  there  is  no  possibility  that 
the  South  will  again  control  national  affairs,  if  the  Democ 
racy  be  placed  again  in  power.  How  is  this  ?  We  are  told 
that  the  South  will  vote  as  a  unit  for  Tilden  and  Hendricks. 
Suppose  those  gentlemen  also  carry  New  York  and  Indiana. 
Does  the  gentleman  believe  that  a  northern  minority  of  the 
Democracy  will  control  the  administration  ?  Impossible  ! 
But  if  they  did,  would  it  better  the  case? 

"Let  me  put  the  question  in  another  form.  Suppose,  gen 
tlemen  of  the  South,  you  had  won  the  victory  in  the  war; 
that  you  had  captured  Washington,  and  Gettysburg,  and 
Philadelphia,  and  New  York  ;  and  we  of  the  North,  defeated 
and  conquered,  had  lain  prostrate  at  your  feet.  Do  you  be 
lieve  that  by  this  time  you  would  be  ready  and  willing  to  in 
trust  to  us — our  Garrisons,  our  Phillipses,  and  our  Wades,  and 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

the  great  array  of  those  who  were  the  leaders  of  our  thoughts 
— the  fruits  of  your  victory,  the  enforcement  of  your  doctrines 
of  State  sovereignty,  and  the  work  of  extending  the  domain 
of  slavery  ?  Do  you  think  so  ?  And  if  not,  will  you  not 
pardon  us  when  we  tell  you  that  we  are  not  quite  ready  to 
trust  the  precious  results  of  the  nation's  victory  in  your 
hands  ?  Let  it  be  constantly  borne  in  mind  that  I  am  not 
debating  a  question  of  equal  rights  and  privileges  within  the 
Union,  but  whether  those  who  so  lately  sought  to  destroy  it 
ought  to  be  chosen  to  control  its  destiny  for  the  next  four 
years. 

"It  is  now  time  to  inquire  as  to  the  fitness  of  this  Demo 
cratic  party  to  take  control  of  our  great  nation  and  its  vast 
and  important  interests  for  the  next  four  years.  I  put  the 
question  to  the  gentleman  from  Mississippi,  Mr.  Lamar,  what 
has  the  Democratic  party  done  to  merit  that  great  trust?  He 
tries  to  show  in  what  respects  it  would  be  dangerous.  I  ask 
him  to  show  in  what  it  would  be  safe.  I  affirm,  and  I  believe 
I  do  not  misrepresent  the  great  Democratic  party,  that  in  the 
last  sixteen  years  they  have  not  advanced  one  great  national 
idea  that  is  not  to-day  exploded  and  as  dead  as  Julius  Caesar. 
And  if  any  Democrat  here  will  rise  and  name  a  great  national 
doctrine  his  party  has  advanced,  within  that  lime,  that  is  now 
alive  and  believed  in,  I  will  yield  to  him.  [A  pause.]  In 
default  of  an  answer  I  will  attempt  to  .prove  my  negative. 

"What  were  the  great  central  doctrines  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  Presidential  struggle  of  1860?  The  followers  of 
Breckenridge  said  slavery  had  a  right  to  go  wherever  the  Con 
stitution  goes.  Do  you  believe  that  to-day?  And  is  there  a 
man  on  this  continent  that  holds  that  doctrine  to-day?  Not 
one.  That  doctrine  is  dead  and  buried.  The  other  wing  of 
Ihe  Democracy  held  that  slavery  might  be  established  in  the 
territories  if  the  people  wanted  it.  Does  anybody  hold  that 
doctrine  to-day?  Dead,  absolutely  dead! 

"  Come  down  to  1864.  Your  party;  under  the  lead  of  Tilden 
and  Vallandingham,  declared  the  experiment  of  war  to  save 


^00  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

the  Union  was  a  failure.  Do  you  believe  that  doctrine  t( 
day?  That  doctrine  was  shot  to  death  by  the  guns  of  Farn 
gut  at  Mobile,  and  driven  in  a  tempest  of  fire  from  the  valle 
of  the  Shenandoah  by  Sheridan  less  than  a  month  after  il 
birth  at  Chicago. 

"Come  down  to  1868.  You  declared  the  Constitutions 
Amendments  revolutionary  and  void.  Does  any  man  on  thi 
floor  say  so  to-day?  If  so,  let  him  rise  and  declare  it. 

"Do  you  believe  in  the  doctrine  of  the  Broadhead  letter  o 
1868,  that  the  so-called  Constitutional  Amendments  should  b 
disregarded?  No;  the  gentleman  from  Mississippi  accept 
the  results  of  the  war!  The  Democratic  doctrine  of  i86< 
is  dead ! 

"I  walk  across  that  Democratic  campaign-ground  as  in  i 
graveyard.  Under  my  feet  resound  the  hollow  echoes  of  th< 
dead.  There  lies  slavery,  a  black  marble  column  at  the  heac 
of  its  grave,  on  which  I  read :  Died  in  the  flames  of  the  civi 
war;  loved  in  its  life;  lamented  in  its  death;  followed  to  it 
bier  by  its  only  mourner,  the  Democratic  party,  but  dead 
And  here  is  a  double  grave :  sacred  to  the  memory  of  squat 
ter  sovereignty.  Died  in  the  campaign  of  1860.  On  the  re 
verse  side :  Sacred  to  the  memory  of  Dred  Scott  and  th< 
Breckinridge  doctrine.  Both  dead  at  the  hands  of  Abrahan 
Lincoln  !  And  here  a  monument  of  brimstone :  Sacred  to  th< 
memory  of  the  rebellion :  the  war  against  it  is  a  failure ;  7/7 
den  et  Vallandingham  fecerunt,  A.  D.  1864.  Dead  on  th< 
field  of  battle;  shot  to  death  by  the  million  guns  of  the  Repub 
lie.  The  doctrine  of  secession ;  of  state  sovereignty,  dead 
Expired  in  the  flames  of  civil  war,  amid  the  blazing  rafters  o 
the  Confederacy,  except  that  the  modern  ^neas,  fleeing  ou 
of  the  flames  of  that  ruin,  bears  on  his  back  another  Anchise: 
of  State  sovereignty,  and  brings  it  here  in  the  person  of  th< 
honorable  gentlemen  from  the  Appomattox  district  of  Yir 
ginia  (Mr.  Tucker).  All  else  is  dead. 

"Now,  gentlemen,  are  you  sad,  are  you  sorry  for  thes< 
deaths?  Are  you  not  glad  that  secession  is  dead?  that  slavery 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

is  dead  ?  that  squatter  sovereignty  is  dead  ?  that  the  doctrine 
of  the  failure  of  the  war  is  dead  ?  Then  you  are  glad  that 
you  were  outvoted  in  1860,  in  1864,  in  1868  and  in  1872.  If 
you  have  tears  to  shed  over  these  losses,  shed  them  in  the 
graveyard,  but  not  in  this  house  of  living  men.  I  know  that 
many  a  Southern  man  rejoices  that  these  issues  are  dead. 
The  gentleman  from  Mississippi  (Mr.  Lamar)  has  clothed  his 
joy  with  eloquence. 

"  Now,  gentlemen,  if  you  yourselves  are  glad  that  you  have 
suffered  defeat  during  the  last  sixteen  years,  will  you  not  be 
equally  glad  when  you  suffer  defeat  next  November?  But 
pardon  that  remark ;  I  regret  it :  I  should  use  no  bravado. 

"  Now,  gentlemen,  come  with  me  for  a  moment  into  the 
camp  of  the  Republican  party  and  review  its  career.  Our 
central  doctrine  in  1860  was  that  slavery  should  never  extend 
itself  over  another  foot  of  American  soil.  Is  that  doctrine 
dead  ?  It  is  folded  away  like  a  victorious  banner ;  its  truth 
is  alive  for  evermore  on  this  continent.  In  1864  we  declared 
that  we  would  put  down  the  rebellion  and  secession.  And 
that  doctrine  lives,  and  will  live  when  the  second  centennial 
has  arrived.  Freedom — national,  universal  and  perpetual — 
our  great  Constitutional  Amendments,  are  they  alive  or  dead  ? 
Alive,  thank  the  God  that  shields  both  liberty  and  the  Union. 
And  our  national  credit !  saved  from  the  assaults  of  Pendle- 
ton ;  saved  from  the  assaults  of  those  who  struck  it  later, 
rising  higher  and  higher  at  home  and  abroad ;  and  only  now 
in  doubt  lest  its  chief,  its  only  enemy,  the  Democracy,  should 
triumph  in  November. 

"Mr.  Chairman,  ought  the  Republican  party  to  surrender 
its  truncheon  of  command  to  the  Democracy  ?  The  gentle 
man  from  Mississippi  says  if  this  were  England  the  ministry 
would  go  out  in  twenty-four  hours,  with  such  a  state  of  things 
as  we  have  here.  Ah,  yes  !  that  is  an  ordinary  case  of  change 
of  administration.  But  if  this  were  England,  what  would 
she  have  done  at  the  end  of  the  war  ?  England  made  one 
such  mistake  as  the  gentleman  asks  this  country  to  make,  when 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


she  threw  away  the  achievements  of  the  grandest  man  that 
ever  trod  her  highway  of  power.  Oliver  Cromwell  had  over 
thrown  the  throne  of  despotic  power  and  had  lifted  his  coun 
try  to  a  place  of  masterful  greatness  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth  ;  and  when,  after  his  death,  his  great  sceptre  was  trans 
ferred  to  a  weak  though  not  unlenial  hand,  his  country,  in  a 
moment  of  reactionary  blindness,  brought  back  the  Stuarts. 
England  did  not  recover  from  this  folly  until,  in  1689,  the 
prince  of  Orange  drove  from  her  island  the  last  of  that  weak 
and  wicked  line.  Did  she  afterward  repeat  the  blunder?" 

Combating  Democratic  measures,  as  Garfield 
always  has,  the  opportunity  offered  by  the  extra 
session  of  the  Forty-sixth  Congress  was  not  lost. 
Concerning  it,  he  said  : 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  we  have  probably  never  legislated  on  any 
question,  the  influence  of  which  reaches  further,  both  terri 
torially  and  in  time,  and  touches  more  interests,  more  vital 
interests,  than  are  touched  by  this  and  similar  bills.  No  man 
can  doubt  that  within  recent  years,  and  notably  within  recent 
months,  the  leading  thinkers  of  the  civilized  world  have  be 
come  alarmed  at  the  attitude  of  the  two  precious  metals  in  re 
lation  to  each  other  ;  and  many  leading  thinkers  are  becoming 
clearly  of  the  opinion  that  by  some  wise,  judicious  arrange. 
ment  both  the  precious  metals  must  be  kept  in  service  for  the 
currency  of  the  world.  And  this  opinion  has  been  very  rapidly 
gaining  ground  within  the  last  six  months,  to  such  an  extent 
that  England,  which  for  more,  than  half  a  century  has  stoutly 
adhered  to  the  single  gold  standard,  is  now  seriously  medi 
tating  how  she  may  harness  both  these  metals  to  the  monetary 
car  of  the  world.  And  yet,  outside  of  this  capital,  I  do  not 
this  day  know  of  a  single  great  and  recognized  advocate  of  bi 
metallic  money  who  regards  it  prudent  or  safe  for  any  nation 
largely  to  increase  the  coinage  standard  of  silver  coin  at 
the  present  time  beyond  the  limits  fixed  by  existing  laws. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


303 


France  and  the  States  of  the  Latin  Union,  that  has  long  be 
lieved  in  bi-metallism,  maintained  it  against  all  comers,  and 
have  done  all  in  their  power  to  advocate  it  throughout  the 
world,  dare  not  coin  a  single  silver  coin,  and  have  not  done 
so  since  1874.  The  most  stenuous  advocates  of  bi-metallism 
in  those  countries  say  it  would  be  ruinous  to  bi-metallism  for 
France  or  the  Latin  Union  to  coin  any  more  silver  at  present. 
The  remaining  stock  of  German  silver  now  for  sale,  amount 
ing  to  from  forty  to  seventy-five  millions  of  dollars,  is  a  stand 
ing  menace  to  the  exchanges  and  silver  coinage  of  Europe. 
One  month  ago  the  leading  financial  journal  of  London  pro 
posed  that  the  Bank  of  England  buy  one-half  of  the  Ger 
man  surplus  and  hold  it  five  years,  on  condition  that  the 
German  Government  shall  hold  the  other  half  off  the 
market.  The  time  is  ripe  for  some  wise  and  prudent 
arrangement  among  the  nations  to  save  silver  from  a  dis 
astrous  break-down.  Yet  we,  who  during  the  past  two 
years  have  coined  far  more  silver  dollars  than  we  ever  before 
coined  since  the  foundation  of  the  Government ;  ten  times  as 
many  as  we  coined  during  half  a  century  of  our  national  life ; 
are  to-day  ignoring  and  defying  the  enlightened,  universal 
opinion  of  bi-metallism,  and  saying  that  the  United  States, 
single-handed  and  alone,  can  enter  the  field  and  settle  the 
mighty  issue  alone.  We  are  justifying  the  old  proverb,  that 
'Fools  rush  in  where  angels  fear  to  tread.'  It  is  sheer  mad 
ness,  Mr.  Speaker.  I  once  saw  a  dog  on  a  great  stack  of  hay, 
that  had  been  floated  out  into  the  wild,  overflowed  stream  of 
a  river,  with  its  stack-pen  and  foundations  still  holding  to 
gether,  but  ready  to  be  wrecked.  For  a  little  while  the  ani 
mal  appeared  to  be  perfectly  happy.  His  hay-stack  was 
there,  and  the  pen  around  it,  and  he  seemed  to  think  the 
world  bright  and  his  happiness  secure,  while  the  sunshine  fell 
softly  on  his  head  and  hay.  But  by  and  by  he  began  to  dis 
cover  that  the  house  and  the  barn,  and  their  surroundings, 
were  not  all  there,  as  they  were  when  he  went  to  sleep  the 
night  before ;  and  he  began  to  see  that  he  could  not  com- 


»n1  LIFE  AXD  ri'BLIC  CAREER  OF 

0°4 

mand  all  the  prospect  and  peacefully  dominate  the  scene  as 
he  had  done  before.  So  with  this  House.  We  assume  to 
manage  this  mighty  question,  which  has  been  launched  on  the 
wild  current  that  sweeps  over  the  whole  world,  and  we  bark 
from  our  legislative  hay-stacks  as  though  we  commanded  the 
whole  world.  In  the  name  of  common  sense  and  sanity, 
let  us  take  some  account  of  the  flood  ;  let  us  understand 
that  a  deluge  means  something,  and  try,  if  we  can,  to  get 
our  bearings  before  we  undertake  to  settle  the  affairs  of  all 
mankind  by  a  vote  of  this  House.  To-day  we  are  coining 
one-third  of  all  the  silver  that  is  being  coined  in  the  round 
world.  China  is  coining  another  third  ;  and  all  other  nations 
are  using  the  remaining  one-third  for  subsidiary  coin.  And 
if  we  want  to  take  rank  with  China  and  part  company  with 
all  of  the  civilized  nations  of  the  Western  world,  let  us  pass 
this  bill,  and  then  'bay  the  moon,'  as  we  float  down  the 
whirling  channel  to  take  our  place  among  the  silver  mono- 
metallists  of  Asia. 

"Mr.  Chairman,  the  dogma  of  State  Sovereignty,  which  has 
re-awakened  to  such  vigorous  life  in  this  chamber,  has  borne 
such  bitter  fruits,  and  entailed  such  suffering  upon  our  people, 
that  it  deserves  more  particular  notice.  It  should  be  noticed 
that  the  word  '  Sovereignty '  cannot  be  fitly  applied  to  any 
government  in  this  country.  It  is  not  found  in  our  Constitu 
tion.  It  is  a  feudal  word,  born  of  the  despotism  of  the  mid 
dle  ages,  and  was  unknown  even  in  imperial  Rome.  A 
'  Sovereign  '  is  a  person,  a  prince  who  has  subjects  that  owe 
him  allegiance.  There  is  no  one  paramount  sovereign  in  the 
United  States.  There  is  no  person  here  who  holds  any  title 
or  authority  whatever,  except  the  official  authority  given  him 
by  law.  Americans  are  not  subjects,  but  citizens.  Our  only 
sovereign  is  the  whole  people.  To  talk  about  the  '  inherent 
sovereignty  '  of  a  corporation — an  artificial  person — is  to  talk 
nonsense  ;  and  we  ought  to  reform  our  habit  of  speech  on  that 
subject.  But  what  do  gentlemen  mean  when  they  tell  us  that 
a  State  is  sovereign  ?  What  does  sovereignty  mean,  in  its  ac- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  305 

cepted  use,  but  a  political  corporation  having  no  superior  ? 
Is  a  State  of  this  Union  such  a  corporation  ?  Let  us  test  it  -by 
a  few  examples  drawn  from  the  Constitution.  No  State  of 
this  Union  can  make  war  or  conclude  a  peace.  Without  the 
consent  of  Congress  it  cannot  raise  or  support  an  army  or  a 
navy.  It  cannot  make  a  treaty  with  a  foreign  power,  nor 
enter  into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State.  It 
cannot  levy  imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or  exports.  It  can 
not  coin  money.  It  cannot  regulate  commerce.  It  cannot 
authorize  a  single  ship  to  go  into  commission  anywhere  on 
the  high  seas ;  if  it  should,  that  ship  would  be  seized  as  a 
pirate  or  confiscated  by  the  laws  of  the  United  States.  A 
State  cannot  emit  bills  of  credit.  It  can  enact  no  law  which 
makes  anything  but  gold  and  silver  a  legal  tender.  It  has  no 
flag  except  the  flag  of  the  Union.  And  there  are  many  other 
subjects  on  which  the  States  are  forbidden  by  the  Constitution 
to  legislate.  How  much  inherent  sovereignty  is  left  in  a  cor 
poration  which  is  thus  shorn  of  all  these  great  attributes  df 
sovereignty  ?  But  this  is  not  all.  The  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  may  declare  null  and  void  any  law,  or  any 
clause  of  the  Constitution  of  a  State,  which  happens  to  be  in 
conflict  with  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States. 
Again,  the  States  appear  as  plaintiffs  and  defendants  before 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  They  may  sue  each 
other ;  and  until  the  Eleventh  Amendment  was  adopted  a 
citizen  might  sue  a  State.  These  '  sovereigns  '  may  all  be 
summoned  before  their  common*superior  to  be  judged.  And 
yet  they  are  endowed  with  supreme  inherent  sovereignty? 
Again,  the  government  of  a  State  may  be  absolutely  abolished 
by  Congress,  in  case  it  is  not  republican  in  form. 

"  And  finally,  to  cap  the  climax  of  this  absurd  pretension, 
every  right  possessed  by  one  of  these  '  sovereign '  States,  every 
inherent  sovereign  right,  except  the  single  right  to  equal  rep 
resentation  in  the  Senate,  may  be  taken  away,  without  its  con 
sent,  by  the  vote  of  two-thirds  of  Congress  and  three-fourths 
of  the  States.  But>  in  spite  of  all  these  disabilities,  we  hear 

1.8 


-.06  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

them  paraded  as  independent,  sovereign  States,  the  creators 
of  the  Union  and  the  dictators  of  its  powers.  How  inhe 
rently  'sovereign'  must  be  that  State  west  of  the  Mississippi, 
which  the  nation  bought  and  paid  for  with  the  public  money, 
and  permitted  to  come  into  the  Union  a  half  century  after 
the  Constitution  was  adopted !  And  yet  we  are  told  that 
States  are  inherently  sovereign,  and  create  the  national 
government.  Half  a  century  ago,  this  heresy  threatened  the 
stability  of  the  nation.  The  eloquence  of  Webster  and  his 
compeers,  and  the  patriotism  and  high  courage  of  Andrew 
Jackson,  resisted  and  for  a  time  destroyed  its  powers ;  but  it 
continued  to  live  as  the  evil  genius,  the  incarnate  devil,  of 
America;  and,  in  1861,  it  was  the  fatal  phantom  that  lured 
eleven  millions  of  our  people  into  rebellion  against  their  Gov 
ernment.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  those  who  took  up  arms 
against  the  Union,  stubbornly  resisted  all  inducements  to  that 
fatal  step  until  they  were  summoned  by  the  authority  of  their 
States." 

A  single  bold  passage  (were  it  possible,  we 
would  give  in  full,)  from  his  speech  on  counting 
the  electoral  vote  must  find  a  place  here : 

' t  When  you  tell  me  that  civil  war  is  threatened  by  any  party 
or  State  in  this  Republic,  you  have  given  me  a  supreme  reason 
why  an  American  Congress  should  refuse,  with  unutterable 
scorn,  to  listen  to  those  whothreaten,  or  do  any  act  whatever 
under  the  coercion  of  threats  by  any  power  on  earth.  With 
all  my  soul,  I  despise  your  threat  of  civil  war,  come  it  from 
what  quarter  or  what  it  may.  Brave  men,  certainly  a  brave 
nation,  will  do  nothing  under  such  compulsion.  We  are  in 
trusted  with  the  work  of  obeying  and  defending  the  Constitu 
tion.  I  will  not  be  deterred  from  obeying  it,  because  some 
body  threatens  to  destroy  it.  I  dismiss  all  that  class  of  mo 
tives  as  unworthy  of  Americans. 

"What,  then,  are  the  grounds  on  which  we  should  con- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


307 


sider  a  bill  like  this?  It  would  be  unbecoming  in  me  or  in 
any  member  of  this  Congress  to  oppose  this  bill  on  mere 
technical  or  trifling  grounds.  It  should  be  opposed,  if  at  all, 
for  reasons  so  broad,  so  weighty  as  to  overcome  all  that  has 
been  said  in  its  favor,  and  all  the  advantages  which  I  have 
here  admitted,  may  follow  from  its  passage.  I  do  not  wish 
to  diminish  the  stature  of  my  antagonist ;  I  do  not  wish  to 
undervalue  the  points  of  strength  in  a  measure,  before  I  ques 
tion  its  propriety.  It  is  not  enough  that  this  bill  will  tide  us 
over  a  present  danger,  however  great.  Let  us  for  a  moment 
forget  Hayes  and  Tilden,  Republicans  and  Democrats ;  let  us 
forget  our  own  epoch  and  our  own  generations ;  and,  enter 
ing  a  broader  field,  inquire  how  this  thing  which  we  are 
about  to  do  will  affect  the  great  future  of  our  Republic ;  and, 
in  what  condition,  if  we  pass  this  bill,  we  shall  transmit  our 
institutions  to  those  who  shall  come  after  us.  The  present 
good  which  we  shall  achieve  by  it  may  be  very  great ;  yet  if 
the  evils  that  will  flow  from  it  in  the  future  must  be  greater, 
it  would  be  base  in  us  to  flinch  from  trouble  by  entailing 
remediless  evils  upon  our  children." 

General  Garfield's  position  on  the  Chinese 
Question,  is  not  stated  in  any  speech  of  his,  and 
only  lightly  touched  upon  in  his  letter  of  accept 
ance.  The  Wheeling  (West  Virginia)  Intelli 
gencer,  printed,  December  5th,  1877,  an  account  of 
an  interview  with  the  great  Republican,  which 
more  fully  elaborates  his  views.  Alluding  to  the 
idea  quite  strongly  held  by  many  writers,  that 
the  Chinese  intend  a  conquest  of  Europe,  General 
Garfield  said: 

"  The  Mongolian  race  is  capable  of  great  personal  prow 
ess.  Being  fatalists,  they  dare  everything  for  the  end  they 
have  in  view.  Their  food  is  simple,  easily  supplied  and 


*og  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

easily  transported.  Their  endurance  of  fatigue  is  proverbial. 
Once  organized  and  in  motion  they  could  swarm  into  Russia 
as  irresistibly  as  the  locusts  of  Egypt,  and  upon  the  Pacific 
coast  of  this  continent  as  numerous  and  destructive  as  the 
grasshoppers.  Once  started,  where  would  they  stop?  Civili 
zation  would  retire  before  them  as  from  a  plague.  Look  at 
the  plague  spots  in  San  Francisco  to-day.  Nobody  lives  in 
them  but  Chinese.  Nobody  else  can  live  in  them.  I 
have  seen  in  a  space  no  greater  than  the  length  and  height  in 
this  sleeping-car  berth,  in  a  Chinese  tenement  quarter  in  San 
Francisco,  the  home  of  twelve  Chinaman.  In  that  space 
they  actually  lived — yes,  actually  lived  most  of  their  time. 
There  they  crouched  (all  doubled  up),  and  there  they  cooked, 
ate,  slept,  and,  in  a  word,  lived.  They  cooked  with  a  little 
lamp  a  mess  of  stuff  that  they  import  from  China,  which, 
like  their  rice  food,  is  very  cheap,  and  a  mere  pittance  in  the 
way  of  earnings  on  the  street,  will  supply  them  food  and  clothes 
for  an  indefinite  time.  A  few  cents  per  day  is  more  to  them 
than  a  dollar  to  the  commonest  American  laborer.  Hence 
the  lowest  grade  of  poor  paid  labor  retires  before  them  as  it 
would  before  a  pestilence. 

"  This  is  not  all.  They  have  no  assimilation  whatever  to 
Caucasian  civilization.  The  negro  assimilates  with  the  Cau 
casian.  He  wants  all  that  we  want.  He  adopts  our  civili 
zation — professes  our  religion — works  for  our  wages,  and  is  a 
customer  for  everything  that  civilization  produces.  Hence 
(using  a  figure  of  physiology)  we  can  take  him  up  in  the  cir 
culation  of  the  body  politic  and  assimilate  him — make  a  man 
and  a  brother  of  him,  as  the  phrase  goes ;  but  not  so  in  the 
least  degree  with  the  Chinaman. 

"  And  this  brings  me  to  say  that  one  of  the  great  questions 
that  now  press  upon  Congress  and  the  country  for  immediate 
attention  and  solution,  is  what  shall  we  do  with  reference  to 
Chinese  immigration?  We  have  always  refused  to  citizenize 
them.  Shall  we  continue  the  treaty  under  which  they  are 
immigrating  to  our  shores?" 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

A  single  word  concerning  the  policy  of  his 
party  and  we  have  done — for  one  cannot  follow 
him  through  his  many  spirited  pleas  for  education, 
the  rights  of  woman,  and  hundreds  of  other  ques 
tions  to  which  he  has  given  his  attention  and  in 
fluence.  In  a  speech,  at  Flint,  Ohio,  some  years 
ago,  he  gave,  as  it  were,  the  secret  of  Republican 
successes,  and  a  sentiment  very  pertinent  to  the 
present  year:  "Wherever  the  Republican  party 
has  stood  up  with  its  head  in  the  light,  and  ap 
pealed  to  principles,  it  has  won;  wherever  it  has 
been  cowardly  and  truckled  and  let  down,  it  has 
lost,  and  it  deserved  to  lose.  Now  then  we  say 
in  this  fight,  we  will  climb  to  the  masthead,  and  on 
the  very  top  we  will  nail  our  flag ;  and  if  go  down 
we  must,  the  flag  shall  take  the  wave  last." 


3io 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREEK  OF 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

A   VISIT  TO   LAWNFIELD. 

•t 

"  TV  y/TENTOR!  Mentor!  All  out  for  Mentor!" 
\/  I  called  out  the  conductor,  and  satchel 
•**•  -**-  in  hand  I  descended  from  the  cars. 

A  scream  from  the  locomotive,  a  puff  of  dust, 
and  the  rushing  and  rumbling  cars  went  out  of 
sight  up  the  road,  leaving  me  alone  at  a  stupid- 
looking  depot  on  the  Lake  Shore  Railroad, 
twenty-six  miles  from  Cleveland.* 

"Any  hotel  here?"  I  inquired  of  a  man  who 
seemed  to  "be  ticket  agent,  expressman  and  tele 
graph  operator  combined. 

"  Yes,  over  the  road  there,"  he  replied,  pointing 
with  his  hand  to  a  little  building  with  the  sign  of 
"  Store  "  on  its  front. 

I  looked  at  it  and  then  at  the  place  around. 
Crossing  the  road  was  a  rude  board  arch  bearing 
the  motto :  "  For  President,  Our  Townsman, 
James  A.  Garfield."  I  looked  about,  but  could 
see  no  sign  of  a  town,  though  there  were  a  good 
many  straggling  buildings  in  sight  and  a  church 
spire  in  the  distance. 

*  The  purpose  of  my  visit,  the  reader  has  already  divined.  And  in  relating  it,  the 
author  makes  no  apology  for  abandoning  the  impersonal  style  hitherto  employed,  believ 
ing  that  the  reader  will  relish  his  description  all  the  better  if  the  impressions  are  more 
ninutely  related  through  the  agency  of  the  personal  pronoun. 


JAMES  A.   GAR  FIELD.  ^  l  l 

Entering  the  "store,"  which  emitted  "an  ancient 
and  fish-like  smell,"  evidently  salt  mackerel,  I 
inquired  of  a  boy  with  a  sore  eye  if  "  this  "  was  a 
hotel,  and  if  I  could  have  some  breakfast.  He 
replied,  quite  cheerily;  "Yes,  sir,"  and  opening  a 
door  at  the  far  end  of  the  store,  bade  me  walk  in. 
Entering  I  found  a  small  dining-room,  with  a  long 
table  and  a  dozen  chairs  for  furniture,  poor  enough 
to  promise  a  very  slim  breakfast.  The  boy  with 
the  sore  eye  accompanied  me  into  the  room  arijd 
hung  about  so  persistently  that  I  became  imme 
diately  prejudiced  against  him,  and  was  very  glad 
to  turn  away  from  the  spectacle  of  his  inflamed 
optic  to  the  face  of  a  stout,  motherly-looking  wo 
man,  who  now  put  in  an  appearance  and  asked 
me  if  I  wanted  breakfast. 

The  reply  was  in  the  affirmative,  and  handing 
me  a  morning  paper,  she  said  if  I  would  "  read  a 
little  while,  breakfast  would  be  got  ready."  As  it 
was  still  quite  early  in  the  day,  and  I  was  in  no 
hurry,  I  went  out  into  the  store  and  again  en 
countered  the  boy  with  the  sore  eyet 

•"  How  far  is  it,  boy,  to  Mr.  Garfield's  place  and 
how  do  you  get  there  from  here  ?" 

"The  general's  place  is  about  two  and  a  half 
miles  from  here  and  we  take  people  up.  Do  you 
wish  to  go  up  ?  if  so,  I  will  take  you  in  a  buggy. 
Took  two  gentlemen  up  yesterday  and  was  there 
nearly  all  day.  Drove  them  over  to  Willoughby, 
so  they  could  take  the  evening  train  for  Cleve 
land." 


-»  i  ->  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

0 

As  I  wished  to  go  to  Cleveland  in  the  evening, 
I  inquired  if  I  could  not  come  back  and  take  the 
train  at  Mentor. 

"No,"  he  replied,  "the  express  for  Cleveland 
does  not  stop  here,  only  at  Willoughby,  four  miles 
below." 

The  boy  was  so  intelligent  and  pleasant  that  my 
prejudice  against  him  began  to  give  way,  and  I  al 
most  forgave  him  for  the  misfortune  of  his  sore!  eye. 

"  Breakfast  for  the  gentleman,"  said  a  cheery 
voice,  and  I  saw  at  the  door  for  a  moment  the 
head  of  the  stout  woman.  "  Thereupon  the  boy 
showed  me  in  with  all  the  dignity  of  a  landlord, 
the  stout  woman  all  the  while  apologizing  pro 
fusely  for  the  meagreness  of  the  breakfast.  The 
"  fresh  meat  had  not  come  down  from  Cleveland," 
where  they  got  it;  she  was  very  sorry.  I  did 
not  mind  this,  however,  as  there  were  plenty  of 
poached  eggs,  hot  biscuit,  fresh  butter,  coffee  and 
bread,  and  all  of  country  quality. 

After  breakfasting  I  examined  the  only  two 
pictures  the  room  boasted — rude  paper  cuts,  of  a 
frontiersman's  cabin  and  the  "Arkansas  Traveler." 
I  went  out  to  find  the  boy  all  ready  with  his  buggy 
to  convey  me  to  Garfield's  home. 

The  drive  was  over  a  flat  country,  which  had 
evidently  once  been  overflowed,  and  a  part  of  the 
bottom  of  the  lake — now  distant  about  two  miles. 
The  boy  told  me  all  about  it.  It  "was  Mentor  all 
along  there,  not  a  regular  town  but  a  thickly 


GEN.  GARFIELD'S  HOME,  MENTOR,  OHIO. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  *  T  ,- 

settled  neighborhood."  There  were  houses  every 
hundred  rods  or  so,  and  little  farms,  orchards  and 
gardens  around  them.  The  General,  as  Garfield 
was  called,  was  the  big  man  of  the  place,  and 
owned  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land. 
While  driving  along  the  Mentor  road  one  day  in 
1877,  ne  observed  the  quiet  country  beauty  of  the 
place,  and  thought  he  would  like  to  live  there. 
He  bought  one  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  and 
afterward  added  forty.  There  was  a  cottage  on 
the  ground,  and  it  made  a  very  comfortable  home 
for  the  family  until  the  general  went  to  Washing 
ton,  when  he  ordered  it  removed  and  a  better 
building  put  in  its  place. 

We  soon  arrived  at  Lawnfield  and  my  loqua 
cious  companion  deposited  me  in  front  of  the 
house.  I  went  to  a  little  office  just  behind  the 
house,  though  in  view,  and  inquired  for  the  general. 

"He's  out  on  the  farm/'  replied  one  of  the  two 
secretaries  busy  at  work  writing,  "I  will  go  and 
find  him." 

During  the  minute  the  secretary  was  absent  I 
examined  the  house  with  my  eyes.  It  was  two 
and  a  half  stories  high  and  in  an  unfinished  state. 

o 

The  walls  were  painted  white  and  relieved  by  a 
roof  of  a  dark  Turkish  red.  The  lawn  about  was 
liberally  dotted  with  fruit  trees,  in  the  spreading 
branches  of  one  of  which — a  cherry — a  boy  was 
busy  plucking  the  luscious  fruit.  Several  girls 
clustered  beneath  sharing  the  work  and  the  re- 


2  i  6  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

freshment.  A  double  row  of  noble  elms  was  in 
front  of  the  house  Not  far  off  I  noticed  goose 
berry  and  currant  bushes,  betokening  a  garden, 
and  just  back  of  the  house  beyond  the  office  a 
commodious-looking  barn. 

Subsequently  I  learned  other  particulars.    . 

The  cottage  that  stood  upon  the  place  when 
the  general  purchased  it  proved  altogether  too 
small  and  too  barren  of  conveniences.  A  Cleve 
land  architect  was  employed  for  the  metamor 
phosis.  He  decided  that  the  walls  could  be  raised 
and  the  building  enlarged  without  pulling  it  down. 
It  was  then  rebuilt  from  plans  prepared  by  Mrs, 
Garfield,  that  is,  in  this  way:  A  sketch  was  first 
drawn  by  the  architect;  this  Mrs.  Garfield  filled 
out  and  then  the  general  marked  in  various  direc' 
tions  with  a  bold  pen.  When  the  ideas  of  Mrs. 
Garfield  had  been  put  upon  paper  the  general 
indorsed  them  in  the  following  gentle  hint  to  the 
builders: 

"  These  plans  must  stand  as  above,  unless  otherwise 
ordered  hereafter.  If  any  part  of  them  is  impracticable,  in 
form  me  soon  and  suggest  change. 

"J.  A.  GARFIELD. 

"Washington,  March  6th,  1880." 

The  house  stands  upon  a  crest  or  ridge  and 
cannot  be  called  grand  in  any  sense  of  the  word, 
but  certainly  deserves  the  name  of  a  very  pleas 
ant,  comfortable-looking  country  home.  The  ar- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  o  j  g 

chitecture  is  composite,  the  Gothic  sentiment  pre 
vailing.  There  are  two  dormer  windows — one  in 
front  and  one  in  the  rear — and  a  broad  veranda 
extends  across  the  front  and  part  of  the  side 
toward  Cleveland,  affording  opportunities  to  enjoy 
the  breezes,  out  of  the  heat  of  the  sun.  Lattice 
work  has  been  arranged  for  trailing  vines.  The 
dimensions  are  sixty  feet  front  by  fifty  deep.  The 
apartments  are  all  roomy  for  a  country  house 
and  the  hallway  is  so  wide  that  it  attracts  atten 
tion  the  moment  you  enter.  The  first  floor  contains 
a  hall,  with  a  large  writing-table,  a  sitting-room, 
parlor,  dining-room,  kitchen,  wash-room  and  pan 
try.  This  last  on  the  plan  bears  the  generous 
indorsement  "plenty  of  shelves  and  drawers." 
Up-stairs  in  the  rear  part  of  the  second  floor  is  a 
room  that  on  the  plan  is  entitled  "snuggery  for 
general."  It  is  rather  small,  measuring  only  thir 
teen  and  a  half  by  fourteen  feet.  It  is  filled  up 
with  book  shelves,  but  it  is  not  intended  to  usurp 
the  place  of  the  library,  a  separate  building  out 
side  and  to  the  north-east  of  the  house.  Two  of 
the  best  apartments  in  the  eastern  and  front  part 
on  this  floor  are  especially  filled  up  for  occupancy 
of  the  general's  mother.  The  front  room  has  a 
large  old-fashioned  fire-place  and  the  greatest 
pains  have  evidently  been  taken  to  make  this 
room  a  Mecca  of  comfort. 

The    rooms   are    finished    in    hard  woods,  and 
everything  about  the  place,  while  plain  and  un- 


->2O  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

pretentious,  gives  it  an  appearance  of  quiet  com 
fort.  There  are  very  few  of  the  timbers  of  the 
old  house,  over  which  the  new  has  been  con 
structed,  visible  at  this  time,  and  there  will  be 
none  in  sight  when  the  carpets  are  laid  down. 
The  cost  of  the  structure  when  finished  will  be 
between  three  thousand  five  hundred  and  four 
thousand  dollars.  The  barn,  at  the  rear,  furnishes 
accommodations  for  the  two  carriage-horses,  the 
single  carriage-horse  and  the  heavy  working- 
team.  Of  the  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  com 
prising  the  farm,  the  yard,  garden  and  orchard 
take  up  about  twelve.  Some  seventy  acres  are 
under  tillage,  and  the  rest  are  in  pasture  and 
woodland. 

About  ten  minutes  slipped  away,  and  then  the 
tall,  broad-shouldered,  full-chested,  strongly-knit, 
six-foot-two-inch  form  of  Garfield  came  out  from 
between  the  buildings.  Two  telegraph  men  were 
with  him,  and  they  were  arranging  for  putting  a 
private  wire  into  his  office.  With  that  charming, 
unpretentious  politeness  for  which  he  is  distin 
guished,  he  asked  me  to  go  to  the  front  of  the 
house  and  sit  on  the  broad  veranda,  where  he 
said  we  would  find  it  much  cooler  and  pleasanter 
than  within  doors.  While  he  sat  on  the  porch,  I 
had  a  good  opportunity  to  read  and  study  the 
man.  His  head  is  massive  as  well  as  his  frame, 
and  his  brain  is  gigantic.  He  has  light  brown 
hair,  reddish-brown  beard,  large  blue  eyes  and  a 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

full,  round,  fair  face.  His  weight  is,  perhaps,  two 
hundred  and  forty  pounds.  He  dresses  plainly 
and  prefers  to  wear  a  soft,  slouch  hat,  with  a 
broad  brim. 

Visitors  who  come  unannounced,  often  find  him 
working  in  the  hay-field  with  his  boys,  with  his 
genial  face  sheltered  from  the  sun  under  a  big, 
chip  hat,  and  his  trousers  tucked  in  a  pair  of  cow 
hide  boots.  He  is  a  thorough  countryman,  by  in 
stinct.  The  smell  of  the  good,  brown  earth,  the 
lowing  of  cattle,  the  perfume  of  the  new  cut  hay 
and  all  the  sights  and  sounds  of  farm-life  are  dear 
to  him  from  early  associations. 

He  excused  himself  for  a  moment:  the  tele 
graph  men  needed  some  advice.  As  I  sat  there,  I 
recalled  some  of  the  many  things  concerning  the 
man  that  had  been  told  me  during  the  last  day  or 
two. 

I  could  easily  appreciate,  seated  on  his  veran 
da,  all  I  had  heard  about  his  fondness  for  the 
country ;  being,  as  I  saw  him  to  be,  essentially  a 
home  man,  and,  perhaps,  he  has  never  quite  ap 
preciated  the  possession  of  a  home  so  much  as  he 
does  now,  in  his  days  of  rest,  after  the  bustle  and 
excitement  of  the  past  few  weeks.  His  habits,  I 
am  told,  are  regular  and  methodical.  Rising  early, 
he  frequently  mounts  his  horse  and  goes  over  the 
farm,  directing  the  workmen  and  studying  out 
what  suggests  itself  as  a  needed  improvement. 
Quite  as  often,  instead  of  mounting  his  horse,  he 


322  LIFE  A^D  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

walks  about  the  place  and,  if  the  fever  seizes  him, 
jerks  off  his  coat  to  hold  the  plow  in  the  furrow, 
or  to  rake  hay.  It  reminds  him  of  old  times,  and 
is,  of  itself,  invigorating  exercise.  He  has  a  great 
taste  for  improvements,  and  has  made  something 
of  a  study  of  farming  since  his  early  experience 
as  a  practical  yeoman.  He  farms,  therefore,  sci 
entifically.  He  interests  himself  in  the  affairs  of 
the  village,  and  attends  the  Disciples'  Church, 
where  he  sometimes  speaks.  The  liberal  people 
of  Mentor  on  one  occasion  invited  him  to  say 
something  about  the  formation  of  a  Murphy  Tem 
perance  Society.  They  were  much  pleased  when, 
in  his  earnest,  impressive  way,  he  told  them  he  was 
not  a  believer  in  total  abstinence,  while  cautioning 
the  young  against  the  evil  of  immoderate  drink 
ing,  and  earnestly  urging  them  to  check  and  con 
trol  their  appetite. 

Garfield  was  fond  of  showing  visitors  over  the 
place,  and  especially  fond  of  taking  them  down  the 
lane  back  of  the  house  to  the  top  of  the  ridge,  and 
explaining  that  the  flat  space  below  was  once  a 
portion  of  Lake  Erie  before  the  blue  waters  re 
ceded  and  left  the  sand  and  wave-washed  pebbles 
on  the  top  of  the  ridge. 

He  is  a  hard  worker,  and  punctual  in  perform 
ance  of  promises  and  duty.  One  infallible  rule  of 
his  public  life  has  been  that  every  civil  letter,  on 
whatever  subject  or  from  whatever  source,  de 
mands  an  answer.  His  correspondence  has,  there- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

fore,  always  been  large  and  exacting.  The  very 
morning  of  my  arrival  ninety  letters  and  over  two 
hundred  papers  were  brought  to  the  house,  and 
before  night  there  were  as  many  more.  He  han 
dles  them,  however,  with  ease,  for  he  is  possessed 
with  what  William  Wirt  entitled  the  "  genius  of 
labor."  There  are  few  men  living,  or  who  ever 
lived,  that  can  or  could  endure  more  mental  work 
than  he,  and  do  good  work.  As  a  collegian, 
twenty  hours  without  sleep  was  common  with  him, 
and  not  one  of  the  twenty  but  had  its  stated  task 
of  work  or  recreation.  This,  mind  you,  is  all  done 
thoroughly.  His  work  on  the  Fitz  John  Porter 
case  involved  immense  labor,  and  the  references 
and  documents  relative  to  that  case,  piled  apart  in 
his  library,  at  Washington,  are  appalling  to  a  mind 
of  ordinary  grasp.  It  takes  all  of  one  large  closet 
to  contain  the  letters  received  and  answers  sent 
about  this  case,  which,  with  the  multitude  of  docu 
ments,  were  personally  examined  by  the  general. 

Most  of  the  letters  received  on  the  morning  of 
my  visit,  to  which  I  have  referred,  were  letters  of 
congratulation,  but  there  were  also  requests  for 
offices  in  the  event  of  an  election,  requests  for 
everything,  from  the  delicately-hinted  desire  of  a 
seat  in  the  new  cabinet  to  an  openly-demanded 
place  as  a  country  postmaster.  Others  were 
recommendations  for  some  of  those  who  asked, 
who  appeared,  indeed,  to  be  fit  for  anything  ever 
heard  of  beneath  the  broad  panoply  of  heaven, 


*<>*  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

O-"T 

and  still  others  were  full  of  political  advice  and 
suggestions. 

His  work  on  the  Fitz  John  Porter  case  recalled 
again  his  giant-like  capacity  for  mental  labor. 
But  few,  in  comparison  to  the  number  delivered, 
of  his  congressional  speeches,  have  obtained  wide 
circulation  in  print.  And  yet,  just  look  at  the 
titles  of  those  that  have  so  appeared  and  been  cir 
culated  : 

"Free  Commerce  between  the  States;"  "Na 
tional  Bureau  of  Education;"  "The  Public  Debt 
and  Specie  Payments;"  "Taxation  of  United  States 
Bonds;"  "Ninth  Census;"  "Public  Expenditures 
and  Civil  Service;"  "The  Tariff;"  "Currency  and 
the  Banks;"  "Debate  on  the  Currency  Bill;"  "On 
the  McGarrahan  Claim;"  "The  Right  to  Originate 
Revenue  Bills;"  Public  Expenditures;"  "National 
Aid  to  Education;"  "The  Currency;"  "Revenues 
and  Expenditures;"  "Currency  and  the  Public 
Faith;"  "Appropriations;"  "Counting  the  Elec 
toral  Vote;"  "Repeal  of  the  Resumption  Law;" 
"The  New  Scheme  of  American  Finance;"  "The 
Tariff;"  "Suspension  and  Resumption  of  Specie 
Payments;"  "Relation  of  the  National  Government 
to  Science,"  "Sugar  Tariff." 

What  a  record  this  is,  even  if  it  stood  alone ! 
What  American  statesman  can  show  a  better  list 
of  titles  ?  Does  it  not  read  like  a  table  of  con 
tents  to  the  speeches  of  Daniel  Webster?  And 
these  speeches  could  not  have  been  prepared  with- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  325 

out  ability,  knowledge  and  the  intent  of  a  states 
man  who  works  for  his  country's  good  to  animate 
their  purpose. 

They  were  the  results  of  his  deliberate  and  ac 
curate  foresight.  For  he  saw,  when  the  war  was 
over  and  reconstruction  a  fact,  that  American  poli 
tics  were  entering  upon  a  new  era.  No  man 
could  then  serve  the  nation  by  rehearsing  the  old 
anti-slavery  debates,  by  fighting  over  the  battles 
of  the  war  on  the  floors  of  Congress,  by  unduly 
prolonging  controversies  that  were  forever  settled. 
He  saw  that  what  the  country  needed  was  wise 
discussion  and  legislation  on  the  civil  service,  the 
revenue,  currency,  banking,  resumption  and  the 
hundred  other  questions  that  are  by  no  means 
sentimental,  that  do  not  appear  to  the  imagina 
tion,  but  are  dry,  statistical,  unpoetic  and  distaste 
ful  to  any  speaker  who  has  the  God-given  gift  of 
eloquence.  In  a  noble  speech  on  the  currency, 
delivered  in  1868,  Garfield  said: 

"  I  am  aware  that  financial  subjects  are  dull  and  uninviting 
in  comparison  with  those  heroic  themes  which  have  absorbed 
the  attention  of  Congress  for  the  last  five  years.  To  turn 
from  the  consideration  of  armies  and  navies,  victories  and  de 
feats,  to  the  array  of  figures  which  exhibits  the  debt,  expendi 
ture,  taxation  and  industry  of  the  nation,  requires  no  little 
courage  and  self-denial ;  but  to  these  questions  we  must  come, 
and  to  their  solution  Congress,  political  parties  and  all 
thoughtful  citizens  must  give  their  best  efforts  for  many  years 
to  come." 


326  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

One  would  not  suppose  that,  in  the  midst  of  the 
busy  life  incidental  to  such  public  duties  as  are 
lightly  suggested  above,  and,  later,  the  political 
leadership  of  the  House,  General  Garfield  found 
much  time  to  devote  to  society  and  literature,  yet 
he  has  for  a  long  period  been  an  active  and 
honored  member  of  the  Washington  Literary  So 
ciety,  an  organization  embracing  the  most  promi 
nent  men  and  women  in  music,  art  and  literature 
of  the  national  capital.  He  is  usually  present  at 
their  meetings,  and  takes  an  earnest  yet  modest 
part  in  their  discussions.  During  the  last  season 
he  was  president  of  the  society,  and  entertained 
the  members  at  his  house.  He  was  usually  ac 
companied  by  his  wife,  who  has  always  been  his 
companion,  counselor  and  friend. 

His  love  of  literature  was  early  manifested,  re 
ceived  a  great  impulse  while  at  Williams'  College, 
and  grew  steadily  while  professor  of  languages 
and  president  of  Hiram  College.  Even  now  his 
most  congenial  recreation  is  the  study  of  classical 
literature,  and  it  is  related  of  him  that  during  the 
busy  session  he  was  found  behind  a  big  barricade 
of  books,  which  proved  upon  examination  to  be 
different  editions  of  Horace,  and  works  relating  to 
that  poet.  "  I  find  Fam  overworked,  and  need 
recreation,"  he  said.  "  Now,  my  theory  is  that  the 
best  way  to  rest  the  mind  is  not  to  let  it  lie  idle, 
but  to  put  it  at  something  quite  outside  the  ordi 
nary  line  of  employment.  So,  I  am  resting  by 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


327 


learning  all  the  Congressional  Library  can  show 
about  Horace,  and  the  various  editions  and  trans 
lations  of  his  poems."  And  an  application  of  this 
theory  to  his  every-day  life  has  made  him  a 
student,  and  ripened  a  scholarship  rare  among 
public  men.  The  record  of  the  Congressional 
Library  shows  that  he  uses  more  books  than  any 
member  of  Congress.  The  number  of  volumes 
taken  from  the  library  last  year  and  read  and  ex 
amined  by  him,  has  never  been  exceeded  by  any 
man  who  ever  used  the  library  except  Charles 
Sumner.  He  reads  everything — histories,  novels, 
newspapers,  etc.,  and  a  wide  range  of  miscel' 
laneous  matter.  Outside  of  the  early  classics, 
Shakespeare  is  his  favorite  poet,  and  Tennyson  is 
oftener  in  his  hand  than  any  other  song-writer  of 
modern  times.  His  novel  reading  is  a  peculiarly 
happy  illustration  of  his  character,  as  it  is,  so  to 
speak,  confined  to  Thackeray,  Scott,  Dickens, 
Kingsley,  Jane  Austen  and  Honore  de  Balzac. 
His  books  all  bear  his  library  motto:  "Inter 
Folio  Fructus,"  "  Fruit  between  leaves." 

The  house  at  which  I  was  is  not  the  only  prop-  * 
erty  the  general  owns.  He  has  a  house  in  Wash 
ington.  Ten  years  ago,  finding  life  in  hotels  and 
boarding-houses  particularly  uncomfortable,  he 
bought  a  plot  on  the  corner  of  Thirteenth  and  I 
streets,  and  with  money  borrowed  from  a  friend,  he 
built  a  substantial  house.  The  money  was  repaid 
in  time,  and  was  probably  saved  in  great  part  from 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

what  would  otherwise  have  gone  to  landlords. 
Five  or  six  years  ago  the  cottage  at  Hiram  was 
sold,  and  for  a  time  the  only  residence  the  general 
had  in  his  district  was  a  summer  home  he  built  on 
Little  Mountain,  a  bold  elevation  in  Lake  County, 
which  commands  a  view  of  rich  farming  country 
along  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie.  I  suppose,  as  to 
his  other  possessions,  he  might  be  said  to  be  in 
comfortable  circumstances.  The  Washington 
house  is  owned  clear  of  incumbrances,  and  is  per 
haps  worth  between  ten  and  twelve  thousand  dol 
lars.  The  Mentor  Farm  is  valued  at  about  nine 
thousand  dollars,  but  as  yet  is  only  partly  paid 
for.  These  two  pieces  of  property,  with  the  Little 
Mountain  home,  form  his  whole  material  fortune, 
and  they  might  be  disposed  of  so  as  to  leave  him 
about  fifteen  to  eighteen  thousand  dollars  after 
paying  all  incumbrances.  The  money  with  which 
these  purchases  have  been  made  has  come  from 
his  Congressional  salary  and  his  practice  as  a  law 
yer,  mainly  in  the  Supreme  Court,  at  Washington, 
where  he  has  had  about  seven  cases  a  year. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


329 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  FAMILY  CIRCLE. 

MY  recollections  were  here  interrupted  by 
the  general,  who  came  to  excuse  him 
self,  saying  that  the  telegraph  men  would 
be  clone  with  him  in  a  few  minutes,  when  he  would 
be  at  my  service. 

Just  as  he  had  arranged  where  and  how  the 
wire  was  to  be  put  in,  an  old  friend  of  his  arrived 
and  wished  to  talk  with  him.  I  told  him  to  go  on, 
as  my  business  could  wait.  About  an  hour  was  so 
taken  up,  during  which  I  collated  something — I 
had  learned  about  his  Washington  residence. 

o 

This,  a  modest,  unpretentious  brick  mansion, 
plain  and  square  built,  stands,  as  I  have  said,  on 
the  corner  of  I  and  Thirteenth  Streets.  The 
house  is  square,  with  a  wing  on  the  east  side, 
comprising  dining-room  and  library.  The  parlor 
side-windows  look  out  upon  the  pleasing  prospect 
of  the  park,  while  the  front  commands  a  corner 
view  of  I  and  Thirteenth  Streets. 

On  entering  on  the  south  side,  the  parlor  is  on 
the  left.  It  is  small,  comfortably,  but  by  no  means 
lavishly  furnished.  An  upright  piano,  a  slate 
mantel,  a  solemn-looking  pair  of  Chinese  vases, 
three  feet  high ;  a  tall,  narrow  mirror,  reaching 


/,//-:£  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


almost  to  the  ceiling,  are  the  objects  your  eye  first 
rests  upon.  Then  you  note  that  the  ceiling,  as 
well  as  the  walls,  is  frescoed,  the  latter  in  indis 
tinct  panels,  the  ceiling  light,  with  gilt  borders. 
Just  over  the  grand  piano  hangs  a  picture  of  Gen 
eral  Garfield's  mother,  to  whom  he  is  most  devoted. 
The  face  is  small,  and  beams  benevolently  from  a 
snowy  cap.  Opposite  hangs  a  portrait  of  the  gen 
eral's  first  daughter,  a  face  of  surpassing  sweet 
ness.  Two  landscapes  —  a  farm  and  a  mountain 
subject—  count  two  more  on  the  walls,  and  under 
one  of  them  hangs  a  photograph  of  the  general  in 
camp,  taken  surrounded  by  his  officers,  who,  like 
himself,  are  in  undress  uniform.  A  few  choice  en 
gravings  complete  the  wall  decorations. 

To  the  right  you  are  tantalizingly  invited  to 
enter  and  rest  by  the  comfortable,  cozy  look  of  a 
small  sitting-room,  furnished  in  tasteful  modesty. 
A  small  walnut  mirror-mounted  desk,  table  and 
whatnot,  monopolizes  one  corner,  and  this  is 
strewn  with  books  that  make,  to  their  owner,  life 
worth  living. 

In  the  rear  of  this,  and  occupying  a  portion  of 
the  wing  is  a  somewhat  luxurious  dining-room, 
that  is,  it  is  luxurious  in  color  and  decoration. 
The  paper  is  a  rich  drab  and  brown,  set  off  by  a 
dado  of  Japanese  pattern.  Over  the  mantel  there 
hangs  a  relic  of  an  idea,  a  half  portrayed  inspira 
tion.  The  general  one  evening,  in  the  company 
of  some  literary  and  artistic  men,  in  the  course  of 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  33  T 

a  discussion  on  Shakespeare,  remarked  that  none 
of  the  illustrations  by  Falstaff  satisfied  his  concep 
tion.  An  artist  present  begged  him  to  describe 
his  ideal,  and  from  the  description  then  given  at 
tempted  the  picture  now  hanging  over  the  mantel. 
The  artist  dying  before  it  was  completed,  the  half- 
finished  sketch  was  framed  by  the  general  and 
placed  where  it  now  is.  The  finished  portion  em 
braces  the  figure  of  the  rollicking  knight  leaning 
his  right  arm  on  the  inn  table,  and  balancing  in 
his  left  hand  an  empty  glass.  In  the  background  the 
"drawer"  is  bringing  in  a  fresh  cup  of  sack.  The 
conception  is  quite  effective  even  in  its  present 
state.  On  the  opposite  wall  is  a  large  painting 
of  a  hunting  scene,  with  horses  and  slain  deer  in 
the  foreground.  Here  is  a  trout  very  cleverly 
painted,  there  a  walnut  sideboard,  and  yonder 
another  book-case  filled  to  bursting.  Over  it  is 
a  copy  of  "Love  or  Duty."  Much  of  the  furni 
ture  of  this  room  is  of  Austrian  bent  wood. 

The  particular  shrine  in  the  Garfield  home  to 
which  you  will  willingly  hasten  your  steps  is  the 
library,  situated  just  over  the  dining-room.  This 
is  the  man  of  energy's  workshop.  It  is  here  the 
student  and  the  scholar  lives.  It  is  here  the  poli 
tician  rests.  The  room  is  about  twenty-five  feet 
by  fourteen  feet,  three  of  its  windows  open  on  I 
Street  and  one  on  the  eastern  side.  The  carpet 
does  not  entirely  cover  the  floor,  a  three-foot  mar 
gin  of  stained  wood  is  visible  all  round.  Occupy- 


332 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


ing  the  centre  is  a  double  walnut  office  desk,  with 
the  addition  of  pigeon-holes,  and  boxes,  and 
drawers  on  one  end,  while  just  above  hangs  a 
heavy  chandelier.  It  is  very  evident  from  the  or 
derly  disorder  of  the  room  that  the  owner  cares 
far  more  for  immediate  convenience  than  general 
symmetry.  Half  a  dozen  book-cases  occupy  the 
available  space  around  the  walls,  and  three  thou 
sand  volumes  fill  their  shelves.  No  two  of  these 
cases  are  of  the  same  height,  width  or  make.  It 
suggests  to  the  visitor,  that  from  time  to  time,  as 
the  books  overflowed  their  limits,  another  case 
was  hastily  procured  in  which  to  accommodate  the 
surplus,  and  then  when  that  was  full  another  was 
added,  and  so  on.  And,  undoubtedly,  the  over 
flow  has  been  regular,  as  you  can  go  nowhere  in 
the  general's  home  without  coming  face  to  face 
with  books.  They  confront  you  in  the  hall  when 
you  enter,  in  the  parlor  and  the  sitting-room,  in 
the  dining-room  and  even  in  the  bath-room,  where 
documents  and  speeches  are  corded  up  like  fire 
wood.  And  what  is- a  wonderful  point  in  their 
owner's  favor,  there  is  not  one  trashy  volume 
among  them.  They  are  law,  history,  biography, 
poetry,  politics,  philosophy,  government  and  stand 
ard  works  of  all  sorts,  the  accumulation  of 
years  of  study  and  the  patient  research  of  the 
scholar. 

A  few  pictures  catch  the  eye  for  a  moment :  a 
portrait  of  Bismark,  a  gift  from  the  Iron  Count — 


JAMES  A.  GARHELD. 


333 


dereiserne  Graf- — himself;  one  of  General  Thomas, 
whom  Garfield  always  loved;  one  of  General  Sher 
man,  and  also  Professor  Agassiz  and  President 
Hopkins,  personal  friends. 

It  is  in  this  home  that  he  has  carried  on  his 
correspondence  with  his  friends,  and  here  he 
has  received  many  of  his  acquaintances.  The 
leading  officers  of  the  army  are  his  more  particular 
friends,  General  Sherman  notably  so.  He  still 
keeps  up  a  tender  friendship  for  his  old  com 
mander,  Rosecrans.  The  late  S.  P.  Chase  was  a  firm 
friend  of  his  and  was  often  his  guest.  Among 
his  correspondents  the  late  Dr.  Francis  Leiber  was 
one  of  the  favored,  as  he  received  during  his  life 
time  one  hundred  and  seven  letters  from  the 
general.  Among  those  who  correspond  with 
him  regularly  are  William  D.  Howells,  Professor 
Winchell,  of  Ann  Harbor,  and  Andrew  D.  White, 
President  of  Cornell  University,  and  at  present 
American  Minister  to  Berlin.  Professor  Hinsdale, 
of  Hiram,  is  also  one  of  the  regular  correspon 
dents.  These  are  but  a  few  of  the  many  who 
carry  on  active  intercourse  with  the  general,  and 
the  reader  can  imagine  to  himself  how  busy  this 
man  must  be,  what  a  world  of  labor  he  must 
carry,  Atlas-like  upon  his  broad  and  willing 
back. 

By  and  by,  the  old  man  came  out.  He  told  me, 
quite  confidentially,  that  he  had  come  for  the 
express  purpose  of  advising  the  general  about 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


the  conduct  of  the  campaign.  Bidding  him  good 
bye,  the  general  set  himself  down  beside  me 
and  announced  he  was  ready  to  have  his  life 
taken. 

Then  I  got  at  him  in  true  interviewer  fashion, 
and  he  submitted  most  gracefully. 

I  asked  him  for  a  copy  of  one  of  his  earlier 
sermons  or  religious  lectures. 

"I  have  no  copies/'  he  replied.  "I  did  not  write 
my  discourses  in  full,  but  merely  made  headings 
or  memoranda,  trusting  to  memory  and  the  in 
spiration  of  the  occasion  to  fill  them  out  properly. 
I  have  over  a  thousand  of  these  briefs,  but  it 
would  be  quite  as  difficult  to  fill  one  out  as  to 
write  a  new  discourse." 

He  then  brought  in  a  number  of  scrap-books, 
in  which  he  had  preserved  in  the  order  in  which 
they  had  been  delivered,  all  of  his  public  speeches. 
He  also  had  a  most  elaborate  index  to  everything 
he  had  ever  read,  which  must  be  invaluable  to  a 
man  hunting  particular  passages.  Let  me  illus 
trate  this.  Suppose  you  are  keeping  an  index  on 
General  Garficld's  principle.  You  have  been 
reading  that  brilliant  invective  against  treason  in 
Congress,  and  the  paragraph  on  coercion  strikes 
you  as  being  both  sound  and  well  worth  remem 
bering: 

"  No  statute  was  ever  enforced  without  coercion.  It  is  the 
basis  of  every  law  in  the  universe  —  human  or  divine.  A  law 
is  no  law  without  coercion  behind  it.  You  levy  taxes  — 


JAMES  A,   GARFIELD.  *  ^  ? 

O  v)  J 

coercion  secures  their  collection.  It  follows  the  shadow  of  the 
thief  and  brings  him  to  justice.  It  lays  its  iron  hand  on  the 
murderer,  tries  him  and  hangs  him.  It  accompanies  your 
diplomacy  to  foreign  courts  and  backs  the  declaration  of  the 
nation's  rights,  by  a  pledge  of  the  nation's  strength.  But  when 
the  life  of  the  nation  is  imperiled,  we  are  told  that  it  has 
no  coercive  power  against  the  paracides  in  its  own  bosom  !  !" 


This,  then,  you  enter  in  your  index  thus:  "Co 
ercion — under  the  Constitution.  Opinion  of  James 
A.  Garfield — Speech  upon  Treason  in  Congress, 
House  of  Representatives,  April  8th,  1864.  Vol. 

-,_page  -  -." 

This  the  general  has  done  for  all  the  books  he 
has  read,  and  the  reader  can  imagine  what  a  mine 
of  information  he  can  prove  on  any  subject  at  a 
moment's  notice.  This  system  also  permits  him 
to  hoard  to  advantage  fugitive  scraps  from  news 
papers,  and  in  its  maturity,  is  the  pro.duct  of  his 
thought.  He  ascribes  to  it  much  of  his  success  in 
extempore  speaking,  the  like  of  which,  for  wealth 
and  information,  and  glowing  illustration,  are  not 
heard  in  either  branch  of  Congress  to-day,  and 
have  not  been  for  many  years.  There  is  a  com 
mon-place  saying  in  the  reporters'  gallery,  that 
when  Garfield  chooses  to  cram  on  a  subject,  there 
is  no  man  in  Washington  who  can  stand  before 
the  deluge  of  facts  with  which  he  will  overwhelm 
all  opposition. 

In  these  books  there  were  many  hundreds  of 
pages  filled  with  scraps,  annotations,  picked  sen- 


336  ^''-£  ^'-0  ri'GLIC  CAREER  OF 

tences,  incidents  and  witticisms,  from  a  collectio 
of  authors  and  newspapers  representing  the  be; 
thought  in  literature,  ancient  and  modern,  of  a 
most  the  entire  world.  Besides  these  there  wei 
innumerable  thoughts  of  his  own  upon  the  inm 
merable  things  he  had  read  in  the  course  of  h 
prolonged  studies,  and  which  he  had  embalmed  i 
black  and  white  while  yet  the  "idea  divine"  ws 
warm  and  living  in  his  brain. 

"It  is  perfectly  astounding,"  said  the  genera 
"how  much  we  are  indebted  to  other  people  fc 
our  opinions.  Comparatively  few  men  or  wome 
take  the  trouble  to  think  for  themselves.  Mo: 
persons  frame  their  opinions  from  what  they  rea 
or  hear  others  say.  I  noticed  this  early  in  life,  bi 
never  saw  the  evil  of  it  until  I  went  to  Congres 
Committees  appointed  to  investigate  particuk 
subjects  would  meet  together,  and  no  one  woul 
say  much  at  first.  After  a  while  some  one  woul 
get  up  and  state  his  opinion  positively,  give  h 
reasons  for  thinking  so,  and  in  nine  cases  out  < 
ten  that  man's  opinion  would  be  adopted  as  th 
opinion  of  the  committee.  The  other  membe] 
either  had  not  or  did  not  care  to  investigate  tli 
matter,  and  rather  than  take  the  trouble  to  loo 
up  the  facts,  would  accept  this  member's  opinio 
as  their  own." 

It  was  this  that  had  made  him  such  a  close  sti 
dent,  and  caused  him  to  read  so  much  on  mattei 
that  affected  Congressional  legislation.  He  warne 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


very  one  against  the  pernicious  practice  of  taking 
ther  people's  opinions  as  correct,  and  holding 
lat  every  man  and  woman  should  try  and  find 
ut  the  fact  and  think  for  themselves. 
His  scrap-book  offered  abundant  evidence  that 
himself  followed  this  sound  advice.  All  were 
irranged  in  the  nicest  order,  and  through  the  en- 
ire  series  I  could  follow  the  trail  of  the  great  de 
bater's  readings  from  their  beginning  almost  to 
:he  present  time.  Thus,  for  the  year  1859,  I 
bund  the  first  annotation  on  financial  subjects. 
Fhese  are  at  first  somewhat  straggling,  .mixed  in 
vith  more  or  less  of  the  classic  poets.  Then  they 
Become  more  frequent,  until  finally  they  outnum- 
)er  all  other  topics,  and  are  full  of  "Tooke's  His- 
:ory  of  Prices,"  and  "Sir  Archibald  Allison,"  that 
vere  so  useful  when  Garfield  followed  Pig-Iron 
£elley  into  the  history  of  France  and  England  last 
vinter  and  fall,  to  the  discomfiture  of  the  old  man 
md  his  soft-money* friends.  Re-enforcing  his  scrap- 
x>ok,  the  general  has  a  large  case  of  pigeon-holes, 
lolding,  perhaps,  fifty  boxes;  labeled  "  The  Press," 
'French  Spoliation,"  "Tariff,"  "Geneva  Award," 
'General  Politics,"  "State  Politics,"  "Public  Men," 
'Parliamentary  Decisions,"  Anecdotes,"  "Elec- 
:oral  Laws  and  Commission,"  etc.,  etc.  These  are 
illed  with  the  choicest  references  and  bits  of  cur- 
*ent  literature  on  the  various  special  topics,  and 
ire  continually  replenished  from  every  product  of 
:he  printing  press. 


338  1-IFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

One  of  the  children  came  and  interrupted  us  * 
this  point.  The  general  took  the  child,  answere 
all  its  questions  and  then  tenderly  sent  it  awa 
with  "there,  my  darling,  go  now  and  play.'*  Jus 
then  Mrs.  Garfield  came  to  the  head  of  the  stair 
and  the  general  called  her  in.  After  introducing 
her,  he  put  his  arm  about  her  and  said,  laugh 
ingly,  "you  see,  my  dear,  I  am  having  my  lif< 
taken."  He  then  went  out  with  her,  Mrs.  Garfiek 
saying  she  wished  to  speak  to  him  about  som< 
household  affairs. 

Mrs.  Garfield  is  not  what  would  be  called  i 
pretty  woman,  but  she  is  tall,  fine-looking,  has  i 
kind,  good  face,  and  the  gentlest  of  manners.  She 
has  a  slight  but  well-knit  form ;  small  features 
with  a  somewhat  prominent  forehec-d,  and  hei 
black  hair,  crimped  in  front  and  done  up  in  a  mod 
est  coil,  is  slightly  tinged  with  gray.  A  pair  o 
black  eyes  and  a  mouth  about  which  there  plays 
a  sweetly  bewitching  smile  are  the  most  attrac 
tive  features  of  a  thoroughly  expressive  face 
She  is  a  quick  observer,  an  intelligent  listener 
but  undemonstrative  in  the  extreme.  When  the 
general  was  at  Chickamauga,  and  everybody  ai 
Hiram  was  painfully  anxious  to  get  the  latesi 
news  from  the  field  of  battle,  she  sat  quiet  anc 
patient  in  what  is  now  Professor  Hinsdale's  library 
and  was  able  to  control  the  inmost  emotions  thai 
swayed  her  breast. 

She   impressed  me  as  a  thoroughly   domestic 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

woman,  who  loves  her  home,  her  children  and  her 
husband.  Mary  Clemner  pays  her  the  following 
tribute : 

" She  has  'the  philosophic  mind'  that  Wordsworth  sings 
of,  and  she  has.a  self  poise,  ^strength  of  unswerving  absolute 
rectitude.  *  *  *  Much  of  the  time  that  other  women 

e  to  distributing  visiting-cards,  in  the  frantic  effort  to 
make  themselves  'leaders  of  society,'  Mrs.  Garfield  spends  in 
the  alcoves  of  the  Congressional  Library,  searching  out  books 
to  carry  home  to  study  while  she  nurses  the  children.  You 
may  be  sure  of  one  thing — the  woman  who  reads  and  studies 
while  she  rocks  her  babies  will  not  be  left  far  behind  by  her 
husband  in  the  march  of  actual  growth.  I  have  seen  many 
women  come  to  the  surface  of  capitolian  life  out  of  obscurity 
and  go  back  into  obscurity  again ;  have  seen  hundreds  of  so- 
called  'leaders  of  society'  shrivel  and  go  out  in  the  scorch 
ing  flame  of  fashion;  while  I  have  followed  with  a  tender 
heart  this  woman^the  wife  of  a  famous  man — a  woman  whom 
nobody  called  a  'leader.'  She,  meanwhile,  has  not  been 
lifted  off  her  feet,  as  many  women  are,  by  her  husband's 
rising  fortunes ;  no  '  spreading '  forth  in  style  of  dress  or 
living,  no  'airs.'  And  in  Washington,  in  official  life,  that 
means  everything — indicative  of  character.  She  has  moved 
on  in  the  tranquil  tenor  of  her  unobtrusive  way,  in  a  life  of 
absolute  devotion  to  her  duty ;  never  forgetting  the  demands 
of  her  position  or  neglecting  her  friends,  yet  making  it  her 
first  charge  to  bless  her  home,  to  teach  her  children,  to  fit 
her  boys  for  college,  to  be  the  equal  friend,  as  well  as  the 
honored  wife,  of  her  husband.  Gentle,  patient,  unobtrusive 
almost  to  timidity,  keenly  intelligent,  liberally  educated,  con 
scientiously  devoted  to  everything  good — this  is  the  woman 
who  will  perpetuate  the  loving,  consecrated  life  that  to-day 
abides  in  the  White  House,  if  as  its  mistress  she  enters  it." 

Of  Mrs.  Garfield  the  general  said  on  his  return, 
and  his  voice  had  a  touch  of  tenderness : 


340 


LIFE  AXD  Pl'lU.IC  C./A'/.V-.A'   OF 


"I  have  been  wonderfully  blessed  in  the  discretion  of  my 
wife.  She  is  one  of  the  coolest  and  best-balanced  women  I 
ever  saw.  She  is  unstampedable.  There  has  not  been  one 
solitary  instance  of  my  public  career  where  I  suffered  in  the 
smallest  degree  for  any  remark  she  ever  made.  It  would  have 
been  perfectly  natural  for  a  woi^an  often  to  say  something 
that  could  be  misinterpreted ;  but  without  any  design,  and 
with  the  intelligence  and  coolness  of  her  character,  she  has 
never  made  the  slightest  mistake  that  I  ever  heard  of.  With 
the  competition  that  has  been  against  me,  many  times  such 
discretion  has  been  a  real  blessing." 

She  has  borne  the  general  six  children.  The 
first,  a  daughter,  who  died  in  infancy.  Two  boys, 
Harry  Augustus  and  James  R.,  aged  seventeen 
and  fifteen  respectively,  are  studying  at  St.  Paul's 
School,  Concord,  N.  H.,  under  the  charge  of  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Coit.  Tlrey  entered  the  school  in  Sep 
tember  last,  and  have  already  proved  themselves 
sturdy,  manly  boys,  and  good,  faithful  students. 
At  the  close  of  the  school  this  year  (June  24th), 
Harry  won  the  prize  for  the  best  English  decla 
mation,  the  qualities  for  which  he  h^s  no  doubt 
inherited  from  his  father — the  Webster  of  the 
West.  The  boys  will  both  be  in  the  fifth  form 
next  year,  and  will  be  prepared  to  enter  college 
September,  iSSi.  The  third  child  is  Mary,  a 
rosy-cheeked,  laughing-eyed  girl  of  thirteen,  who 
is  called  "  Mollie "  by  everybody.  The  next  is 
Iryin  McDowell — so  named  as  a  sort  of  protest 
against  the  unwarranted  abuse  that  General  Mc 
Dowell,  Garfield's  close  friend,  received  during 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  341 

and  after  the  war.  The  boy  is  nine  years  old. 
The  youngest  is  aged  six,  and  named  Abram — 
after  his  grandfather.  This  is  the  boy  I  noticed 
up  in  the  cherry  tree,  as  I  waited  for  the  general 
on  my  arrival. 

"  Have  you  met  mother?"  asked  my  host. 

"  No,"  I  replied. 

"  Oh,  I  want  to  introduce  you  then  ;  you  must 
know  mother."  He  spoke  of  her  so  often, 
and  so  tenderly,  I  could  not  but  see  that  she  was 
constantly  in  his  thoughts. 

I  went  down-stairs  to  see  her.  She  is  a  very 
small  woman,  and  looks  almost  diminutive  beside 
her  stalwart  son.  She  is  seventy-nine,  quick  in 
her  movements,  and  in  full  possession  of  her 
mental  faculties.  She  is  thin,  white-haired,  rosy- 
cheeked,  and  has  a  prominent  nose — like  many 
another  who  has  adorned  the  pages  of  history. 

On  being  introduced  I  found  her  rather  reti 
cent.  She  seemed  to  be  most  concerned  about  the 
children  and  the  work  around  the  house,  that  it 
should  go  on  uninterruptedly  and  in  the  proper 
manner.  She  was  evidently  a  matter-of-fact, 
common-sense  old  lady,  and  I  could  not  but  adr 
mire  her,  remembering  her  sacrifices  for  her 
children,  and  how  she  had  cared  for  her  boy 
James,  laying  for  him  the  foundation  of  his 
present  eminence  when  she  counseled  him  to  "re 
member  his  God  and  study  books." 

She  did  not  once  express  the  least  surprise  at 
20 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


what  had  happened  at  Chicago,  nor  in  any  way 
refer  to  the  general  as  a  public  man.  She  called 
him  "  my  son,"  and  remarked  on  the  weather, 
their  new  place,  and  asked  if  I  was  married  and 
how  many  children  I  had.  I  could  not  get  her  to 
talk  about  politics  in  Washington,  and  I  do  not 
believe  she  is  over-well  pleased  with  her  son's 
nomination  for  President.  Of  course,  she  is 
proud  of  him,  and  desires  his  success,  but  he  was 
already  a  senator,  and  I  think  the  old  lady  would 
have  preferred  to  have  had  him  go  no  higher. 
Now  she  knows  he  will  be  away  from  their  rural 
home  most  of  the  time,  and,  pressed  by  public 
care  and  duty,  she  can  have  him  less  to  herself. 

When  informed  of  the  nomination,  Mother  Gar- 
field  and  the  general's  -wife  expressed  to  their  in 
timate  friends,  their  fear  that  there  was  now  "an 
end  to  privacy  for  several  years."  Neither  were 
surprised  from  newspaper  reading  of  the  outcome 
of  the  convention.  They  had  both  heard  the  talk 
about  the  general's  name,  but  had  hoped  it  meant 
nothing.  In  fact,  they  had  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  it  did  mean  nothing,  when  suddenly,  the  news 
came  that  he  was  nominated. 

While  I  was  talking  with  Mother  Garfield,  the 
general's  wife,  clad  in  a  plain,  calico  dress,  came 
in  with  a  work-basket,  and  sat  down  to  darn  the 
children's  stockings.  Presently,  it  began  to  rain, 
and,  to  my  surprise,  the  old  lady  went  out  bare 
headed,  and  brought  in  a  chair  off  the  lawn.  I 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  n  .- 

remonstrated,  and  desired  to  assist  her,  but  she 
only  laughed  and  said:  "Nevermind,  it  won't  hurt 
me." 

At  dinner,  everybody  was  hunted  up,  and  one  of 
the  general's  secretaries  said:  "It  is  the  general's 
orders  everybody  shall  come;  he  would  not  like  it 
if  any  one  went  away  hungry.'*  As  there  were 
five  or  six  of  us,  I  thought  it  something  of  an  im 
position,  and  began  to  apologize,  saying  I  could 
wait  until  I  got  to  Cleveland,  but  the  general  would 
not  hear  to  such  a  proposition,  so  I  went  in  and 
sat  down.  I  found  at  the  table  before  us  a  goodly 
company  of  a  dozen  guests,  among  whom  were 
Colonel  Rockwell,  a  school-mate  of  Garfield's,  as 
the  general  himself  informed  me,  with  his  wife, 
Hon.  A.  G.  Riddle,  of  Washington,  and  Major 
Bundy,  of  the  New  York  Mail;  both  these  gen 
tlemen,  like  myself,  engaged  in  writing  a  history  of 
Garfield's  life. 

I  sat  next  to  Mrs.  Garfield,  and  she  almost  im 
mediately  began  talking  about  the  army,  mention 
ing  her  cousin,  General  Ingalls,  and  asking^me  if 
I  had  not  often  met,  out  in  the  West,  an  old  friend 
of  hers  and  the  general's — General  Hazen. 

I  found  her  a  ready  and  charming  conversation 
alist,  and  withal,  so  easy,  modest,  gentle  and  at 
tentive  in  her  manner,  it  was  a  pleasure  to  be 
beside  her. 

The  children  had  a  separate  table,  near  Mrs. 
Garfield,  and  they  kept  constantly  speaking  to 


346 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


mamma,  and  breaking  in  on  her  conversation. 
One  of  these  wild,  romping  boys,  came  and  put 
ting  his  arm  around  her  neck,  whispered  in  her 
ear.  She  tried  to  quiet  them,  but  they  were  so 
full  of  life  and  spirits  they  would  not  be  still. 
Turning  to  me,  she  said: 

"  What  would  you  do  with  such  a  lot  ?" 
"  Let  them  alone,  and  bless  God  for  them." 
"  Ah,  you  have  children,"   she  continued,  and 
on   my  answering  in  the  affirmative,  she  asked 
about  them,  how  many  were  boys,  how  many  girls, 
and  then  their  respective  ages,  until  she  had  learnt 
all.     And  with  such  mutually  interesting  chat,  the 
dinner  hour  sped  rapidly  away. 

After  it  was  over,  I  went  with  the  general  to  his 
office,  where,  producing  a  handful  of  cigars,  and 
lighting  one,  he  talked  freely  of  many  things.  I 
asked  him  about  his  early  life,  and  he  spoke 
modestly  and  earnestly  of  his  struggles  with 
poverty.  The  sea  he  mentioned  enthusiastically, 
as  the  memory  of  his  first  fancies  came  over 
him. 

"  But  even  now,  at  times,  the  old  feeling  (the 
longing  for  the  sea)  comes  back,"  and,  walking 
across  the  room,  he  turned,  with  a  flashing  eye: 
"  I  tell  you  I  would  rather  now  command  a  fleet 
in  a  great  naval  battle  than  do  anything  else  on 
this  earth.  The  sight  of  a  ship  often  fills  me  with 
a  strong  fascination,  and  when  upon  the  water, 
and  my  fellow-landsmen  are  in  the  agonies  of  sea- 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


347 


sickness,  I  am  as  tranquil  as  when  walking-  the 
land  in  the  serenest  weather." 

I  saw  from  his  conversation  *he  thought  I  had 
been  raised  in  a  city  or  town,  and  knew  nothing  of 
farm-life.  I  did  not  then  undeceive  him,  for  I 
wished  to  hear  his  story,  but  after  he  had  finished, 
I  remarked : 

"  I  know  all  about  that,  and  how  hard  it  is ;  for 
I  have  been  through  it  all." 

"  Ah,"  he  exclaimed,  "  then  you  were  raised  on 
a  farm." 

"  Yes,  and  a  poor  one  at  that,  at  the  foot  of  the 
Alleghany  Mountains,  where  we  all  had  to  scratch 
to  get  a  living." 

Laughing  heartily,  he  said,  musingly : 

"  Tell  me,  now,  do  you  think  we  can  raise  men 
for  high  positions  ?  There  are  my  boys,  I  am 
educating  them  carefully,  but  I  can't  tell  if  they 
will  ever  be  heard  of,  and  I  question  it.  No  doubt 
you  will  do  the  same  with  your  boys — but  will 
they  rise  in  the  world?  Won't  it  happen  that 
some  poor  and  obscure  little  fellow,,  who  has  to 
scratch  for  every  inch,  will  run  ahead  of  them  and 
come  to  the  front,  while  they  will  pass  away  un 
known  to  fame  ?" 

"  That  is  nearly-always  the  case." 

"  So  it  is ;  and  it  makes  me  wonder  if  tender 
rearing  of  boys,  and  giving  them  an  elaborate 
education,  is  so  much  of  a  benefit  to  them,  after 
all." 


348 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


One  of  the  lads  about  whom  we  had  been  talk 
ing  came  in  at  the  moment,  to  say  the  workmen 
who  were  building  a  fence  about  the  yard  wished 
to  see  the  general.  He  put  on  his  hat  and  went 
out,  first  giving  me  his  scrap-books,  and  asking 
me  to  amuse  myself  by  looking  them  over  until 
his  return.  He  stayed  so  long,  I  lit  a  cigar 
and  went  down  into  the  hall  to  smoke.  While  I 
was  waiting,  the  same  boy  came  back  and  told  his 
mother,  papa  wanted  to  see  her  about  the  fence. 
She  put  on  a  hat  and  went  out,  and  on  going  to 
the  door,  I  saw  the  general  was  himself  helping 
the  workmen  with  the  palings  and  posts.  Seeing 
me,  he  seemed  to  remember  he  had  left  me  wait 
ing,  and  at  once  came  up  to  excuse  himself:  "You 
see  we  have  a  new  place  here,  and  I  am  trying  to 
get  it  fixed  up.  I .  came  here  expecting  to  spend 
a  quiet  vacation,  and  when  the  nomination  at  Chi 
cago  dropped  on  me,  it  found  us  all  up-side  down. 
So  many  people  are  coming  constantly,  I  want  to 
get  it  in  order,  and  am  pushing  it  all  I  can  by 
superintending  the  work  personally." 

He  then  offered  to  go  up  to  the  office  again  and 
give  me  all  the  time  wanted  of  him,  but  1  excused 
him,  saying  I  thought  I  had  taken  up  quite  enough 
of  his  day  already. 

He  expressed  great  willingness  to  attend  to 
me,  but  said  if  I  did  not  want  him  he  would 
go  up-stairs  and  do  some  writing.  I  went  up 
with  him  to  get  my  hat,  and  he  pointed  to  a 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  349 

sheet  of  paper  lying  on  his  desk  which  I  saw, 
from  the  different  headings  and  divisions,  was  the 
outline  of  his  letter  of  acceptance,  and  that  he  was 
hunting  up  authorities  which  he  wished  to  consult 
in  preparing  it. 

"A  tough  job,"  I  ventured. 

"Yes,'*  he  replied,  laughing,  "rather  a  tough 
job,"  and  with  that  I  left  him  to  his  work,  the  gen 
eral  seeing  me  to  the  door  and  bowing  me  out. 

Twice  during  the  afternoon  he  came  to  ask  if 
there  was  anything  further  he  could  do  to  serve  or 
oblige  me,  and,  on  being  assured  there  was  not, 
he  went  off  to  attend  to  other  matters. 

At  five  my  young  man  with  the  sore  eye  came 
to  drive  me  to  the  depot,  and  I  went  to  bid  the 
general  good-bye.  He  said  he  did  not  like  me  to 
leave  without  supper,  and  invited  me  to  stay,  but  I 
declined  in  order  to  catch  the  train.  He  then 
called  his  wife,  saying,  "  Come,  mother,  and  bid  the 
general  good-bye."  I  spoke  to  her  of  the  impend 
ing  election :  "  I  suppose  we  will  see  you  in 
Washington  next  winter?" 

"  Oh  yes,"  she  replied,  "  you  know  we  go  there 
any  way  to  attend  the  sessions  of  Congress." 

"  I  hope  we  shall  see  you  in  the  White  House, 
Mrs.  Garfield,"  remarked  a  gentleman  who  was 
leaving  with  me. 

"Thank  you,"  she  replied,  and  laughing  quite 
heartily  added,  "  we  shall  know  better  about  that 
by  and  by." 


350 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


The  general  went  with  us  to  the  carriage  and 
extending  his  great  hand  shook  each  of  us 
heartily  by  the  hand,  telling  some  to  come  and  see 
him  in  Washington,  asking  others  to  write,  and 
telling  me  to  be  sure  and  send  him  a  copy  of  my 
book  with  "  the  author's  compliments "  upon  the 
fly-leaf. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  - 

O  J  * 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

TWO    PEN   PORTRAITS. 

HIS  home  is  about  half-way  between  Men 
tor  and  Willoughby,  so  that  we  had  but 
two  miles  to  drive  to  the  station.  About 
a  mile  and  a  half  west  of  his  home  is  a  curiosity 
in  the  shape  of  Joe  Smith's  first  Mormon  temple. 
It  is  a  plain,  but  queer-looking  structure,  that 
served  its  purpose  for  a  while,  now  only  a  curi 
osity  almost  useless.  This,  however,  did  not  de 
tain  me.  It  was  but"  a  speck  in  the  landscape 
of  a  country  that  was  quite  attractive  and  enabled 
me  to  realize  why  the  general  wished  to  reside 
away  from  the  city's  bustling  walls.  His  hard 
student  life  and  the  incessant  cares  of  public  duty 
in  Washington  could  all  be  left  behind,  and  he 
always  hastens  to  his  home  when  Congress  ad 
journs.  The  house  is  sufficiently  lonely  to  be  out 
of  the  way  of  idlers  or  mere  curiosity  callers,  and 
few  would  break  in  upon  the  rest  of  the  great 
statesman,  unless  they  were  called  thither  by  im 
perative  business.  He  needs  rest  and  leisure  to 
prepare  himself  for  the  winter  sessions  of  Con 
gress  at  Washington,  and  from  the  midst  of  this 
beautiful  scenery  he  returns  each  year  to  the 
capital  thoroughly  invigorated. 


352 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


My  youthful  companion  spoke  eloquently  of 
the  general  and  seemed  most  anxious  to  convince 
me  that  Garfield  was  really  a  great  man.  I  asked 
him  if  the  general  was  very  popular  with  the  peo 
ple  of  that  section,  and  he  replied:  "Well,  I 
should  say  so,  why  they  are  all  going  to  vote  for 
him."  From  others  I  learned  about  the  same 
thing,  and  came  to  the  conclusion,  that  if  a  man  is 
best  judged  by  the  opinions  of  those  among 
whom  he  has  lived,  General  Garfield  is  peculiarly 
fortunate.  From  one  end  of  his  district  to  an 
other,  among  Republicans  and  Democrats  alike, 
no  one  speaks  of  him  but  in  the  language  of 
praise,  respect,  love  and  admiration.  The  same 
statement  applies  in  a  large  degree  to  the  State. 
But  in  his  own  district,  among  his  old  friends  and 
neighbors,  he  stands  as  a  synonym  for  all  that  is 
manly,  good  and  honest.  The  reader  has  men 
tally  photographed  him  from  what  I  have  related 
above.  He  is  equally  interesting  as  others  see 
him.  George  Alfred  Townsend  drew  this  picture 
of  him  in  the  Cincinnati  Enquirer  : 

"The  writer  has  known  General  Garfield  pretty  well  for 
thirteen  years.  He  is  a  large,  well-fed,  hale,  ruddy,  brown- 
bearded  man,  weighing  about  two  hundred  and  twenty 
pounds,  with  Ohio  German  colors,  blue  eyes,  military  face, 
erect  figure  and  shoulders,  large  back  and  thighs,  and 
broad  chest,  and  evidently  bred  in  the  country  on  a  farm. 
His  large  mouth  is  full  of  strong  teeth ;  his  nose,  chin  and 
brows  are  strongly  pronounced.  A  large  brain,  with  room 
for  play  of  thought  and  long  application,  rises  high  above  his 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

clear,  discerning,  enjoying  eyes.  He  sometimes  suggests  a 
country  Samson — strong  beyond  his  knowledge,  but  un 
guarded  as  a  school-boy.  He  pays  little  attention  to  the 
affectation  by  which  some  men  manage  public  opinion,  and 
has  one  kind  of  behavior  for  all  callers,  which  is  the  most 
natural  behavior  at  hand.  Strangers  would  think  him  a  little 
cold  and  mentally  shy.  On  acquaintance  he  is  seen  to  be 
hearty  above  everything,  loving  the  wife  around  him,  his 
family,  his  friends,  his  State  and  country.  Loving,  sympa 
thetic  and  achieving  people,  and  with  a  large,  unprofessing 
sense  of  the  brotherhood  of  workers  in  the  fields  of  progress, 
it  was  the  feeling  of  sympathy  and  the  desire  to  impart  which 
took  him  for  chief,  while  as  to  the  pulpit,  or  on  the  verge  of 
it,  full  of  all  that  he  saw  and  acquired,  he  panted  to  give  it 
forth  after  it  had  passed  through  the  alembic  of  his  mind. 
Endowed  with  a  warm  temperament,  copious  expression, 
large,  wide-seeing  faculties  and  superabundant  health,  he 
could  study  all  night  or  lecture  all  day,  and  it  was  a  provi 
dence  that  his  neighbors  discovered  that  he  was  too  much  of 
a  man  to  conceal  in  the  pulpit,  where  his  docility  and  rever 
ence  had  almost  taken  him.  They  sent  him  to  the  State 
Legislature,  where  he  was  when  the  war  broke  out,  and  he 
immediately  went  to  the  field,  where  his  courage  and  pains 
taking  parts  and  love  of  open-air  occupation,  and  perfect 
freedom  from  self-assertion  made  him  the  delight  of  Rose- 
crans  and  George  H.  Thomas  successively.  He  would  go 
about  any  work  they  asked  of  him;  was  unselfish  and  enthu 
siastic,  and  had  steady,  temperate  habits,  and  his  large  brain 
and  reverence  made  everything  novel  to  him. 

"There  is  an  entire  absence  of  nonchalance  or  worldliness 
in  his  nature.  He  is  never  indifferent,  never  vindictive.  A 
base  action  or  ingratitude  or  cruelty  may  make  him  sad,  but 
does  not  provoke  retaliation  or  alter  that  faith  in  men  or 
Providence  which  is  a  part  of  his  sound  stomach  and  athletic 
head.  Garfield  is  as  simple  as  a  child  ;  to  the  serpent's  wis 
dom  he  is  a  stranger.  Having  no  use  nor  aptitude  with  the 


354 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


weapons  of  coarser  natures,  he  often  avoids  mere  disputes, 
does  not  go  to  the  public  resorts  where  men  are  familiar  or 
vulgar,  and  the  walk  from  his  home  in  Washington  to  the 
Capitol,  and  an  occasional  dinner  out,  comprise  his  life. 
The  word  public  servant  especially  applies  to  him.  He  has 
been  the  drudge  of  his  State  constituents,  the  public,  the 
public  societies  and  the  moral  societies  of  his  party  and  coun 
try,  since  1863.  Aptitude  for  public  debate  and  public 
affairs  are  associated  with  a  military  nature  in  him.  He  is  on 
a  broad  scale  a  school-master  of  the  range  of  Gladstone,  of 
Agassiz,  of  Gallatin. 

"With  as  honest  a  heart  as  ever  beat,  above  the  competitors 
of  sordid  ambition,  General  Garfield  has  yet  so  little  of  the 
worldly  wise  in  him  that  he  is  poor,  and  yet  has  been  accused 
of  dishonesty.  He  has  no  capacity  for  investment,  nor  the 
rapid  solution  of  wealth,  nor  profound  respect  for  the  penny 
in  and  out  ot  pound,  and  still,  is  neither  careless,  improvident 
nor  dependent.  The  great  consuming  passions  to  equal  richer 
people  and  live  finely  and  extend  his  social  power  is  as  foreign 
to  him  as  scheming  or  cheating.  But  he  is  not  a  suspicious  nor 
a  high-mettled  man,  and  so  he  is  taken  in  sometimes,  partly 
from  his  obliging,  unrefusing  disposition.  Men  who  were 
scheming  imposed  upon  him  as  upon  Grant  and  other  crude- 
eyed  men  of  affairs.  The  people  of  his  district,  who  are 
quick  to  punish  public  venality  or  defection,  heard  him  in 
his  defense,  in  1873,' and  kept  him  in  Congress  and  held  up 
his  hand,  and  hence  he  is,  by  their  unwavering  support  for 
twenty-five  years,  candidate  for  president  and  a  national 
character.  Since  John  Quincy  Adams,  no  president  has  had 
Garfield's  scholarship,  which  is  equal  up  to  this  age  of  wider 
facts.  The  average  American,  pursuing  money  all  day  long, 
is  now  presented  to  a  man  who  had  invariably  put  the  busi 
ness  of  others  above  his  own,  and  worked  for  that  alleged 
nondescript — the  public  gratitude — all  his  life.  But  he  has 
not  labored  without  reward.  The  great  nomination  came 
to-day  to  as  pure  and  loving  a  man  as  ever  wished  well  of 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

anybody  and  put  his  shoulder  to  his  neighbor's  wheel. 
Garfield's  big,  boyish  heart  is  pained  to-night  with  the  weight 
of  his  obligation,  affection  and  responsibility.  To-day,  as 
hundreds  of  telegrams  come  from  everywhere,  saying  ki-nd, 
strong  things  to  him — such  messages  as  only  Americans,  in 
their  rapid,  good  impulses,  pour  upon  a  lucky  friend — he  was 
with  two  volunteer  clerks  in  a  room,  opening  and  reading, 
and  suddenly  his  two  boys  sent  him  one — little  fellows  at 
school — and  as  he  read  it  he  broke  down,  and  tried  to  talk, 
but  his  voice  choked  and  he  could  not  see  for  tears.  The 
clerks  began  to  cry,  too,  and  people  to  whom  they  after 
ward  told  it.  This  sense  of  real  great  heart  will  be  new  to 
the  country,  and  will  grow  if  he  gets  the  presidency. 

"He  is  the  ablest  public  speaker  in  the  country,  and  the 
most  serious  and  instructive  man  on  the  stump ;  his  instincts, 
liberal  and  right ;  his  courtesy,  noticeable  in  our  politics ; 
his  aims,  ingenuous,  and  his  piety  comes  by  nature.  He 
leads  a  farmer's  life,  all  the  recess  of  Congress,  working 
like  a  field  hand,  and  restoring  his  mind  by  resting  it. 
If  elected,  he  will  give  a  tone  of  culture  and  intelli 
gence  to  the  executive  office  it  has  never  yet  had,  while 
he  has  no  pedantry  in  his  composition,  and  no  conceit 
whatever. ' ' 

A  more  elaborate  analysis  of  the  man  was  made 
by  Professor  B.  A.  Hinsdale,  President  of  Hiram 
College: 

"His  power  of  logical  analysis  and  classification  is  very  great; 
of  rhetorical  exposition  hardly  surpassed.  He  excels  in  the 
patient  accumulation  of  facts,  and  in  striking  generalizations. 
As  a  student,  he  loves  to  roam  in  every  field  of  activity.  He 
delights  in  poetry  and  other  works  of  the  imagination  ;  loves 
the  abstruse  things  of  philosophy;  takes  keen  interest  in 
scientific  research ;  gathers  into  his  store-house  the  facts  of 
history  and  politics,  and  throws  over  it  all  the  life  and  ^ 


35<5 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


warmth  of  his  own  originality.  Of  course,  he  is  not  a  Srali- 
ger,  a  Des  Cartes,  a  Newton ;  no  man  in  public  life — not 
even  Gladstone — can  be  these.  But  his  general  culture  is 
broad,  deep,  and  generous.  He  has  the  best  instincts  and 
habits  of  the  student  and  the  scholar.  Probably  no  man  in 
Congress  these  twelve  years  past  has  more  won  upon  our 
scientists,  our  scholars,  and  our  men  of  literature.  He  was 
the  friend  of  Henry  and  of  Agassiz  :  he  is  the  friend  of  How- 
ells,  of  Lowell,  and  of  Parkman.  Withal,  he  is  an  orator. 
He  has  not  the  massive  grandeur  of  Webster,  the  brilliant 
declamation  of  Clay,  or  the  fervid  passion  of  Henry.  But  his 
speeches  are  strong  in  fact,  ribbed  with  principle,  lucid  in 
argument,  polished  in  diction,  rich  in  illustration,  and  warm 
with  the  vital  power  of  a  noble  heart. 

"His  moral  character  is  the  fit  crown  to  his  physical  and 
intellectual  nature.  No  man  has  a  kinder  heart  or  a  purer 
mind.  His  generosity  of  nature  is  unstinted;  all  his  life, 
public  and  private,  is  marked  by  great  unselfishness.  For  the 
most  part,  he  has  neglected  material  acquisition;  but  his 
means,  as  well  as  his  time  and  talents,  are  at  the  call  of  those 
who  need  them.  I  fearlessly  say  that  the  nearer  men  have 
come  to  General  Garfield  the  greater  has  been  their  confi 
dence.  I  may  say  that  he  has  inspired  unusual  respect  and 
faith  in  all  large-minded  and  generous  men  without  regard  to 
politics.  He  has  commanded  success.  His  ability,  knowl 
edge,  mastery  of  questions,  generosity  of  nature,  devotion  to 
the  public  good,  and  honesty  of  purpose  have  done  the  work. 
He  has  never  had  a  political  '  machine.'  He  has  never  for 
gotten  the  day  of  small  things. 

"  I  am  far  from  indorsing  all  of  General  Garfield's  public 
acts.  Those  who  know  me  will  hardly  charge  me  with  being 
a  fulsome  eulogist.  He  has  said  and  done  some  things  that  I 
have  been  sorry  to  have  him  say  and  do.  He  has  failed  to 
say  and  do  some  others  that  I  have  had  much  at  heart.  But 
this  I  see :  He  has  served  the  public  with  conspicuous  ability 
and  a  single  eye.  He  has  moved  all  the  time  in  the  right  di- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

rection.  He  has  striven  to  make  the  public  service  clean  and 
honorable;  to  make  the  government  one  of  statesmen  and 
patriots,  not  of  demagogues  and  place-men ;  and  in  every 
way  to  dignify  and  ennoble  the  republic. 

"A  newspaper  man  from  a  distant  city  asked  me  the  other 
day  :  '  How  do  you  explain  the  common  lack  of  confidence 
in  Mr.  Garfield's  courage?'  I  said:  'Who  doubts  his 
courage  ?'  He  answered  that  he  had  heard  in  Washington 
and  in  other  places  that  he  lacked  backbone.  A  few  ques 
tions  revealed  that  those  who  held  this  opinion  thought  that 
he  did  not  denounce  '  the  Solid  South'  with  sufficient  sever 
ity,  and  was  not  properly  active  in  stirring  up  the  brigadiers. 
If  I  may  parody  Madame  Roland,  '  O  courage,  what  folly  is 
committed  in  thy  name!'  I  have  known  a  minister  of  the 
Gospel  to  be  called  a  coward  because  he  could  recognize  the 
worth  of  those  who  did  not  worship  in  his  conventicle. 
Similarly,  eager  partisans  charge  with  cowardice  the  man  who, 
loyal  to  his  own  convictions  of  truth  and  duty,  dares  to  think 
and  act  for  himself.  In  both  cases  what  is  called  cowardice  is 
the  genuine  moral  courage.  To  go  with  the  stream — to  bless 
with  your  sect  or  to  hurrah  with  your  party — is  slight  proof 
of  courage;  but  to  stand  out  by  yourself  in  moral  isolation, 
to  bear  the  jibes  of  those  whom  you  call  your  brethren,  is  a 
very  high  proof  of  character.  Such  a  man  is  General  Gar- 
field.  He  has  uttered  many  noble  words ;  but  none  nobler 
than  these,  spoken  in  the  Ohio  Senate  Chamber  just  after  his 
late  election  : 

"'Let  me  venture  to  point  a  single  instance  in  regard  to 
that  work.  During  the  twenty  years  that  I  have  been  in  pub 
lic  (almost  eighteen  of  it  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States),  I  have  tried  to  do  one  thing.  Whether  I  was  mis 
taken  or  otherwise  it  has  been  the  plan  of  my  life  to  follow  my 
convictions,  at  whatever  personal  cost  to  myself.  I  have  rep 
resented  for  many  years  a  district  in  Congress  whose  approba 
tion  I  greatly  desired,  but  though  it  may  seem  perhaps  a 
little  egotistical  to  say  it,  I  yet  desired  still  more  the  appro- 


-1-8  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

O  \} 

bation  of  one  person,  and  his  name  was  Garfield.  He  is  the 
only  man  that  I  am  compelled  to  sleep  with,  and  eat  with, 
and  live  with,  and  die  with,  and  if  I  could  not  have  his  appro 
bation,  I  should  have  bad  companionship.' ' 

It  is  not  necessary  to  supplement  these  with 
the  eulogy  of  the  general  pronounced  by  my 
young  companion.  It  was  terminated  by  my 
arrival  at  the  station. 

The  train  was  there  and  an  hour  later  drew 
into  the  beautiful  Lake  City  of  Cleveland. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

PREPARING    FOR    BATTLE. 

THE  National  Convention  of  the  Republican 
Party  that  nominated  James  A.  Garfield 
for  the  Presidency,  was  one  of  the  most 
important  political  conventions  ever  held  in  this 
country.  Aside  from  the  ever-interesting  issue  of  a 
national  convention — a  nominee — this  convention 
was  the  battle-ground  on  which  several  questions 
of  the  utmost  importance  to  political  life  in  this 
country  were  settled  only  at  the  conclusion  of  a 
hard-fought  struggle.  The  unit  rule,  the  third- 
term  issue,  district  representation,  and  the  still 
more  vital  issue  of  party  managers  trampling  on 
popular  wishes  and  opposing  the  will  of  those  who 
placed  them  in  power,  made  up  a  total  of  interest 
never  before  equaled  in  the  history  of  the  party. 
The  struggle  surpassed  in  fierceness  the  bitterest 
fights  on  record.  A  brief  history  of  this  conven 
tion  is,  therefore,  valuable  for  present  reading,  as 
it  furnishes  many  a  lesson  for  the  campaign,  and 
most  happily  illustrates  the  peculiar  fortunes  of 
General  Garfield,  who,  while  ever  in  patient  wait 
ing,  has  had  his  long  succession  of  honors  seek 
him  openly.  It  is  a  curious  story  of  cause  and 
effect. 

21 


»5o  LIF&  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

TJie  convention  assembled  in  the  Exposition 
Building,  at  Chicago,  on  June  2d.  The  great  men 
of  the  party  were  all  there,  and  the  list  of  those 
who  held  seats  is  as  follows : 

ALABAMA. — George  Turner,  J.  H.  Thomaston,  B.  S.  Tur 
ner,  G.  H.  Brayton,  James  Gillette,  Allen  Alexander,  Paul 
Strobach,  G.  W.  Washington,  J.  Heyman,  William  Young- 
blood,  W.  J.  Stevens,  J.  T.  Rapier,  L.  E.  Parsons,  H.  C. 
Bryant,  W.  S.  Byrd,  N.  W.  Tremble,  R.  A.  Mosley,  A. 
Bingham,  A.  McCulloch,  J.  M.  Hines. 

ARKANSAS. — S.  W.  Dorsey,  M.  W.  Gibbs,  H.  P.  Robinson, 
S.  H.  Holland,  J.  H.  Johnson,  O.  A.  Hadley,  Powell  Clay 
ton,  O.  P.  Snyder,  Jacob  Tireber,  James  K.  Barnes,  J.  A. 
Barnes,  Ferdinand  Havis. 

CALIFORNIA. — J.  C.  Wilmerding,  Samuel  Mosgrove,  J  K. 
Doak,  Creed  Raymond,  E.  A.  Davis,  Joseph  Russ,  Alexander 
D.  Sharon,  Socrates  Huff,  H.  T.  Fairbanks,  John  Mansfield, 
D.  S.  Paine,  F.  M.  Pixley. 

COLORADO. — Ex-Governor  Rosett,  Amos  Sleek,  J.  A.  El- 
lett,  L.  Head,  George  T.  Black,  M.  M.  Megure. 

CONNECTICUT. — Henry  C.  Robinson,  John  M.  Douglass, 
Augustus  Brandagee,  Samuel  Fessenden,  Andrew  S.  Upson, 
William  M.  Corbin,  Hobart  B.  Bigelow,  William  C.  Hough, 
Daniel  Chadwick,  Jeremiah  Olney,  Edgar  S.  Tweedy,  N.  T. 
Baldwin. 

DELAWARE. — Christian  Febiger,  Levi  R.  Clarke,  N.  B. 
Smithers,  James  R.  Lofland,  Benjamin  Burton,  Albert  Curry. 

FLORIDA.— W.  W.  Hicks,  F.  C.  Humphreys,  E.  J.  Alex 
ander,  R.  E.  Smith,  Joseph  E.  Lee,  V.  J.  Shipman,  Sherman 
Conant,  James  Dean. 

GEORGIA.— E.  C.  Wade,  J.  F.  Long,  W.  A.  Pledger,  Ed 
win  Belcher,  L.  B.  Toomer,  Floyd  Snelson,  B.  F.  Brimberry, 
John  Fow,  Jack  Brown,  Elbert  Head,  R.  D.  Lock,  J.  C. 
Beall,  A.  E.  Buck,  H.  A.  Rucker,  W.  W.  Brown,  J.  B.  De- 


JAMES  A.   CARFIELD. 

veaux,  A.  M.  Middlebrook,  H.  B.  Hickenbotom,  C.  H.  Prince, 
J.  W.  Lyons,  S.  A.  Darnell,  Madison  Davis. 

ILLINOIS — John  A.  Logan,  E.  A.  Storrs,  G.  B.  Raum,  D. 
T.  Little,  John  Wentworth,  S.  A.  Douglas,  A.  M.  Wright,  R. 
S.  Tuthill,  John  L.  Beveridge,  L.  J.  Kadisch,  N.  C.  Thomp 
son,  N.  N.  Ravlin,  J.  B.  Brown,  Miles  White,  Henry  T. 
Noble,  W.  H.  Shepard,  E.  F.  Bull,  E.  W.  Willard,  J.  B. 
Wilson,  R.  J.  Hanna,  Joab  Mershen,  R.  H.  Whitney,  Hosea 
Davis,  F.  B.  Burgett,  O.  B.  Hamilton,  T.  G.  Black,  G.  M. 
Brinkerhoff,  C.  M.  Eames,  John  McNulta,  Major  V.  Warner, 

J.  V.  Harris,  Hayworth,   W.   H.  Barlow,   A.  P.  Green, 

J.  M.  Truitt,  Lewis  Krueghoff,  A.  W.  Metcalf,  Richard 
Rowett,  C.  O.  Patrel,  J.  M.  Davis,  C.  W.  Pavey,  W.  H. 
Williams. 

INDIANA — Benjamin  Harrison,  George  W.  Friedley,  Daniel 
B.  Kumler,  James  S.  Collins,  Alexander  Gilchrist,  W.  M. 
Hoggatt,  John  B.  Glover,  S.  E.  Kerchival,  W.  B.  Slemmens, 
J.  H.  Friedley,  John  H.  Crozier,  F.  Adkinson,  David  A. 
Beem,  Joseph  B.  Homan,  Milton  Peden,  T.  M.  Little,  R.  O. 
Hawkins,  J.  B.  McFadden,  William  R.  McKeen,  E.  H.  Ne- 
becker,  B.  K.  Higginbottom,  G.  F.  Crittenden,  F.  S.  Bedell, 
John  W.  Wimer,  J.  J.  Todd,  J.  F.  Vail,  W.  M.  Clapp,  C.  K. 
Baxter,  Clement  Studebaker,  B.  F.  Davenport. 

IOWA — j.  s.  Clarkson,  S.  M.  Clark,  D.  B.  Henderson, 
George  D.  Perkins,  J.  S.  Hurley,  H.  A.  Burrell,  H.  C.  Carr, 
J.  W.  Thompson,  George  W.  Bassett,  P.  F.  Sturgis,  H.  L. 
Huff,  L.  F.  Butler,  F.  J.  Upton,  R.  M.  Haines,  J.  F.  Green- 
lee,  George  D.  Wooden,  J.  S.  Runnells,  J.  R.  McKee,  C. 
W.  Llewellen,  W.  P.  Sharpe,  B.  F.  Harkness,  W.  D.  Lucas. 

KANSAS— John  A.  Martin,  George  H.  Case,  S.  S.  Bene 
dict,  B.  W.  Perkins,  H.  P.  Walcott,  Perry  Hutchinson, 
Simeon  Motz,  B.  F.  Simpson,  P.  B.  Plumb,  William 
Thompson. 

KENTUCKY — Walter  Evans,  W.  O.  Bradley,  John  D. 
White,  John  H.  Jackson,  J.  R.  Puryear,  J.  R.  Happy,  A.  H. 
Clark,  E.  C.  Hubbard,  W.  G.  Hunter,  George  F.  Blakey,  E. 


362 


LIFE  AXD  rCBLIC  CAREER  OF 


H.  Hobson,  John  W.  Lewis,  Silas  F.  Miller,  James  F.  Buck- 
ner,  J.  E.  Hamilton,  John  E.  Barbour,  R.  P.  Stoll,  William 
Brown,  J.  K.  Faulkner,  Logan  McKee,  A.  E.  Adams,  A.  T. 
Wood,  W.  W.  Culbertson,  Morris  Hutchings. 

LOUISIANA — H.  C.  Warmoth,  John  T.  Ludeling,  William 
P.  Kellogg,  A.  S.  Badger,  A.  H.  Leonard,  J.  S.  Matthews, 
David  Young,  J.  Wharton,  James  Lewis,  A.  J.  Dumont, 
Richard  Simms,  Samuel  Wakefield,  William  Harper,  W.  L. 
McMillen,  J.  H.  Burch,  Don  A.  Pardee. 

MAINE— Eugene  Hale,  E.  T.  Gile,  Joseph  R.  Bodwell, 
Almon  A.  Strout,  William  W.  Thomas*  Jr.,  Jos.  R.  Libby, 
William  P.  Frye,  J.  W.  Wakefield,  Joseph  H.  Manly,  S.  S. 
Marble,  Lewis  Baker,  Llewellyn  Powers,  L.  G.  Downs,  John 
S.  Case. 

MARYLAND — James  A.  Gary,  Jacob  Tome,  Lloyd  Lowndes, 
J.  Morrison  Harris,  Charles  T.  Wescott,  Samuel  Mallalieu, 
J.  A.  J.  Cresswell,  J.  J.  Weaver,  D.  R.  West,  W.  W.  John- 
son,  Dr.  H.  J.  Drown,  W.  J.  Hooper,  Colonel  J.  Rowan 
Crone,  John  W.  Bell,  Upton  W.  Boorman,  B.  H.  Miller. 

MASSACHUSETTS — George  F.  Hoar,  Charles  R.  Codman, 
John  E.  Sanford,  J.  M.  Barker,  C.  W.  Clifford,  A.  Eldridge, 
W.  C.  Lowring,  F.  A.  Hobart,  Phineas  Pierce,  C.  Burnham, 
Eustace  C.  Fitz,  J.  O.  Wetherbee,  Henrj-  C.  Lodge,  Daniel 
Russell,  Dudley  Porter,  N.  A.  Morton,  G.  S.  Boutwell,  G. 
A.  Marden,  R.  M.  Morse,  Jr.,  G.  W.  Johnson,  W.  S.  B.  Hop 
kins,  William  Knowlton,  A.  Harding,  T.  Merrick,  W.  Smith, 
M.  B.  Whitney. 

MICHIGAN — James  F.  Joy,  Perry  Hannah,  Omar  D.  Con 
ger,  E.  C.  Watkins,  W.  G.  Thompson,  D.  O.  Farrand,  J.  D. 
Rowan,  L.  L.  Penfield,  C.  D.  Randall,  Morgan  Bates,  A.  H. 
Morrison,  J.  W.  French,  George  A.  Farr,  A.  B.  Watson, 
Charles  Kipp,  E.  M.  Adams,  B.  W.  Huston,  William  Jenny,  E. 
O.  Avery,  Thomas  N.  Stevens,  J.  H.  Chandler,  D.  A.  Blodgett. 

MINNESOTA — D.  Sinclair,  D.  M.  Sabin,  A.  O.  Whipple, 
Dorilus  Morrison,  A.  C.  Wedge,  J.  V.  Daniels,  Marcus  John 
son,  George  Bryant,  E.  F.  Drake,  C.  F.  Kindred. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  36 3 

MISSISSIPPI — B.  K.  Bruce,  James  Hill,  George  M.  Bu 
chanan,  Haribee  C.  Carter,  W.  H.  Kennon,  George  C. 
McKee,  Henry  C.  Niles,  Joshua  R.  Smith,  George  W.  Gales, 
F.  M.  Libby,  Samuel  P.  Hurst,  W.  W.  Bell,  Green  C.  Chan 
dler,  Charles  W.  Clarke,  Richard  F.  Beck,  R.  H.  Mont 
gomery. 

MISSOURI— C.  I.  Filley,  H.  E.^Havens,  David  Wagner,  R. 
T.  Van  Horn,  John  A.  Weber,  Nicholas  Berg,  T.  B.  Rogers, 
J.  A.  Wheeler,  John  H.  Pullman,  Thomas  Gallen,  William 
Ballentine,  James  Lindley,  J.  G.  Baker,  T.  A.  Lowe,  R.  C. 
McBeth,  W.  E.  Maynard,  A.  D.  Jaynes,  A.  G.  Hollenbeck, 
W.  J.  Terrell,  L.  C.  Slavens,  N.  F.  Essex,  S.  C.  Closky, 
Thomas  D.  Neal,  George  Hall,  G.  J.  Whiteman,  H.  N.  Cook, 
H.  N.  Killer,  J.  E.  Adams,  R.  A.  Bucker,  Stuart  Cartaner. 

NEBRASKA — J.  W.  Dawes,  L.  C.  Crounse,  William  Gastin, 
J.  L.  Mitchell,  N.  Perringer,  D.  A.  Lewis. 

NEVADA — E.  Strother,  C.  C.  Stevenson,  M.  D.  Foley,  W. 
W.  Bishop,  J.  J.  Meigs,  T.  D.  Edwards. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE — William  E.  Chandler,  Ruel  Durkee, 
David  H.  Buffum,  Benjamin  F.  Prescott,  Charles  H.  Murphy, 
Joel  Eastman,  Charles  Holman,  James  G.  Sturgis,  Anson  L. 
Brown,  S.  W.  Hale. 

NEW  JERSEY — Judson  Kilpatrick,  George  A.  Halsey,  Wil 
liam  J.  Sewell,  William  Walter  Phelps,  C.  H.  Sinnickson, 
Samuel  Hopkins,  John  S.  Irick,  John  S.  Schultz,  John  F. 
Babcock,  Chffion  Robbins,  N.  W.  Voorhies,  W.  A.  Stiles,  H. 
L.  Butler,  A.  A.  Vance,  E.  L.  Joy,  A.  P.  Condit,  James  M. 
Gopsill,  B.  W.  Throckmorton. 

NEW  YORK — Roscoe  Conklin,  Chester  A.  Arthur,  Alonzo 
B.  Cornell,  James  D.  Warren,  John  Birdsall,  S.  L.  Hawkins, 
James  Jourdan,  Amos  F.  Learned,  F.  A.  Schroeder,  Alber 
Daggett,  Jacob  Worth,  Benjamin  F.  Tracey,  Edwards  Pierre- 
pont,  E.  W.  Stoughton,  Charles  E.  Cornell,  DeWitt  C. 
Wheeler,  J.  M.  Patterson,  Jr.,  J.  J.  O'Brien,  J.  D.  Lawson, 
Charles  Blaikie,  Solon  B.  Smith,  Bernard  Biglin,  Joel  W. 
Mason,  S.  B.  French,  Thomas  Murphy,  Jacob  Hess,  W.  H. 


364  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

Robertson,  J.  W.  Husted,  L.  F.  Payne,  S.  B.  Butcher,  M. 
D.  Stivers,  B.  G.  Wales,  George  H.  Sharpe,  Rufus  H.  King, 
Henry  R.  Pierson,  C.  P.  Eaton,  John  M.  Francis,  Isaac  V. 
Baker,  Jr.,  W.  W.  Rockwell,  O.  Abell,  Jr.,  W.  S.  Dickinson, 
H.  R.  James,  Webster  Wagner,  George  West,  David  Wilber, 
Ferris  Jacobs,  J.  P.  Douglass,  S.  Sylvester,  E.  H.  Shelley, 
W.  H.  Comstock,  George  L.  Case,  C.  L.  Kendedy,  D. 
McCarthy,  James  G.  Belden,  W.  B.  Woodin,  J.  B.  Murray, 

F.  O.  Mason,  G.   N.   Hicks,  T.    C.   Platt,  O.  W.  Chapman, 
Justin  S.  Cole,  C.  J.  Langdon,   E.  A.  Frost,  H.  A.  Brunner, 

G.  G.  Hoskins,  J.  E.  Pound    R.  V.  Pierce,  John  Nice,  N. 
H.  Allen,  L.  B.  Sessions. 

NORTH  CAROLINA — W.  P.  Canady,  D.  H.  Starbuck,  J.  H. 
Harris,  Rufus  Barringer,  Poleman  John,  Samuel  T.  Carrow, 
Israel  B.  Abbott,  C.  Faison,  O.  H.  Blocker,  George  W.  Price, 
Isaac  J.  Young,  Stuart  Ellison,  Thomas  B.  Keogh,  J.  H. 
Hardin,  O.  J.  Spears,  W.  R.  Myers,  W.  W.  Rollins,  D.  C. 
Pearson. 

OHIO — William  Dennison,  Warner  M.  Bateman,  James  A. 
GarfiekL  Charles  Foster,  Benjamin  Butterworth,-  Albert 
Schwill,  Henry  Kessler,  C.  Fleischmann,  D.  W.  McClung, 
A.  R.  Creamer,  W.  D.  Bickham,  F.  G.  Thompson,  Joseph 
Lawrence,  J.  W.  Conklin,  J.  H.  Ritchie,  M.  M.  Fourelle, 
Marcus  Boggs,  Alphonso  Hart,  C.  B.  Wright,  J.  F.  Gotvery, 
William  C.  Cooper,  James  Glover,  I.  F.  Mack,  D.  M.  Hark- 
ness,  William  Nash,  David  Willetts,  F.  C.  Sessions,  John 
Groce,  A.  W.  Train,  J.  Buckingham,  H.  C.  Hedges,  S.  H. 
Hunt,  R.  M.  Stevenson,  J.  L.  Dougherty,  J.  S.  Pierce,  J.  D. 
Taylor,  J.  H.  Tripp,  A.  W.  Jones,  W.  H.  Williams,  L.  A. 
Sheldon,  Evan  Morris,  J.  C.  Beatty,  S.  T.  Everett,  James 
Burnett. 

OREGON— J.  H.  Mitchell,  D.  K.  Hanna,  J.  M.  McCall,  N. 
W.  Scott,  D.  N.  Ireland,  O.  P.  Tompkinson. 

PENNSYLVANIA — Matthew  S.  Quay,  Linn  Bartholomew, 
James  McManes,  Christopher  L.  Magee,  William  Elliott,  W. 
S.  Douglass,  W.  R.  Leeds,  David  H.  Lane,  William  L.  Smith, 


JAMES  .-/.   GARFIELD.  ^ 

David  Mouat,  W.  Ellwood  Rowan,  H.  Disston,  Thomas  J. 
Powers,  Adam  Albright,  Amos  Gartside,  W.  B.  Waddell,  C. 
N.  Taylor,  D.  O.  Hitner,  Chester  N.  Farr,  Samuel  R.  Deppin, 

A.  J.  Kaufmann,  William  K.  Seltzer,  H.  J.  Reeder,  Harrison 
Bortz,  S.  V.  Thompson,  W.    A.   W.  Grier,  J.   J.  Albright, 
Alexander  Farnham,  Samuel  A.  Losch,  William  S.  Morehead, 
J.  D.  Cameron,  John  K.  Clement,  O.  D.  Kinney,  C.  C.  Jad- 
win,  W.  H.  Armstrong,  Thomas  L.  Kane,  John  Cessna,  David 
Over,  J.  G.  Isenberg,  B.  F.  Wagenseller,  James  Hurst,  John 
Hays,  James  A.  Beaver,  M.  L.  Brosius,  George  Huff,  George 
S.  M.  Baile,  W.  C.  Moreland,  James  D.  McDevitt,  William 

B.  Rogers,  James  H.  Lindsay,  J.  H.  Harrah,  John  McKinley, 
Joseph  Buffington,  James  E.  Long,  Thomas  Robinson,  John 
T.  Gordon,  C.  M.  Reed,  Harrison  Allen. 

RHODE  ISLAND — John  P.  Sanborn,  Thomas  W.  Chase, 
Isaac  M.  Potter,  Almon  K.  Goodwin,  Charles  H.  Handy, 
David  L.  Aldrich,  William  A.  Price,  Horace  A.  Jenckes. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA — E.  W.  M.  Mackey,  Samuel  Lee,  E.  M. 
Brayton,  R.  B.  Elliott,  D.  D.  McCall,  W.  A.  Hayne,  C.  C. 
Bowen,  W.  N.  Taft,  W.  M.  Fine,  C.  M.  Wilder,  Samuel  T. 
Poinier,  Wilson  Cook,  W.  F.  Myers,  W.  J.  Whipper. 

TENNESSEE — L.  C.  Houck,  H.  H.  Harrison,  J.  M.  Thorn- 
burg,  David  Nunn,  R.  R.  Butler,  Jesse  T.  Rogers,  E.  T.  San- 
ford,  J.  N.  Cordell,  W.  S.  Tipton,  W.  T.  Cate,  H.  L.  W. 
Cheatham,  J.  S.  Smith,  W.  H.  Wisener,  W.  Y.  Elliott,  S.  O. 
W.  Brandon,  W.  H.  Young,  A.  M.  Hughes,  Jr.,  B.  A.  J. 
Nixon,  T.  E.  Muse,  E.  G.  Rigely,  W.  M.  Hall,  H.  Summer- 
ville,  Larkin  Williams,  Fred  H.  Hunt. 

TEXAS. — E.  J.  Davis,  Webster  Flanagan,  A.  B.  Norton, 
W.  H.  Holland,  G.  M.  Dilley,  William  Chambers,  A.  G. 
Malloy,  W.  H.  Hakes,  C.  C.  Binckley,  D.  A.  Robertson,  J. 
G.  Tracey,  W.  R.  Chase,  N.  W.  Cuney,  R.  A.  Harber,  A. 
Scimering,  E.  H.  Terrell. 

VERMONT. — John  Gregory  Smith,  John  W.  Stewart,  Fred 
erick  Billings,  George  W.  Hooker,  J.  G.  McCullough,  L. 
Bart  Cross,  John  B.  Mead,  Henry  C.  Belden,  G.  G.  Bene 
dict,  C.  S.  Page. 


^66  LIFE  AND  PWL1C  CAREER  OF 

VIRGINIA — Sheffey  Lewis,  Peter  J.  Carter,  Joseph  Jorge 
sen,  J.  W.  Poindexter,  L.  A.  Stewart,  John  W.  Woltz,  Ro 
ert  Norton,  George  E.  Bo\vden,  Otis  H.  Russell,  Josk 
Crump,  W.  L.  Fernald,  James  D.  Brady,  H.  C.  Harris,  V 
H.  Pleasants,  J.  F.  Wilson,  W.  R.  Watkins,  F.  T.  Wan 
John  Donovan,  William  Brown,  L.  L.  Lewis,  H.  O.  Austii 
C.  C.  Thompkins. 

WEST  VIRGINIA — A.  W.  Campbell,  S.  P.  McCormick,  \\ 
J.  Burley,  John  H.  Riley,  C.  D.  Hubbard,  A.  C.  Moore,  J 
T.  Hope,  J.  M.  Hagans,  Z.  D.  Ramshell,  L.  A.  Martin. 

WISCONSIN — T.  B.  Cassidy,  Thomas  B.  Scott,  Ed  war 
Sanderson,  M.  Van  Steenwyk,  J.  V.  Quarles,  Charles  Palmer 
ter,  A.  J.  Turner,  George  E.  Bryant,  W.  E.  Carter,  N.  L 
James,  F.  C.  Winkler,  E.  M.  Rogers,  W.  H.  Hempschc 
rneyer,  J.  C.  Wedge,  Levi  Rowland,  Philetus  Sawyer,  J.  M 
Rush,  F.  L.  Gilson,  Isaac  Stevenson,  S.  W.  Hunt. 

When  the  convention  opened  its  doors,  th< 
three  great  political  leaders  who  were  expected  t< 
change  every  result,  rather  by  opposition  than  ad 
vocacy,  were  Senator  Conkling,  of  New  York 
Senator  Logan,  of  Illinois,  and  Senator  Cameror 
of  Pennsylvania.  These  gentlemen  were  leader 
of  an  alliance  of  the  most  formidable  and  aggres 
sive  character.  Senator  Cameron  was  absolut 
master  of  the  Republican  organization  in  Penn 
sylvania,  Senator  Conkling  had  almost  as  firm 
hold  upon  that  of  New  York,  and  Senator  Logar 
though  not  quite  so  thoroughly  monarch  of  111: 
nois,  sat  far  more  securely  upon  his  self-estat 
lished  throne  than  any  one  imagined.  No  one  c 
these  men  could  give  himself  the  nomination,  nc 
hand  it  over  to  anybody  who  would  recognize  th 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

giver  as  the  only  power  behind  the  throne. 
Working  together  for  a  common  end,  to  serve 
their  common  ambition  for  political  power,  a  vic 
tory  seemed  easily  possible.  If  they  could  not, 
like  Caesar,  Cassius  and  Pompey,  divide  "this 
great  empire  "  between  them,  they  might  jointly 
frovern  it  through  a  man  of  their  own  selection, 

o  o 

and  each  be  secured  in  the  absolute  patronage  of 
a  State,  so  great  as  to  be  an  empire  in  itself. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant,  already  twice  president,  was 
the  fast  friend  of  these  three  who  were  deter 
mined  to  nominate  him  for  the  presidency,  whether 
it  was  the  wish  of  the  people  or  not.  He  was 
their  choice,  and  they  recognized  no  other  law. 
The  higher  law  of  the  nation's  will  was  nothing 
to  them.  The  State  conventions  had  been  adroitly 
managed,  packed  with  Grant  delegates,  and  with 
these  the  great  leaders  went  to  Chicago,  to  force 
Grant's  candidacy.  Arrayed  against  them  were 
the  friends  of  James  G.  Blaine,  John  Sherman, 
Elihu  B.  Washburne,  Senator  Windom,  Senator 
Edmunds,  and  a  number  of  other  gentlemen,  who 
were  esteemed  fit  to  fill  the  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States. 

There  was  no  waiting  to  begin  the  battle ; 
as  fast  as  delegates  and  delegation  body-guards 
arrived,  they  engaged  at  once.  By  Monday  pre 
ceding  the  Wednesday  the  convention  assem 
bled,  Chicago  was  in  a  boil.  The  battle  had 
opened  in  earnest.  The  city  seemed  transformed, 


368 


LIJ-J-:  AXD  PUBLIC  (-.1  A' /•:/•:  A'  OF 


it  bubbled  with  an  unknown  excitement.  Those 
who  had  witnessed  every  convention  of  the  Re 
publican  party,  since  it  was  a  party,  say  that  they 
never  had  seen  such  a  seething  mass  of  political 
wranglers  as  gathered  in  and  around  the  palatial 
Chicago  hotels.  Immense  and  numerous  as  these 
hotels  are,  they  were  crowded  to  the  utmost. 
The  more  prominent  of  them  were  made  dazzling 
as  the  noonday  sun  with  the  un-sunlike  glare  of 
electric  lights.  Statesmen,  professional  politicians, 
carpet-baggers,  all  sorts,  sizes  and  colors  of  men, 
thronged  the  halls,  dining-rooms,  parlors,  corri 
dors  and  the  stairs  of  acceptable  rooms  occupied 
as  head-quarters  of  regular  delegations,  com 
mittees,  clubs,  and  every  possible  form  of  organi 
zation  that  gave  any  promise  of  hindering  or  pro 
moting  particular  candidates.  Indeed,  the  whole 
battle  seemed  to  be  one  of  mean  ambition,  or 
meaner  cupidity,  and  candidates  were  favored  or 
opposed,  as  a  rule,  by  the  ruck — not  the  great 
men — by  those  who  hoped  to  profit  by  their 
efforts. 

The  first  effort  of  the  anti-Grant  men  was  to 
break  down  the  unit  rule,  by  which  the  delegates 
from  New  York,  Pennsylvania  and  Illinois  were 
bound  to  the  wish  of  Conkling,  Cameron  and  Lo 
gan.  A  meeting  of  the  National  Committee  was 
called,  and  all  interest  at  once  centred  in  the  pro 
ceedings.  The  corridors  of  the  Palmer  House, 
leading  to  the  committee-room,  were  choked  by 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  -^ 

earnest,  eager,  anx?ous  people.  The  meeting  of 
the  committee  was  secret.  Senator  Cameron  pre 
sided,  and  hardly  had  he  called  the  committee  to 

order  before  the  following  resolutions  were  offered 

<.> 

by  William  E.  Chandler  of  New  Hampshire : 

Resolved,  That  this  committee  approves  ana  ratifies  the 
call  for  the  approaching  Republican  National  Convention, 
which  was  issued  by  its  chairman  and  secretary,  and  which 
invites  two  delegates  from  each  Congressional  District,  four 
delegates-at-large  from  each  State,  two  from  each  Territory 
and  two  from  the  District  of  Columbia,  to  compose  the  con 
vention,  i 

Resolved,  That  this  committee  recognizes  the  right  of  .each 
delegate  in  a  Republican  National  Convention  freely  to  cast 
and  to  have  counted  his  individual  vote  therein,  according  to 
his  own  sentiments ;  and,  if  he  so  decides,  against  any  unit 
rule  or  other  instructions  passed  by  a  State  Convention,  which 
right  was  conceded  without  dissent  and  was  exercised  in  the 
conventions  of  1860  and  1868,  and  was,  after  full  debate, 
affirmed  by  the  convention  of  1876,  and  has  thus  become  a 
part  of  the  law  of  Republican  Conventions,  and  until  reversed 
by  a  convention  itself,  must  remain  a  governing  principle. 

The  first  resolution  was  adopted  unanimously. 
Senator  Cameron  then  showed  his  hand,  and  ruled 
the  second  resolution  out  of  order.  An  appeal 
from  his  decision  he  refused  to  entertain.  At  this 
there  was  much  consternation  among  the  anti- 
Grant  people,  who  for  a  moment  seemed  be 
wildered.  Representative  Frye,  of  Maine,  in 
quired  of  the  chair  where  he  had  learned  parlia 
mentary  law,  and  William  E.  Chandler  announced 


370 


LIFE  AXD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


that  if  the  chairman  would  not  pay  any  respect  tc 
the  committee,  the  same  power  that  made  hirrt 
chairman  would  remove  him.     Mr.  Filley,  of  Mis 
souri,  came  to  the  chairman's  assistance  in  a  short 
speech,  that  availed  him  nothing.     The  issue  was 
clear,  Senator  Cameron  was  determined  on  forcing 
the  unit  rule,  and  refusing  to  recognize  any  motion 
that  would  interfere  with  the  enforcement  of  that 
rule.     But,  unfortunately  for  him,  the  majority  of 
the  committee  were  opposed  to  him.     A  commit 
tee  of  six  was  appointed  to  nominate  a  temporary 
chairman,    and   the    committee    adjourned    for    a 
recess. 

During  this  the  determined  purpose  of  the  anti- 
Grant  men  to  depose  Senator  Cameron  was  made 
abundantly  apparent.  They  considered  the  crisis 
reached,  and  when  the  committee  again  assembled 
they  had  determined  to  deprive  Cameron  of  his 
power,  or  exact  from  him  a  promise.  This  plan 
was,  however,  abandoned,  Senator  Cameron  re 
maining  obstinate  in  his  position  and  refusing  to 
give  any  promise  that  he  would  not  enforce  the 
rule,  as  the  committee  had  it  in  their  power  to  ap 
point  an  acceptable  chairman.  At  midnight  the 
committee  adjourned,  the  Hon.  George  F.  Hoar, 
of  Massachusetts,  was  chosen  temporary  chairman, 
he  being  acceptable  to  the  Grant  men.  •  For  further 
protection,  a  resolution  was  adopted  before  ad 
journment,  that  should  Mr.  Cameron  be  unable, 
through  sickness  or  any  other  cause,  to  present 


JAMES  A.    GARFIELD.  ->  7  r 

o  / 

the  /name  of  Mr.  Hoar  to  the  convention,  Mr. 
ndler,  as  chairman  of  the  committee  reporting 
name,  should  do  so. 
/  The  excitement  over  these  proceedings  was 
ntense,  and  all  night  long  the  heated  partisans 
discussed  Mr.  Cameron's  extraordinary  ruling  and 
arbitrary  action  as  chairman  of  the  National 
Committee. 

Eighteen  of  Mr.  Cameron's  own  delegation 
from  Pennsylvania  protested,  and  twenty-two  of 
the  New  York  delegates  made  haste  to  write  out 

o 

and  sign  the  following  paper : 

The  undersigned,  delegates  to  the  Republican  National 
Convention,  representing  our  several  Congressional  districts 
in  the  State  of  New  York,  desiring,  above  all,  the  success  of 
the  Republican  party  at  the  approaching  election,  and  realiz 
ing  the  hazard  attending  an  injudicious  nomination,  declare 
our  purpose  to  resist  the  nomination  of  General  U.  S. 
Grant  by  all  honorable  means.  We  are  sincere  in  the  con 
viction,  that  in  New  York  at  least  his  nomination  would  en 
sure  defeat.  We  have  a  great  battle  to  fight,  and  victory  is 
within  our  reach,  but  we  earnestly  protest  against  entering 
the  contest  with  a  nomination  which  we  regard  as  unwise  and 
perilous. 

12.  W.  H.  Robertson,  22.  John  P.  Douglas, 
26.  W.  B.  Woodin,  Sidney  Sylvester, 

33.  Lorin  B.  Sessions,  13.  John  B.  Dutcher, 

14.  W.  D.  Stivers,  19.   Henry  R.  James, 
20.  Webster  Wagner,  Wells  S.  Dickson, 

George  West,  12.  James  W.  Husted, 

3.  Albert  Dagget,  21.   Ferris  Jacobs,  Jr., 

14.  B.  G.  Wales,  18.   Oliver  Abel, 

i.  Simeon  Shawkins,  33.   N.  M.  Allen. 

John  Birdsall, 


272  i- WE  AND  FWTJC  CAREER  OF 

The  interest  in  the  situation  grew  deeper  ever 
hour,  the  lines  were  sharper  drawn,  the  leader 
bent  more  stenuously  to  their  wheels,  upon  which  so 
many  of  them  were  destined  to  be  broken.  Th< 
long  night  of  war  and  words  faded  into  a  morn 
ing  that  promised  relief  to  none,  and  victory  t< 
some  leader  yet  in  the  shadow  of  obscurity.  Th< 
early  morning  was  signalized  by  an  open  revolt — 
hitherto  asserted  by  the  anti-Grant  men,  an< 
denied  by  their  opponents — in  the  Pennsylvania 
delegation,  headed  by  Mr.  James  McManes 
Their  protest  was  similar  to  that  of  the  New  Yorl 
delegation,  and  was  signed  by  the  following: 

Delegate-at-large — James  McManes. 

1.  W.  S.  Douglass,  10.  Harrison  Bortz, 

2.  W.  R.  Leeds,  20.  M.  L.  Brosius, 

4.  W.  E.  Rowan,  24.  J.  McKinley, 

5.  Hamilton  Disston,  18.  B.  F.  Wagenseller, 
25.  J.  E.  Long,  J.  G.  Isenberg, 
19.  John  Hays,  8.  S.  R.  Deppin, 

12.  Alexander  Farnham,  7.   C.  N.  Taylor, 

15.   O.  D.  Kenney,  n.  W.  A.  W.  Grier, 

C.  C.  Jadwin,  S.  Y.  Thompson, 

6.  W.  B.  Waddell,  7.  P.  Wanger  (sub). 
A.  Gartside, 

Conkling,  Cameron  and  Logan,  and  their  ad 
herents,  had  now  reached  a  deadlock  with  the  op 
position.     The  situation  was  bitter  in  its  intensity 
and    prodigal   in    stubbornness.      An   attempt  at 
relief  was  made   by  General  Chester  A.  Arthur 
and  ex-Secretary  Gorham,  of  California,  who,  in 


JAMES  A,    GARFIELD. 

behalf  of  the  Grant  men,  submitted  the  following 
proposition  : 

"That  Senator  Hoar  should  be  accepted  as 
temporary  chairman  of  the  convention,  and  that 
no  attempt  should  be  made  to  enforce  the  unit 
rule,  or  have  a  test  vote  in  the  convention,  until 
the  committee  on  credentials  had  reported,  when 
the  unit-rule  question  should  be  decided  by  the 
convention  in  its  own  way." 

A  long  conference  ensued  among  the  anti- 
Grant  men  to  debate  this  proposition,  and  late  in 
the  afternoon  this  peace  proposition  was  accepted 
by  all  parties,  and  it  was  further  agreed  that  the 
regular  delegates  from  Illinois  and  Louisiana 
should  be  admitted  to  participate  in  the  temporary 
organization,  and  then  take  their  chances  with  the 
committee  on  credentials. 

Amid  the  excitement  and  turmoil  of  these  pre 
liminary  struggles,  the  spectator  will  have  noticed 
one  incident  of  significance — the  bringing  forward 
as  a  candidate  for  the  second  honor  on  the  Repub 
lican  ticket  a  colored  man — Senator  B.  K.  Bruce, 
of  Mississippi.  He  was  serenaded  by  his  friends 
from  the  Southern  States,  enthusiastic  speeches 
were  made  in  his  favor,  and  his  "boom  "  assumed 
quite  respectable  proportions.  The  attempt,  how 
ever,  met  with  but  little  encouragement — the  time 
for  a  parti-colored  ticket  has  apparently  not  yet 
arrived. 


374 


Lll-E  AND  PUBLIC  CARE£K  OF 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 


THE   BATTLE   BEGUN. 


WEDNESDAY,  June  2cl,  dawned  in  Chi 
cago,  amid  an  animation,  a  stir,  a 
mighty  something  in  the  air,  only  felt 
upon  great  occasions.  That  morning  the  conven 
tion  met,  and  the  hours  before  noon  were  devoted 
to  a  grand  struggle  for  tickets — a  struggle  that, 
in  its  brief  intensity,  quite  overshadowed  the 
greater  issue  that  hung  upon  the  burdened  air. 
When  Chicago  bells  chimed  high  noon,  there  were 
not  a  thousand  people  in  Exposition  Hall,  and 
they  resembled  scattered  pilgrims  at  a  deserted 
shrine.  Not  for  long,  however.  The  crowds 
poured  into  the  building  like  the  whirl  of  autumn 
leaves  before  the  wind,  and  scattered  to  their 
places.  An  hour  later  more  than  ten  thousand 
were  within  the  building,  and  massed  in  every 
inch  of  room. 

By  this  time  the  delegates  were  due,  and  the 
eager  spectators  craned  their  necks  to  catch  a 
glimpse  of  the  early  birds.  One  who  was  there 
thus  describes  the  assembling  of  the  convention : 

"The  Alabama  delegation  was  first  to  file  in 
as  a  body,  and  its  two  rows  of  President-makers 


JAMES  A.   GARFIE1D. 

nestled  down  in  front  of  the  stage,  displaying 
every  shade  of  complexion,  from  the  pure  white  to 
the  genuine  African.  Arkansas  fell  in  greatly  be 
hind  Alabama,  with  the  familiar  face  of  ex-Senator 
Dorsey  at  the  head.  Meantime  the  places  allotted 
to  the  various  States  were  being  rapidly  filled  up 
by  the  rank  and  file  of  the  delegations.  But  the 
leaders  were  slow  in  getting  to  their  respective 
commands.  The  dignitaries  who  had  been  as 
signed  to  the  seats  for  distinguished  guests  began 
to  swarm  in,  and  Frye,  of  Maine,  and  Chandler,  of 
New  Hampshire,  buzzed  them  as  they  gathered  in 
little  knots  to  discuss  the  situation.  General 
Beaver,  chairman  of  the  Pennsylvania  delegation, 
swung  himself  along  the  side  aisle  on  his  crutches 
and  sat  down  at  the  post  of  honor  for  his  State, 
with  Quay  close  by  his  side,  and  Cessna  flitted 
hither  and  thither  as  if  uncertain  that  anything 
would  be  well  done  unless  he  gave  it  a  helping 
hand.  McManes  dropped  in  late,  a  little  paled  by 
illness,  but  with  all  his  Scotch-Irish  doggedness 
written  in  his  face.  Jewell  and  Creswell,  both  of 
the  Grant  Cabinet,  came  in  about  the  same  time, 
ihe  first  hoping  to  look  down  on  the  defeat  of  his 
old  chief  from  the  gallery  of  distinguished  guests, 
and  the  other  marshaling  his  delegation  to  give 
him  back  his  Old  Commander. 

"  Both  look  fresh  and  rosy  as  they  did  when 
they  hugged  their  portfolios  and  enjoyed  the  hol 
low  homage  that  is  paid  to  honor  at  the  capital 

22 


376  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

The  tall,  sturdy  form  of  'Long  John'  Wentworth 
towered  over  all  as  he  joined  his  delegation.  He 
is  stouter,  redder,  grayer  and  balder  than  eight 
years  ago,  when  he  rebelled  against  Grant.  He 
had  returned  to  his  first  love,  and  now  wilts  down 
his  collars  early  in  the  morning  working  and  cheer 
ing  for  the  Silent  Man. 

"Just  when  the  building  had  pretty  nearly  filled 
up  there  was  a  simultaneous  huzza  throughout 
the  hall  and  galleries,  and  it  speedily  broke  out  in 
a  hearty  applause.  The  tall  and  now  silvered 
plume  of  Conkling  was  visible  in  the  aisle,  and  he 
strode  down  to  his  place  at  the  head  of  his  delega 
tion  with  the  majesty  of  an  emperor.  He  recog 
nized  the  compliment  by  a  modest  bow,  without 
lifting  his  eyes  to  the  audience,  and  took  his  seat 
as  serenely  as  if  on  a  picnic  and  holiday.  He  has 
aged  rapidly  during  the  last  year,  and  his  once 
golden  locks  are  thinned  and  whitened,  while  hard 
lines  dispel  the  brightness  of  his  finely-chiseled 
face.  The  Grant  men  seemed  to  be  more  com 
fortable  when  they  found  him  by  their  side  and 
evidently  ready  for  the  conflict  The  sable  Grant 
men  from  the  South,  who  believe  Grant  to  be  their 
political  savior,  look  upon  Conklingras  his  prophet, 
and  they  worship  him  as  a  demigod.  Logan's 
swarthy  features,  flowing  mustache  and  Indian 
hair  were  next  visible  on  the  eastern  aisle,  but  he 
stepped  to  the  head  of  his  delegation  so  quietly 
that  he  escaped  a  special  welcome.  He  sat  aj  if 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  **y 

in  sober  reflection  for  a  few  moments,  and  then 
hastened  over  to  Conkling  to  perfect  their  counsel 
on  the  eve  of  battle.  The  two  senatorial  leaders 
held  close  conference  until  the  bustle  about  the 
chair  gave  notice  that  the  opposing  lines  were 
about  to  begfin  to  feel  each  other  and  test  their 

o 

position. 

"  Cameron  had  just  stepped  upon  the  platform 
with  the  elasticity  of  a  boy,  and  his  youthful  but 
strongly-marked  face  was  recognized  at  once. 
There  was  no  applause.  They  all  knew  that  he 
never  plays  for  the  galleries,  and  that  cheers  are 
wasted  upon  him.  The  man  who  can  bring  him 
votes  when  he  is  in  want  of  them,  can  make  his 
cold  gray  eyes  kindle  and  his  usually  stolid 
features  toy  with  a  smile,  but  no  man  in  the  land 
more  justly  estimates  the  crowd  that  ever  cheers 
the  coming  guest  than  does  Cameron.  He  quiet 
ly  sat  down  for  ten  minutes,  although  the  time  for 
calling  the  convention  to  order  had  passed  by  an 
hour,  and.  he  looked  out  upon  the  body  so  big 
with  destiny  for  himself  and  his  Grant  associates. 
As  he  passed  by  he  was  asked:  'What  of  the 
battle?'  To  which  he  answered:  'We  have 
three  hundred  to  start  With,  and  we  will  stick 
until  we  win.' 

"  It  was  said  with  all  the  determination  that  his 
positive  manner  and  expression  could  add  to  lan 
guage,  and  it  summed  up  his  whole  strategy. 
While  he  waited  the  vacant  places  were  fast 


^g  LIFE  AND  PUJU.IC  CARKF.R  OF 

filling  up.  Generals  Sewell  and  Kilpatrick  took 
their  posts  at  the  head  of  the  New  Jersey  men, 
and  just  behind  them  the  rosy  faces  of  Garfield 
and  Foster,  and  the  tall,  spare  form  of  Dennison 
were  holding  a  hasty  last  council  of  the  Sherman 
wing  of  the  opposition.  The  youthful,  olive- 
shaded  features  of  Bruce,  of  Mississippi,  were 
visible  in  the  centre  of  his  delegation,  and  the 
dream  of  the  Vice-Presidency  made  him  restless 
and  anxious. 

"At  five  minutes  after  one  Cameron  quickly  rose 
from  his  chair,  advanced  to  the  front,  and  brought 
his  gavel  down  gently  upon  the  speaker's  desk. 
At  once  the  confused  hum  of  voices  began  to  still 
and  the  nearly  ten  thousand  people  present  set 
tled  into  perfect  order.  Cameron  stood  for  half 
a  minute  after  silence  had  been  obtained,  appar 
ently  free  from  all  embarrassment,  and  finally  said, 
in  a  clear  voice: 

"  'The  convention  will  come  to  order,  and  will  be 
opened  with  prayer.'  ' 

After  the  last  words  had  fallen  from  the  lips  of 
the  clergyman  and  a  moment  more  had  been, 
spent  in  silence,  Senator  Cameron  rose  and  said : 

"GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION:  Before  the 
convention  enters  upon  the  important  duties  that 
have  called  it  together,  I  ask  your  attention  for  a 
single  moment.  During  the  canvass  just  ended 
there  has  been  manifested  in  many  sections  of  the 
country  considerable  bitterness,  which,  I  trust, 


JAMES  A.   GARFTELD. 


379 


will  entirely  disappear  before  entering  upon  the 
grave  duties  devolving  upon  us.  Let  there  be 
but  one  motive  governing  our  action  and  let  that 
be  a  determination  to  place  in  nomination  the 
strongest  possible  candidates — men  strong  in 
themselves,  strong  in  the  confidence  and  affec 
tions  of  the  people,  and  men  who  will  command 
the  respect  of  the  civilized  world.  Our  country, 
of  which  we  are  justly  proud,  has  grown  so 
rapidly  in  population,  wealth  and  influence  during 
the  existence  of  the  Republican  party  that 
we  have  attained  a  position  as  one  of  the 
leading  powers  of  the  world.  We  cannot  longer 
be  satisfied  with  our  isolation.  Recognizing  the 
changed  condition,  we  must  place  in  position  men 
whose  familiarity  with  other  nations  will  enable 
them  to  direct  our  affairs  so  that  we  will  take  the 
lead  in  commerce  as  we  have  in  agriculture  and 
manufactures.  Do  not  for  a  moment  doubt  the 
strength  of  our  institutions.  They  have  been 
tried  in  blood  and  came  from  the  contest  better, 
stronger  and  purer  than  the  most  ardent  patriot 
dared  to  hope.  No  combination  of  circumstances, 
no  coterie  of  individuals,  no  personal  ambition  can 
ever  prevail  against  the  intelligence  and  inborn 
love  of  liberty  which  are  implanted  in  the  hearts 
of  Americans.  When  the  nominations  are  made 
and  the  convention  has  completed  its  work,  let 
there  be  but  one  sentiment  animating  all  earnest, 
sincere  and  unselfish  Republicans,  and  let  that  be 


380 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  C./AY^A1  OF 


that  each  shall  vie  with  the  other  in  carrying  our 
grand  old  party  through  the  coming  contest  to 
victory." 

Senator  Cameron  then  presented  the  name  of 
Senator  George  F.  Hoar  as  temporary  chairman. 
Applause  greeted  the  announcement,  which  was  a 
distinct  defeat  of  the  senator  who  announced  it. 
No  objection  was  raised,  and  Senator  Hoar  came 
upon  the  platform,  escorted  by  ex-Governor  Davis, 
of  Texas,  Congressman  Frye,  of  Maine,  and  Reve 
nue  Commissioner  Raum,  of  Illinois. 

The  chairman '  immediately  delivered  the  cus 
tomary  speech,  in  which  he  grandly  arraigned  the 
Democratic  party  for  its  sins  of  omission  and  com 
mission.  It  confronted  the  Republican  party  to 
day,  unchanged  in  purpose,  in  temper,  or  in  char- 
acter,  and  united  in  nothing  else,  proposing  no 
other  measure  of  policy  than  war  upon  the  safe 
guards  which  the  nation  had  thrown  around  the 
purity  of  elections.  Then  he  continued : 

"The  Democratic  party  sees  nothing  of  evil, 
except  that  a  free  man  shall  cast  a  free  vote  under 
the  protection  of  the  nation.  In  Louisiana  and 
Mississippi  the  Democratic  party  is  the  accomplice 
of  the  White  League  and  the  Ku-Klux.  In  South 
Carolina  it  took  the  honest  ballots  from  the  box 
and  stuffed  tissue  ballots  in  .their  places.  In  New 
York  it  issued  fraudulent  naturalization  papers, 
sixty  thousand  in  number.  In  Maine  its  ambitious 
larceny  tried  to  pilfer  a  whole  State,  and  in  Dela- 


JAMKS  A.    CAR FIE I  „$  f 

.  •  . . 

ware  it  stood  accomplice  by  the  whipping-post. 
The  Republican  party  has  no  such  miserable  his 
tory.  It  speaks  of  rebellion  subdued,  slaves 
freed,  of  great  public  works  constructed,  of  debt 
diminished,  of  sound  currency  restored,  of  a  flag 
floating  long  and  everywhere  honored  and  re 
spected.  The  key-note  of  every  Republican  plat 
form,  the  principle  of  every  Republican  union,  is 
found  in  respect  for  the  dignity  of  the  individual 
man.  Until  that  becomes  the  pervading  principle 
of  the  Republic,  from  Canada  to  the  Gulf,  from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  the  Republican  mission 
is  not  ended ;  the  Republican  party  lives  by  faith 
that  every  man  within  the  borders  of  the  Repub 
lic  may  dwell  secure  in  a  happy  home,  may  cast 
his  equal  vote  and  have  it  counted,  and  may  send 
his  children  at  the  puplic  charge  to  a  free  school. 
Until  these  things  come  to  pass,  the  mission  of 
the  Republican  party  is  not  ended,  nor  its  conflict 
with  its  ancient  adversary  ended." 
*  Applause  followed.  When  it  had  ceased, 
Messrs.  J.  H.  Roberts,  of  Illinois,  and  Christopher 
Magee,  of  Pittsburg,  were  elected  secretaries. 

Eugene  Hale  then  got  up  from  the  midst  of  the 
Maine  delegation  and  moved  for  a  call  of  the 
States  and  the  naming  of  the  several  members  of 
the  committees  on  permanent  organization,  reso 
lutions,  rules  and  credentials.  This  completed, 
Congressman  Frye,  of  Maine,  from  the  platform, 
desired  that  Utah  should  be  represented  upon  the 


382  I'WK  --IM>  /Y.7>'/./r  CAREER  OF 

credentials  committee,  and  so  moved,  as  it  had 
been  left  off. 

Upon  this  Senator  Conkling  took  the  floor,  and 
in  the  midst  of  applause  indicated  with  a  flourish 
that  if  the  fight  had  opened  he  was  ready  for  it. 
He  objected  to  Utah,  as  he  understood  it  was  a 
part  of  the  agreement  for  the  preliminary  organi 
zation  that  it  should  not  be  called.  He  made  a 
point  of  order  against  it,  and  when  that  was  over 
ruled  he  asked  if  it  would  be  in  order  to  put  in 
Louisiana. 

Mr.  Frye  here  interrupted,  explaining  that  he 
had  the  authority  of  the  secretary  of  the  National 
Committee  for  saying  that  Utah  had  been  left  off 
by  mistake  ;  and  he  did  not  suppose  a  Republican 
convention  would  refuse  to  correct  a  mistake. 
Utah  thereupon  secured  its  representation. 

The  roll  of  States  was  called  for  notices  of 
contests,  of  which  there  were  a  good  many,  and  an 
adjournment  until  Thursday  morning  at  eleven 
was  carried  on  motion  of  Senator  Conkling. 

The  adjournment  was  necessary  in  order  to 
give  the  various  committees  an  opportunity  to  get 
to  work  and  complete  their  reports.  The  com 
mittees — now  historical — were  composed  as 
follows : 

States.  Permanent  Organization.  Rules  and  Business. 

Alabama Benjamin  T.  Turner J.  II.  Thomasson. 

Arkansas ....O.  P.  Snyder J.  H.  Johnson. 

California John  Mansfield E.  A.  Davis. 

Colorado John  A   Ellet M.  N.  Negroeve. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


States.  Permanent  Organization.  Rules  and  Business. 

Connecticut  .................  John  M.  Douglas  ............  Daniel    Chadwick. 

Delaware  ....................  Christian  Febiger  ..............  Benjamin  Burton. 

Florida  ......................  B.  J.  Shipman  .................  James  Dean. 

Georgia  ......................  Madison  Davis  ...............  R.  D.  Lock. 

Illinois  .......................  Richard  Whiting  .............  Andrew  W.  Metcalf. 

Indiana  ......................  J.  J.  Todd  .....................  Bryo  W.  Langdon. 

Iowa  ..........  •  .............  John  W.  Sharp  ...............  S.  M.  Clark. 

Kansas  ......................  S.  S.  Benedict  .................  George  H.  Case. 

Kentucky  ...................  Morris  C.  Hutchins.  .........  W.  G.  Hunton. 

Louisiana  ...................  Contest  .........................  Contest. 

Maine  ......  .  ................  L.  G.  Dawnes  .................  Llewellyn  Powers. 

Maryland  ...................  Charles  T.  Westcott  .........  Jacob  J.  Weaver,  Jr. 

Massachusetts  ..............  William  B.  Hopkins  .........  Robert  M.  Morse,  Jr. 

Michigan  ....................  E.  C.  Watkins  .................  J.  H.  Chandler. 

Minnesota  ...................  J.  V.  Daniels  ..................  E.  F.  Drake. 

Mississippi  ..................  James  Hill  .....................  H.  C.  Carter. 

Missouri  ......................  Luther  C.  Slavens  ............  Thomas  B   Rodgers. 

Nebraska  ....................  V.  L.  Bierbower  ..............  J.  L.  Mitchell. 

Nevada  ......................  E.  Strother  .....................  W.  W.  Bishop. 

New  Hampshire  ...........  S.  W.  Hale  ....................  James  G.  Sturgis. 

New  Jersey  .................  James  Gopsill  ..................  C.  H.  Sinnickson. 

New  York  ..................  Henry  R.  Pierson  ............  George  H.  Sharpe. 

North  Carolina  ............  Rufus  Barringer  .............  O.  H.  Blocker. 

Ohio  ..........................  Alphonso  Hart  ................  James  A.  Garfield. 

Oregon  ......................  O.  P.  Tompkins  ..............  D.  C.  Ireland. 

Pennsylvania  ...............  Howard  J.  Reeder  ...........  WTm.  H.  Armstrong. 

Rhode  Island  ..............  Almon  R.  Goodwin  .........  Thomas  W.  Chase. 

South  Carolina  ............  W.  J.  Whipper  ..............  Charles  M.  Wilder. 

Tennessee  ..................  W.  E.  Gate  ....................  J.  M.  Cordell. 

Texas  ...................  .....W.  H.  Hokes  .................  William  Chambers. 

Vermont  .....................  Henry  C.  Belden  ............  John  B.  Mead. 

Virginia  .....................  H.  Clay  Harris  ...............  W.  R.  Watkins. 

West  Virginia  ..............  J.  H.    Riley  ....................  A.  C.  Moore. 

Wisconsin  ...........  ,  ......  Wm.   E.  Carter  ...............  A.  J.  Turner. 

Arizona  ......................  None  ............................  J.  S.  Vosburg. 

Dakota  .......................  None  ............................  C.  T.  McCoy; 

District  of  Columbia  ......  None  ............................  John  F.  Cook. 

Idaho  ........................  George  L.  Shoup  .............  George  L.  Shoup. 

Montana  .....................  Robert  E.  Fisk  ...............  Henry  M.  Blake. 

New  Mexico  ........  ^  ......  William  Breeden  .............  Wm.  L.  Ryneson. 

Utah...  ...V.  L.  C.  Silvos  .......  None. 


334 


J.IFE  AND  PUBLIC  C.lKl'.ER  OF 


States.  Permanent  Organization.  Rules  and  Business. 

Washington Thomas  L.  Minor Thomas  H.  Brents. 

Wyoming W.  A.  Carter None. 

States.  Credentials.  Resolutions. 

Alabama Isaac  Ileyman Wm.  Youngblood. 

Arkansas Powell  Clayton H.  S.  Holland. 

California Creed  Raymond D.  S.  Payne. 

Colorado George  T.  Clark Amos  Steck. 

Connecticut Samuel  C.  Fessendon H.  C.  Robinson. 

Delaware James  R.  Lofland Levi  G.  Clark. 

Florida Joseph  E.  Lee F.  C.  Humphries. 

Georgia Edward  Belcher A.  E.  Buck. 

Illinois Green  B.  Raum E.  A.  Storrs. 

Indiana B.  K.  Higginbottom George  W.  Fridley. 

Iowa J.  S.  Clarkson George  G.  Perkins. 

Kansas B.  F.  Simpson R.  R.  W.  Perkins. 

Kentucky Richard  B.  Stoll A.  T.  Wood. 

Louisiana Contest Contest. 

Maine A.  A.  Stroul Lewis  Barker. 

Maryland William  J.  Hooper J.  Morrison  Harris. 

Massachusetts Charles  R.  Codman James  M.  Barker. 

Michigan .... Homer  D.  Conger George  A.  Farr. 

Minnesota E.  M.  Sabin D.  Sinclair. 

Mississippi F.  M.  Libbey Charles  W.  Clark. 

Missouri Harrison  E.  Haven R.  T.  Van  Home. 

Nebraska N.  W.  Passenger J.  W.  Dawes. 

Nevada M.  D.  Foley T.  D.  Edwards. 

New  Hampshire Wm.  E.  Chandler Charles  Holman. 

New  Jersey Chellian  Robbins William  W.  Phelps. 

New  York \ Benjamin  F.  Tracey  Edwards  Pierrepont. 

North  Carolina George  W.  Price,  Jr James  A.  Harris. 

Ohio Warren  M.  Bateman Rodney  M.  Stimson. 

Oregon....! John  H.  Mitchell H.  W.  Scott. 

Pennsylvania John  Cessna W.  B.  Rogers. 

Rhode  Island John  P.  Sanborn Charles  H.  Ilandley. 

South  Carolina William  N.  Taft D.  D.  McCall. 

Tennessee J.  M.  Thornburg Horace  H.  Harrison. 

Texas Webster  Flannagan J.  G.  Tracy. 

Vermont John  W.  Stewart George  G.  Benedict. 

Virginia C.  C.  Tompkins James  D.  Brady. 

West  Virginia J.  M.  Hagan C.  D.  Hubbard. 


JAMES  A.   GARF2ELD.  og^ 

States.  Credentials.  Resolutions. 

Wisconsin Ed.  Sanderson Joseph  V.  Quarles. 

Arizona R.  C.  McCormick ...J.  S.  Vosburg. 

Dakota..... Porter  Warner C.  T.  McCoy. 

District  of  Columbia Sayles  J.  Bowen  John  F.  Cook. 

Idaho George  L.  Shoup Jones  W.  Brown. 

Montana Henry  M.  Blake Robert  E.  Fisk. 

New  Mexico William  Breeden William  L.  Ryneson, 

Utah None Presley  Denney. 

Washington T.  L.  Minor Thomas  H.  Brents. 

Wyoming W.  A.  Carter W.  A.  Carter. 


LIFE  AXD  1'L'UUC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

THE   SECOND   DAY'S    FIGHTING. 

EXPOSITION    HALL,    as    the    convention 
began  assembling  on  Thursday  morning, 
presented  much  the  same  appearance  that 
it  did  the  day  before.     The  attendance  was,  how 
ever,  much  larger,  and  the  anti-third-term  people 
had    made    arrangements    during    the    previous 
evening  to  secure  a  greater  representation  in  the 
spectators'  seats,  and  a  better  location   for  their 
sympathizers. 

The  delegates,  as  the  hour  of  eleven  approached, 
straggled  slowly  in.  Many  of  them  came  fatigued 
from  committee  work,  and  other  matters  not  offi 
cial  but  incidental  to  a  gathering  of  the  kind.  By 
the  hour  for  assembling,  every  seat  was  occupied 
in  the  galleries,  and  the  floor  was  unusually  ani 
mated.  There  was  a  great  deal  of  running  round 
among  the  delegates  and  their  friends,  but  the 
only  outburst  before  the  call  to  order  was  on  the 
first  day,  when  Conkling  came  down  the  aisle  at  a 
a  quarter  to  twelve.  He  was  euthusiastically 
cheered,  and  moved  slowly  to  his  seat,  his  tall 
figure  rising  above  those  who  stood  aside  to  let 
him  pass.  He  was  the  lion  of  the  hour  and  the 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


387 


chief  curiosity  of  the  multitude  was  always  to  see 
the  silver-bearded  senator  from  New  York. 

It  was  within  a  few  minutes  of  high  noon,  when 
Senator  Hoar  brought  down  his  gavel  upon  his 
bouquet-embellished  desk.  A  momentary  confu 
sion  was  caused  in  the  removal  of  outsiders,  who 
crowded  into  every  possible  place.  All  knew 
that  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  which  had  in 
band  the  important  preliminary  work  of  the  con 
vention,  would  not  be  ready  to  report  for  several 
hours.  Consequently,  as  soon  as  the  prayer  was 
concluded,  Senator  Conkling  moved  that  a  recess 
be  taken  until  six  o'clock.  This  motion  was  re 
garded  as  an  indication  that  he  was  not  altogether 
prepared  for  any  test  vote,  but  the  fact  was  it  was 
impossible  to  reach  a  test  vote  until  it  came  to 
the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 
Eugene  Hale,  however,  backed  by  the  cheers  of 
the  gallery,  antagonized  the  motion  for  a  recess, 
and  supported  his  wish  with  the  precedent  that 
four  years  before  the  convention  had  effected  the 
permanent  organization  while  waiting  the  report 
on  contested  seats. 

Senator  Conkling  dropped  into  the  sarcastic  in 
his  reply,  congratulated  the  convention  that  it  had 
heard  a  speech  from  the  gentleman  from  Maine, 
and  managed  to  sneer  at  New  England  as  a  sec 
tion  chiefly  peopled  by  orators. 

Mr.  Hale  returned  to  the  charge,  and  made 
great  point,  that  in  Congress  business  did  not  wait 


388 


LIFE  AND  FL'BLIC  CAREER  OF 


for  the  settlement  of  contests.  For  this  Mr.  Hale 
was  rewarded  by  a  wild  burst  of  applause.  The 
crowds  were  ready  and  delighted  to  cheer,  and 
when  Hale  went  on  to  say  that  if  he  appeared  in 
better  humor  that  morning  than  the  gentleman 
from  New  York,  the  great  audience  understood 
the  reason  why.  The  applause  passed  beyond  all 
bounds.  It  became  a  gale  of  hurrahs. 

Mr.  Conkling  did  not  attempt  a  reply  to  this 
and  a  vote  being  secured  on  his  motion  for  a  re 
cess,  it  was  lost.  For  several  minutes  after  this  it 
was  not  quite  certain  what  would  be  the  next  step. 
Then  Joy,  of  Michigan,  sent  up  a  resolution,  to  the 
effect  that  the  contestants  from  Illinois  should  be 
allowed  to  be  heard  before  the  convention  by  such 
counsel  as  they  should  select.  This  raised  quite 
a  storm,  and  a  motion  to  lay  it  on  the  table  was 
made.  This  was  submitted  to  a  viva  voce  vote, 
and  declared  lost.  A  roll-call  was  ordered  to  sat 
isfy  the  demands  of  some  rash  delegates,  but  this 
was  not  acceptable  to  either  side.  Joy's  motion 
was  then  withdrawn  at  the  request  of  Eugene 
Hale. 

Later,  General  Sewell,  of  New  Jersey,  intro 
duced  a  motion  that  the  Committee  on  Permanent 
Organization  be  instructed  to  bring  in  its  report. 
This  was  adopted.  The  report  continued  Senator 
Hoar  as  permanent  president,  and  provided  a 
vice-president  and  secretary  from  each  State. 


JAMES  A.   GAR  FIELD. 

After  the  report  was  read  and  corrected,  Senator 
Hoar  said: 

"GENTLEMEN     OF     THE    CONVENTION:    You    have 

manifested  in  the  choice  you  have  made  for  per 
manent  presiding  officer  a  disposition  to  a  wise 
economy  in  the  matter  of  opening  speeches. 
[Laughter.]  One  good  reason  occurs  to  me  for 
the  selection  which  you  have  made,  and  that  is, 
that  having  heard  one  spQech  from  me,  you  have, 
for  reasons  entirely  satisfactory  to  each  delegate, 
no  inclination  to  hear  another  opening  soeech." 
[Laughter  and  applause.] 

The  men  from  Maine  were  still  anxious  to  go 
on  with  business,  and  Frye  put  a  motion  that  the 
Committee  on  Rules  be  requested  to  report. 
This  brought  General  Sharpe  to  his  feet — the 
New  York  member  of  the  committee — who  said 
he  had  been  instructed  to  prepare  a  minority  re 
port,  and  as  the  committee  was  in  session  until 
within  a  few  minutes  of  the  assembling  of  the 
convention,  he  had  no  time  to  clo  so.  He  also 
announced  it  was  understood  that  a  report  would 
not  be  made  until  the  Committee  on  Credentials 
had  presented  their  report.  The  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Rules  was  then  called  upon  by  Mr. 
Frye. 

The  chairman  was  General  Garfield.  As  he 
mounted  a  chair  to  have  a  better  opportunity,  he 
was  greeted  with  the  most  enthusiastic  applause 
yet  heard  in  the  convention.  It  was  a  magnificent, 


390 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  <>/•' 


spontaneous  tribute  to  his  worth  and  universally 
recognized  public  services.  General  Garfield  sai 
the  statement  of  the  gentleman  from  New  Yor] 
was  true.  This  satisfied  everybody.  Frye  with 
drew  his  motion  to  propose  a  recess  until  five  P.  M 
Senator  Conkling  was  immediately  on  his  fee 

to  congratulate  his   friends   from   Maine   that  s< 
& 

much  had  been  accomplished.  It  was  a  matter  t< 
stir  the  heart  of  every  patriot  to  find  the  conven 
tion,  in  its  organized  state,  rising  in  its  might,  01 
being  able  to  accomplish  the  momentous,  the  criti 
cal,  the  portentous  business  that  had  been  accom 
plished  since  his  (Conkling's)  motion  to  adjoun 
had  been  made.  Mr.  Frye  returned  the  challenge 
and  drew  wild  cheering  from  the  galleries  by  ex 
pressing  his  thanks  to  the  distinguished  gentlemar 
from  New  York,  who,  he  hoped,  would  be  as  will 
ing  and  as  ready  to  congratulate  Maine  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  convention. 

There  was  no  reply  to  make  to  this  clever  sail} 
of  the  man  from  Maine,  and  the  motion  for  a  re 
cess  was  adopted  without  dissent.  The  conven 
tion  stood  adjourned  until  five  P.  M. 

It  was  half-past  that  hour,  however,  before  the 
convention  came  to  order  again.  The  galleries 
were  packed  as  before  with  interested  spectators 
As  soon  as  the  convention  was  ready  for  business 
Mr.  Henderson,  of  Iowa,  announced  that  the  Com 
mittee  on  Credentials  would  not  be  ready  to  re 
port  at  that  session,  and  moved  that  the  Committee 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


391 


on  Rules  be  requested  to  report,  so  that  the  con 
vention  could  proceed  to  business.  This  again 
precipitated  a  clash  between  the  opposing  fac 
tions.  .  Senator  Logan  said  the  committee  had 
agreed  to  defer  their  report  on  rules  and  order  of 
business  until  after  the  action  on  contested  seats. 
(This,  as  it  will  be  remejnbered  by  the  reader,  was 
for  the  purpose  of  delaying  everything  decisive 
until  such  time  as  all  the  delegates  were  in  the 
hall,  the  Grant  men  hoping  to  gain  by  the  action 
of  the  credentials  committee).  If  the  convention 
desired  victory  for  its  work,  it  ought  not  to  raise 
too  hastily  the  axe  to  the  heads  of  their  brethren. 
The  rules  ought  not  to  be  adopted  before  they 
knew  who  were  entitled  to  seats  as  representa 
tives  in  the  body,  especially  as  one  of  the  rules  to 
be  reported  would  limit  the  speakers  to  .five  min 
utes  each.  Let  the  compact  be  kept  that  was 
agreed  to  by  members  of  the  committee,  and  let 
the  consideration  of  the  rules  be  deferred  until  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials  was  made. 
He  urged  the  withdrawal  of  the  motion.  [Cries 
of  "No."]  Some  gentlemen,  he  said,  cried  "no." 
Was  it  because  they  were  determined  not  to  stand 
by  the  agreement  of  the  committee  ?  Did  they 
desire  to  ride  rough-shod  over  members  ? 

The  Associated  Press  report  of  this  debate, 
which  led  to  the  first  test  vote  between  the  Grant 
and  anti-Grant  men,  continues  it  from  this  point, 
as  follows: 


392 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


"  Mr.  Henderson  replied  that  he  was  glad  to 
learn  the  sentiments  of  the  distinguished  gentle 
man  from  Illinois.  They  would  gratify  the  whole 
country.  From  no  gentleman  was  he  more  glad 
to  hear  than  from  him  that  there  must  be  no  rough 
riding  over,  this  convention.  [Tumultuous  ap 
plause.]  He  was  glad  to  see  the  contending 
columns  here  coming  together  in  the  field  of  fair 
play.  [Applause.]  The  gentleman  asked  why 
this  haste  ?  He,  on  the  contrary,  asked,  why  this 
delay  ?  [Applause.]  The  chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Rules  indicated  here  this  morning 
that  there  was  no  compact  made  in  said  commit 
tee,  such  as  Mr.  Logan  had  asserted.  On  the 
contrary,  he  said  he  was  ready  to  report,  but  the 
convention,  by  general  concurrence,  took  a  recess 
to  give  a  minority  of  the  committee  the  time  he 
asked  to  prepare  a  minority  report.  But  now  the 
convention  was  organized  and  ready  for  work,  and 
he  must  insist  on  his  motion  to  proceed  to  busi 
ness,  in  conclusion  he  stated,  on  authority  of  a 
Kentucky  member  of  the  committee,  who  signed 
the  minority  report,  that  it  was  in  fact  ready  for 
being  reported  this  morning. 

"Mr.  Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts,  inquired  of  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  whether  it  was 
true  that  they  would  recommend  the  adoption  of  the 
five-minute  rule  in  the  debate  on  contested  seats. 

''The  Kentucky  member  of  the  committee  arose, 
and  announced  as  a  misrepresentation  Mr.  Hen- 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

derson's  statement  that  the  minority  report  was 
ready  this  morning. 

"Another  cornmitteeman,  rising,  shouted  excit 
edly  that  Mr.  Henderson's  statement  was  accurate 
and  true.  [Applause  and  excitement.] 

"Mr.  Boutwell,  resuming,  said  that  he  would 
vote  against  the  pending  motion  if  the  five-minute 
rule  was  to  be  applied  to  arguments  on  the  ques 
tion  of  contested  seats. 

"Mr.  Harrison  said,  though  he  differed  with  Mr. 
Logan  on  most  of  the  questions,  here  he  was  with 
him  in  opposition  to  the  five-minute  rule  in  the 
discussion  of  the  title  of  representatives  to  their 
seats  [applause],  but  he  was  not  in  favor  of  in 
definite  and  unreasonable  and  endless  debate  to 
tire  everybody  out.  Even  in  that  issue  there 
ought  to  be  some  agreement  on  this  point  which 
would  be  fair  and  just  to  all  parties. 

"Mr.  Henderson,  of  Iowa,  said  the  arguments 
presented  against  the  five-minute  rule  would  be 
all  right  and  proper  and  fair  for  consideration  after 
the  report  was  made.  It  would  then  be  subject 
to  discussion  and  amendment.  He  and  his  asso 
ciates  had  no  desire  to  take  unfair  advantage  of 
any  one,  but  he  wanted  the  business  to  proceed, 
and  the  way  to  do  these  things  was  to  receive  the 
report  and  act  upon  it. 

"Mr.  Clarke,  of  Iowa,  said  at  the  proper  time 
he  would  himself  move  to  except  the  credentials 
discussion  from  the  five-minute  limitation,  and 


OQ*  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

pledging  the  entire  Iowa  delegation  to  support  it. 
[Applause.] 

"Mr.  'Sharpe,  of  New  York,  said  his  minority 
report  was  now  ready,  and  it  was  signed  by  rep 
resentatives  of  nine  States,  whose  vote  was  neces 
sary  to  the  success  of  the  Republican  party  if  in 
the  comincr  contest  it  was  to  succeed.  The  com- 

£> 

mittee  had  agreed  to  postpone  the  enforcement 
of  the  five-minute  rule  until  the  composition  of  the 
convention  was  decided.  If  that  agreement  was 
not  unanimous,  it  had  been  at  all  events  reached 
without  a  dissenting  voice.  He  now  moved  to 
amend  the  motion  by  ordering  the  Committee  on 
Credentials  to  make  its  report. 

"Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  who  was  received  with 
a  storm  of  applause,  said  that  there  was  no  ground 
for  any  charge  of  bad  faith  by  anybody  in  the 
Committee  on  Rules.  He  did  not  understand 
that  any  such  charge  was  made.  The  fact  was 
that  the  committee  agreed  that  they  would  not,  of 
their  own  motion,  present  their  report  until  after 
the  Committee  on  Contested  Seats  had  reported ; 
but  whenever  the  convention  chose  to  order  the 
report  from  his  committee,  the  latter  had  no  other 
duty  but  to  obey.  He  said,  also,  that  the  pro 
posed  rules  were  so  drawn  as  to  leave  to  the  con 
vention  the  power  to  extend  any  speaker's  time 
beyond  five  minutes  whenever  it  should  so  choose, 
even  though  the  general  limitation  of  each  of  the 
speakers  should  be  fixed  at  five  minutes. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

"Mr.  Conkling  said  that  some  hours  ago  the 
convention  had  adjourned  until  five  o'clock,  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  the  Committee  on  Credentials 
time  to  report.  The  meaning  of  the  recess  was, 
that  when  the  convention  came  together  again  the 
Committee  on  Credentials  would  make  its  report. 
He  had  been  told  by  members  of  that  committee 
that  they  were  ready  to  report — not  on  one  or  two 
or  three  cases,  but  nearly  every  case  referred  to 
it.  Why  should  not  that  committee  make  such 
report  as  it  was  ready  to  make,  and  let  the  con 
vention  pass  upon  it?  He  submitted  that  the 
good  fctith  and  good  understanding  of  all  con 
cerned  would  be  promoted  and  observed  by  pro 
ceeding  now  to  consider  that  report  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Contested  Seats. 

"Mr.  Henderson,  of  Iowa,  replied  that  a  good 
reason  why  the  amendment  should  not"  prevail  was 
the  fact,  that  while  the  Committee  on  Rules  had 
finished  its  work  and  was  ready  to  report,  the 
Committee  on  Credentials  had  not  completed  their 
work,  and  would  probably  not  do  so  before  to 
morrow  morning,  and  until  then  could  not  be  here 
themselves  to  explain  and  sustain  their  own  action. 

"The  chair  stated  that  the  question  was  first 
upon  Mr,  Sharpe's  motion  to  amend  so  as  to  in 
struct  the  Committee  on  Contested  Seats  to 
report. 

"Mr.  Sharpe  asked  that  the  question  be  taken 
by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  chair,  exercising  his 


3g6  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

own  discretion  in  the  absence  of  any  adopted  rules, 
so  ordered." 

The  roll  was  then  called  and  Alabama  led  off 
with  19  yeas.  When  this  vote  was  announced  a 
delegate  from  that  State  rose  and  said  he  wished 
to  vote  in  the  negative. 

Senator  Hoar:  "If  the  gentleman  wishes  to 
vote  'no'  his  vote  will  be  received  and  recorded." 

At  this  announcement,  which  was  an  out-spoken, 
manly  declaration  against  the  obnoxious  unit  rule 
and  one  of  the  best  principles  of  political  faith  that 
the  Republican  party  ever  affirmed — the  absolute 
inviolability  of  every  man's  share  in  the*govern- 
ment  of  the  governed — the  convention  sent  up  a 
great  shout  led  by  the  galleries.  This  was  ap 
plause  worth  listening  to,  the  echo  of  which  went 
through  every  State  with  the  rapidity  of  great  and 
good  news. 

Alabama  was  therefore  recorded  "Yeas  18, 
Noes  i,"  and  the  vote  was  continued  thus: 

Arkansas — Yeas,  1 2  ;  California — Noes,  i  2  ;  Col 
orado — Yeas,  6;  Connecticut — Noes  12;  Dela 
ware — Noes,  6;  Florida — Yeas,  6;  Georgia — 
Yeas,  6  ;  Noes,  16;  Illinois — Yeas,  42  ;  Indiana — 
Yeas,  6  ;  Noes,  23  ;  Iowa — Noes,  22  ;  Kansas — 
Noes,  10.  Kentucky  announced  24  yeas. 

A  Kentucky  delegate  arose  and  said  there  were 
delegates  from  that  State  who  desired  to  vote  no. 
There  were  four  stalwarts  who  desired  their  votes 
recorded  "no."  [Applause  and  hisses.] 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

Because  of  the  delegates'  excited  and  boisterous 
manner  the  chair  ruled  that  all  debate  on  any 
thing  else  than  correction  of  the  vote  be  out  of  order. 

The  chairman  of  the  Kentucky  delegation  here 
rose  and  said  he  would  then  give  the  names  of 
the  four,  but  just  then  Senator  Conkling  went  up 
to  him  and  said  a  word,  which  led  him  to  forego 
his  purpose  and  take  his  seat.  Then  the  four 
Kentucky  dissenters  stood  upon  their  chairs  in  the 
presence  of  the  convention  amid  great  applause. 
The  vote  of  Kentucky  was  then  recorded  as  20 
ayes  and  4  noes.  Maine,  1 4  noes ;  Maryland  7 
ayes,  8  noes ;  Massachusetts,  7  ayes,  1 7  noes  ; 
Michigan,  i  aye,  20  noes  ;  Minnesota,  3  ayes,  6 
noes ;  Mississippi,  8  ayes,  7  noes ;  Missouri,  29 
ayes,  i  no ;  Nebraska,  6  noes ;  Nevada,  6  noes ; 
New  Hampshire,  10  noes;  New  Jersey,  18  noes; 
New  York — Mr.  Conkling,  by  instructions  of  his 
delegation,  cast  47  ayes,  23  noes  ;  North  Carolina, 

5  ayes,  15  noes;  Ohio,  3  ayes,  41   noes;  Oregon? 

6  noes;  Pennsylvania,  29  ayes,  23  noes,  Rhode 
Island,  8   noes;  South  Carolina,  7  ayes,   5   noes,; 
Tennessee,  1 5  ayes,  7  noes  ;  Texas,  9  ayes,  7  noes  ; 
Vermont,    10  ayes;    Virginia,    n    ayes,   8   noes; 
West  Virginia,   10  noes;   Wisconsin,   2  ayes,   18 
noes;  Arizona,  2  noes;  Dakota,  i  aye,  i  no ;  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,   2   ayes ;  Idaho,   2   noes ;  Mon 
tana,  2  noes  ;  New  Mexico,  2  noes  ;  Utah,  2  noes  ; 
Washington,  2  noes  ;  Wyoming,  2  noes.     Total — 
Ayes,  316;   noes,  407.. 


398  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER   OF 

Pennsylvania  asked  to  cast  two  additional  votes 
aye  of  delegates  who  had  just  arrived.  This  gave 
Pennsylvania  31  ayes  to  23  noes.  Michigan  cor 
rected  its  votes  to  i  aye,  and  2 1  noes. 

Thus  corrected,  the  chair  announced  the  result 
— yeas,  316;  nays,  406.  Mr.  Sharpe's  amend 
ment  was  rejected. 

The  result,  an  unquestioned  and  overwhelming 
defeat  for  the  Grant  forces,  was  received  with 
tumultuous  applause  in  the  galleries  and  not  a 
little  pleasure  among  the  406  victors  on  the  floor. 
For  it  showed  just  exactly  how  much  Grant  could 
get  on  any  one  ballot  and  demonstrated  beyond 
peradventure  that  if  the  opponents  of  the  third- 
term  stood  together  they  could  at  any  time  defeat 
their  enemies. 

The  question  now  recurring  upon  the  original 
motion,  Mr.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut,  got  up 
and  said  he  did  so  in  the  interest  of  order, 
harmony  and  peace.  He  had  voted  against  the 
amendment  just  rejected,  but  he  thought  there 
was  a  fair  understanding  in  the  Committee  on 
Rules,  that  their  report  should  not  be  made  until 
after  that  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials. '  He 
moved  to  lay  on  the  table  the  pending  motion  in 
structing  the  latter  committee  to  report,  with  a 
view  to  adjourning.  This  was  agree'd  to,  and  on 
motion  of  Mr.  Metcalf,  of  Illinois,  the  convention 
adjourned  until  fehe  next  day — June  4th — at  ten 
o'clock,  A.  M. 


JAMES  A.  CAKFIELD.  399 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

WAR  TO   THE   KNIFE,   AND   KNIFE  TO   THE   HILT. 

{T  was  readily  seen  by  this  time  that  the  fight 
was  to  be  a  long-continued  one,  inaugurated 
and  conducted  on  the  basis  of  war  to  the  knife, 
and  knife  to  the  hilt.  The  country  was  aroused  to 
a  deep  and  untiring  attention  to  every  detail  of  the 
Chicago  proceedings,  and  the  newspapers  were 
devoured  by  their  thousands  of  readers  with  an 
avidity  that  spoke  well  for  the  political  fortunes  of 
our  country.  For  no  people  can  come  to  great 
disaster  who  show  an  intelligent,  jealous  interest 
in  the  proceedings  of  those  who  govern  them. 

To  return  to  the  convention.  The  Committee 
on  Credentials  had  a  hard  time  of  it.  At  midnight 
on  Thursday  it  had  been  in  continuous  session 
for  six  hours.  It  had  settled  the  Illinois  district 
contestants  at  the  expense  of  eighteen  votes  for 
Grant  (this  was  a  question  of  whether  delegates 
elected  by  a  gag-law  convention  or  by  the  districts 
should  be  seated),  had  agreed  to  the  admission  of 
a  divided  delegation  from  Louisiana,  and  had 
reached  the  Pennsylvania  cases  (the  question  here 
was  somewhat  similar  to  that  of  Illinois — a  packed 
convention  instructing  delegates  the  opposite  way 


402  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER   OF 

the  vote  of  that  State,  defended  his  position.  H 
had  suffered  contumely  and  violence  for  his  Re 
publican  principles,  and  if  he  was  now  to  be  denie 
the  free  expression  of  his  opinion  in  a  Republica: 
convention,  he  was  willing  to  withdraw  from  tha 
convention.  He  had  imbibed  his  Republican  prin 
ciples  from  the  great  New  York  statesman,  Willian 
H.  Seward.  He  had  been  a  newspaper  edito 
since  the  John  Brown  raid  at  Harper's  Ferry,  an< 
had  always  consistently  supported  the  nations 
Republican  nominee.  But  he  felt  that  there  wa 
a  principle  in  this  question.  He  would  never  g 
to  any  convention  and  agree  beforehand  that  what 
ever  might  be  done  by  it  should  have  his  indorse 
ment.  He  always  intended  to  guard  his  ow 
sovereignty.  [Applause.]  He  never  intende 
that  any  body  of  men  should  take  that  sovereignt 
from  him.  As  he  had  not  been  afraid  to  stand  u 
for  Republican  principles  in  West  Virginia,  h 
was  not  afraid  to  go  home  and  face  his  cor 
stituents. 

Mr.  Hale,  of  West  Virginia,  who  voted  aye,  de 
fended  the  right  of  his  colleague  to  vote  as  he  sa^ 
fit,  [applause],  to  utter  his  .own  sentiments  as  a 
individual  delegate. 

Mr.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut,  said  the  que< 
tion  was  not  one  of  free  speech.     No  man  her 
will  seek  to  hinder  any  delegate's  free  speech, 
was  only  a  question  as  to  what  any  man  would  d 
for  the  support  of  Republican  principles.    He  cor 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


403 


nued  at  considerable  length  until  greeted  with 
isses. 

Mr.  McCormick,  of  West  Virginia,  avowed  him- 
elf  one  of  the  three  dissenters,  not  because  he 
id  not  expect  to  support  the  nominee  of  this  con- 
ention,  for  he  did  intend  to  do  that,  no  matter 
ho  he  should  be.  He  was  as  good  a  Republican 
s  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  and  whereas  the 
itter  made  only  one  speech  for  the  nominee  of 
last  National  Republican  Convention,  he 
Mr.  McCormick)  made  one  hundred.  [Great 
pplause  and  cheers.]  He  opposed  the  resolution 
nly  because  it  declares  that  men  are  not  fit  to  sit 
i  the  convention  if  they  differ  from  other  mem- 
ers  of  it. 

Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  who  was  received  with  a 
lost  flattering  ovation,  expressed  his  fear  that  the 
onvention  was  about  to   commit  a  grave  error, 
le  would  state  the  case.     Every  delegate  save 
iree  had  voted  for  a  resolution,  and    the  three 
ho  had  voted  against  it  had  risen  in  their  places 
nd  stated  they  expected  and  intended  to  support 
nominee  of  the  convention.    But  it  was  not,  in 
leir  judgment,  a  wise  thing  at  this  time  to  pass 
resolution  which  all  the  rest  of  the  delegates 
ad  voted   for.     Were   they  to   be   disfranchised 
ecause  they  thought  so  ?     [Cries  of  "  No  !  No!"] 
That  was  the  question.     Was  every  delegate  to 
have  his  Republicanism  inquired  into  before  he 
was  allowed  to  vote  ?     Delegates  were  responsi- 


LIFE  AND  rCBLIC  CAREER  OF 


ble  for  their  votes,  not  to  the  convention,  but 
their  constituents.      [Cheers.]     He  himself  we 
never,  in  any  convention,  vote  against  his  ju 
ment.     He    regretted    that   the   gentlemen    fr 
West  Virginia  had  thought  it  best  to  break 
harmony  of  the  convention  by  their  dissent. 
did  not  know  those  gentlemen,  nor  their  affi 
tions,  nor  their  relations  to  the  candidates.    If 
convention  expelled  these  men,  then  the  conv 
tion  would  have  to  purge  itself  at  the  end  of  ev 
vote  and  inquire  how  many  delegates  who  ] 
voted  "no"  should  go  out.    [Cheers.]    He  trus 
that  the  gentleman  from  New  York  would  w 
draw  his  resolution  and  let  the  convention  proc< 
with  its  business.     [Loud  cheering.] 

When  this  had  subsided,  Mr.  Pixley,  of  Cali: 
nia,  moved  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the  tai 
[Applause.] 

Mr.  Conkling  demanded  the  call  of  the  r 
[Hisses  long  and  furious.] 

A  call  of  the  roll  was  ordered.  Mr.  Conkl 
inquired  of  the  chair  whether  the  three  gentlen 
from  West  Virginia  did  say  that  they  would  v 
for  the  nominee  of  the  convention.  The  cl 
said  it  was  not  his  province  to  answer  the  qu 
tion.  Mr.  Conkling  said  he  would  not  press 
resolution  if  his  question  was  answered  in  the 
firmative,  and  finally  he  withdrew  the  resoluti 
as  he  said  there  seemed  to  be  some  doubt.  [J- 
plause  and  hisses.] 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  *Qr. 

General  Sewell,  of  New  Jersey,  moved  that  the 
Committee  on  Rules  be  ordered  to  report,  with  the 
understanding  that  no  action  should  be  taken 
upon  the  report  until  after  the  report  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Credentials  had  been  presented.  During 
the  reading  of  this  report,  Senator  Bruce,  of 
Mississippi,  temporarily  occupied  the  chair,  and 
was  received  with  applause  on  taking  it.  The 
rules  were  then  read  by  the  secretary ;  the  one 
forbidding  the  employment  of  any  unit  rule  was 
received  with  great  applause.  This  was  Rule  8, 
and  provided  as  follows  :  "  In  the  record  of  a  vote 
by  States,  the  vote  of  each  State,  Territory  and 
District  of  Columbia  shall  be  announced  by  the 
chairman,  and  in  announcing  the  vote  of  any  State, 
Territory  and  District  of  Columbia,  the  chairman 
shall  announce  the  number  of  votes  cast  for  any 
candidate,  or  for  or  against  any  proposition,  but  if 
exception  is  taken  by  any  delegate  to  the  correct 
ness  of  such  announcement  by  the  chairman  of  a 
delegation,  the  president  of  the  convention  shall 
direct  the  roll  of  such  delegation  to  be  called  and 
the  result  shall  be  recorded  in  accordance  with  the 
vote  individually  given." 

The  five-minute  rule  was  enforced  by  Rule  9. 

Mr.  Sharpe,  of  New  York,  presented  a  minority 
report  recommending  the  adoption  for  Rule  8  of 
Rule  6  of  the  convention  of  1876,  as  follows: 

"  In  the  record  of  votes  by  States  the  vote  of 
each  State,  Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia 


404 


LIl-K  AXD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


ble  for  their  votes,  not  to  the  convention,  but  1 
their  constituents.  [Cheers.]  He  himself  woul 
never,  in  any  convention,  vote  against  his  judj 
ment.  He  regretted  that  the  gentlemen  froi 
West  Virginia  had  thought  it  best  to  break  th 
harmony  of  the  convention  by  their  dissent.  H 
did  not  know  those  gentlemen,  nor  their  affili; 
tions,  nor  their  relations  to  the  candidates.  If  th: 
convention  expelled  these  men,  then  the  conver 
tion  would  have  to  purge  itself  at  the  end  of  ever 
vote  and  inquire  how  many  delegates  who  ha 
voted  "no"  should  go  out.  [Cheers.]  He  truste 
that  the  gentleman  from  New  York  would  witl 
draw  his  resolution  and  let  the  convention  procee 
with  its  business.  [Loud  cheering.] 

When  this  had  subsided,  Mr.  Pixley,  of  Califoi 
nia,  moved  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the  tabl< 
[Applause.] 

Mr.  Conkling  demanded  the  call  of  the  rol 
[Hisses  long  and  furious.] 

A  call  of  the  roll  was  ordered.  Mr.  Conklin 
inquired  of  the  chair  whether  the  three  gentleme 
from  West  Virginia  did  say  that  they  would  vot 
for  the  nominee  of  the  convention.  The  chai 
said  it  was  not  his  province  to  answer  the  ques 
tion.  Mr.  Conkling  said  he  would  not  press  hi 
resolution  if  his  question  was  answered  in  the  al 
firmative,  and  finally  he  withdrew  the  resolutior 
as  he  said  there  seemed  to  be  some  doubt.  [Ap 
plause  and  hisses.] 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

General  Sewell,  of  New  Jersey,  moved  that  the 
Committee  on  Rules  be  ordered  to  report,  with  the 
understanding  that  no  action  should  be  taken 
upon  the  report  until  after  the  report  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Credentials  had  been  presented.  During 
the  reading  of  this  report,  Senator  Bruce,  of 
Mississippi,  temporarily  occupied  the  chair,  and 
was  received  with  applause  on  taking  it.  The 
rules  were  then  read  by  the  secretary ;  the  one 
forbidding  the  employment  of  any  unit  rule  was 
received  with  great  applause.  This  was  Rule  8, 
and  provided  as  follows :  "  In  the  record  of  a  vote 
by  States,  the  vote  of  each  State,  Territory  and 
District  of  Columbia  shall  be  announced  by  the 
chairman,  and  in  announcing  the  vote  of'  any  State, 
Territory  and  District  of  Columbia,  the  chairman 
shall  announce  the  number  of  votes  cast  for  any 
candidate,  or  for  or  against  any  proposition,  but  if 
exception  is  taken  by  any  delegate  to  the  correct 
ness  of  such  announcement  by  the  chairman  of  a 
delegation,  the  president  of  the  convention  shall 
direct  the  roll  of  such  delegation  to  be  called  and 
the  result  shall  be  recorded  in  accordance  with  the 
vote  individually  given/' 

The  five-minute  rule  was  enforced  by  Rule  9. 

Mr.  Sharpe,  of  New  York,  presented  a  minority 
report  recommending  the  adoption  for  Rule  8  of 
Rule  6  of  the  convention  of  1876,  as  follows: 

"  In  the'  record  of  votes  by  States  the  vote  of 
each  State,  Territory  and  the  District  of  Columbia 


406 


/.///•;  AXJ)  2 T/; L1C  CAREER  OF 


shall  be  announced  by  the  chairman,  and  in  case 
the  vote  of  any  State,  Territory  or  the  District  of 
Columbia  shall  be  divided,  the  chairman  shall  an 
nounce  the  number  of  votes  cast  for  any  candidate, 
or  for  or  against  any  proposition." 

After  this  was  buried  in  the  adoption  of  the 
majority  report,  the  convention  did  nothing  in  par 
ticular  while  waiting  the  long-delayed  report  of 
the  Committee  on  Credentials.  At  last  it  was 
presented  by  Mr.  Conger,  of  Michigan. 

In  Louisiana  the  committee  recommended  the 
admission  of  the  Warmouth  delegation,  excluding 
the  Beattie  delegation,  because  the  Beattie  bolt 
was  without  adequate  cause.  In  Alabama  they 
recommended  the  admission  of  Mr.  Rapier, 
believing  that  the  State  Convention  had  no 
right  to  override  or  ignore  his  selection  by  his 
district  because  of  his  failure  to  approve  the 
condition  that  he  should  obey  the  instructions  that 
the  State  delegation  should  vote  as  a  unit  for 
Grant.  In  the  case  of  Smith  and  Warner,  in  Ala 
bama,  the  facts  were  substantially  the  same  as  in 
the  case  of  Rapier.  They  were  duly  chosen  by 
their  respective  districts,  and  the  State  Convention 
undertook  to  revoke  their  appointment  because 
they  failed  to  accept  the  unit  rule.  The  committee 
recommended  their  admission.  In  Illinois  the 
committee  recommended  the  admission  of  the 
contestants  to  the  seats  of  the  sitting  members 
from  the  First,  Third,  Fourth,  Fifth,  Sixth,  Ninth, 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


407 


Tenth,  Thirteenth  and  Seventeenth  Congressional 
Districts.  The  committee  also  reported  against 
the  contestant  in  the  Second  Illinois  District,  and 
did  not  sustain  the  objections  of  the  delegates-at- 
large  in  the  same  State.  They  further  reported 
in  favor  of  the  sitting  members  from  the  Ninth 
and  Nineteenth  Districts  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Third  District  of  West  Virginia.  They  also  re 
ported  in  favor  of  the  contestants  from  the  Second 
and  Third  Districts  of  Kansas,  and  that  the  ten 
delegates  should  be  allowed  to  retain  their  seats, 
but  only  six  votes  be  cast.  They  recommended 
that  the  delegates  from  Utah  should  keep  their 
seats.  The  committee  suggested  that  the  final 
decision  of  many  of  these  contests  depended  upon 
the  adoption  by  the  convention  of  the  principle  of 
Congressional  District  representation.  This  the 
committee  believed  to  be  sound.  The  report  cited 
J.  D.  Cameron's  support  of  the  right  of  individual 
district  representations  at  the  convention  of  1876, 
under  precisely  similar  circumstances  and  a  similar 
call  for  a  National  Convention.  The  report  did 
not  believe  that  the  right  of  Congressional  District 
representation  should  be  invaded  for  the  first  time 
by  the  action  of  a  National  Convention.  If  the 
State  Convention  could,  by  a  bare  majority,  over 
ride  the  will  of  the  people,  fairly  expressed  in  the 
selection  of  district  delegates,  it  might  as  well  ap 
point  at  once  all  the  delegates.  Nominations 

made  through  such  misrepresentations  were  not 
24 


4oS 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


likely  to  be  ratified  by  the  people.  It  was  the 
duty  of  the  convention  to  disapprove  emphatically 
all  attempts  to  override  the  high  moral  customs  of 
the  party. 

The  report  was  received  with  applause,  and  Mr. 
Clayton,  of  Arkansas,  presented  the  report  of  the 
minority,  which  differed  upon  the  vital  question  of 
district  representation.  '  The  recommendation  of 
the  majority,  if  adopted,  would,  the  minority  con 
sidered,  \vork  as  an  ex  post  facto  rule,  reversing 
the  long-established  usage  of  the  party  in  many 
States.  They  urged  that  there  was  a  vacancy  in 
the  district  claimed  by  Rapier,  and  that  the  sitting 
members  were  entitled  to  the  seats  which  the 
majority  report  awarded  to  Smith  and  Warner. 
The  minority  said  that  as  Rapier  refused  to  accept 
the  pledge  exacted  by  the  State  Convention,  he 
was  there  without  credentials ;  also,  that  he  was 
not  elected  by  his  district,  but  only  nominated,  and 
that,  except  through  the  action  of  the  State  con 
vention  ratifying  his  nomination,  he  had  no  au 
thority  whatever.  It  did  not  appear  that  there 
had  been  any  district  conventions  in  Alabama  at 
which  the  Alabama  contestants  had  been  chosen. 
Their  authority  there  could  rest  only  on  action  in 
the  State  Convention.  If  the  principle  of  district 
representation  was  a  sound  one,  then  more  than 
half  of  the  delegates  sitting  in  the  convention 
were  there  without  right,  and  if  the  rule  was 
rigidly  applied  the  body  would  find  itself  without 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

a  quorum.  In  the  ~ase  of  Illinois,  the  minority 
report  made  an  elaborate  statement  of  facts,  and 
denied  a  charge  made  against  the  State  Conven 
tion  that  it  entered  into  a  gigantic  conspiracy  to 
defraud1  the  electors.  The  State  Convention  de 
clared  its  preference  for  Grant,  and  instructed  the 
delegates  to  vote  as  a  unit  for  him.  Was  the  con 
vention  to  say  that  the  majority  of  the  convention 
of  the  State  of  Illinois  possessed  no  such  power  ? 
Would  the  convention  undertake  to  say,  and 
would  the  country  justify  it  in  saying,  that  the  ma 
jority  of  the  people  in  so  great  a  State  should  not 
be  permitted  to  express  their  preferences  on  ques 
tions  of  this  character,  and  that  if  they  had  clear 
and  distinct  preferences  they  should  be  utterly 
helpless  in  the  selection  of  the  methods  by  which 
that  preference  was  to  be  made  effectual  ?  It  was 
absurd  upon  the  face  of  it,  to  say  that  Illinois,  or 
any  other  State,  had  a  right  to  instruct  its  dele 
gates  to  vote  for  a  particular  candidate,  and  yet 
had  not  the  power  to  make  such  instructions  ef 
fectual  and  binding.  The  report  took  the  ground 
that  local  squabbles,  as  in  the  case  of  Cook  Coun 
ty,  should  be  left  to  the  State,  and  not  transferred 
to  the  National  Convention.  The  report  ended 
with  a  recommendation  that  the  sitting  delegates 
should  be  allowed  to  keep  their  seats. 

Mr.  Conger  handed  in  the  corrected  list  of 
delegates  as  reported  by  his  committee,  and 
moved  the  convention  proceed  to  consider  the 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


Louisiana  cases.  This  was  the  signal  for  a  run 
ning  fight  in  debate,  and  the  delegates  soon  got 
at  it. 

Mr.  Cessna,  of  Pennsylvania,  moved  to  adopt 
all  the  report  on  which  the  committee  haci  agreed, 
and  then  proceed  to  the  separate  consideration  of 
the  disputed  issues  involving  the  contests  in  Ala 
bama,  Illinois,  West  Virginia  and  Utah. 

Mr.  Conklino-  called  for  the  consideration  of  the 

o 

questions  which  fell  within  the  list  of  undisputed 
cases. 

Mr.  Confer  said  this  list  embraced  the  cases  of 

o 

Louisiana,  the  Second  District  of  Illinois,  the  Illi 
nois  delegates-at-large,  the  Second  and  Fourth 
Districts  of  Kansas,  and  the  Ninth  and  Nineteenth 
Districts  of  Pennsylvania. 

Mr.  Logan  inquired  how  it  happened  that  there 
was  any  report  as  to  the  four  delegates-at-large 
from  the  State  of  Illinois.  It  was  the  first  time 
that  he  had  heard  of  the  right  to  their  seats  being 
questioned. 

Mr.  Conger  replied  that  petitions  against  the 
right  of  the  four  delegates-at-large  had  been  pre 
sented  to  the  convention  and  referred  to  the  com 
mittee,  and  hence  it  was  necessary  for  the  com 
mittee  to  notice  the  subject  in  its  report.  Mr. 
Logan  indignantly  protested  against  his  right  to  a 
seat  being  called  into  question,  and  intimated  that 
he  perfectly  well  understood  the  object  of  it.  He 
submitted  that  he  \vas  entitled  to  fair  play,  and  he 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  .  j  j 

complained  of  the  treatment  to  which  he  and  the 
man  who  had  led  the  armies  of  the  nation  to  vic 
tory  had  been  treated.  [Cheers  for  Grant]  Had 
the  Republicans  of  Illinois  ever  failed  to  do  their 
duty  in  the  hour  of  peril,  when  the  dark  cloud 
lowered  over  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the 
country  ?  Had  they  not  given  their  muscle  and 
nerve  and  soldierly  qualities  for  the  preservation 
of  the  Republic?  [Applause.] 

A  Kansas  delegate  objected  to  the  inclusion  of 
Kansas  in  the  list  of  undisputed  questions." 

Mr.  Cessna  modified  his  motion  so  as  to  give 
separate  action  on  the  Kansas  case. 

Mr.  Sharpe,  of  New  York,  moved  to  amend  the 
pending  motion  so  as  to  strike  from  the  majority 
report  so  much  of  it  as  related  to  the  Illinois  dele- 
gates-at-large.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Conger  replied  to  Mr.  Logan,  expressing 
profound  regret  that  a  gentleman  whom  he  so 
much  loved  and  honored  should  have  imagined 
that  the  Committee  on  Credentials  intended  the 
slightest  reflection  upon  him.  He  reminded  him 
that  the  credentials  of  all  delegates  had  been  sub 
mitted  to  the  committee — those  of  the  high  and 
lifted  up  as  well  as  those  of  the  humblest  delegate 
from  the  wilds  of  the  South.  [Laughter  and  ap 
plause.]  It  wonld  have  been  unworthy  of  the 
splendid  Committee  on  Credentials  not  to  have  told 
the  convention  in  distinct  words  that  the  lofty  and 
distinguished  citizen  of  the  State  of  Illinois  was 


412 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER 


entitled  to  a  seat  in  the  convention.  He  made  no 
apology  to  that  gentleman,  or  to  the  State  of  Illi 
nois,  or  to  this  great  body  of  people,  for  the  moral 
courage  of  the  committee  which  enabled  it  to  say 
to  the  world  that  the  gentleman  (Mr.  Logan)  was 
entitled  to  his  seat. 

Mr.  Cessna's  amendment  was  then  adopted 
without  dissent.  The  question  was  then  stated  on 
Mr.  Sharpe's  motion  to  amend,  and  Mr.  Haywood, 
of  California,  pointed  out  that  if  Mr.  Sharpe's  mo 
tion  should  prevail,  the  seats  of  the  Illinois  dele 
gates  would  be  contested,  while  the  committee 
proposed  to  put  their  title  beyond  question  or  dis 
pute  in  history. 

After  some  personal  sparring  between  Mr.  Hay- 
wood  and  Mr.  Logan  in  regard  to  the  latter's 
action  at  Springfield,  Mr.  Sharpe's  motion,  modi 
fied  so  as  to  strike  from  the  majority  report  as 
much  of  it  as  implied  that  there  was  any  contest 
regarding  the  Illinois  delegation  at  large,  was 
adopted.  So  much  of  the  committee's  report  as 
was  undisputed,  was  then  adopted,  and  on  motion 
of  Mr.  Bruce,  of  Mississippi,  the  convention  ad 
journed  until  seven  P.  M. 

The  convention  re-assembled  at  half-past  seven, 
and  continued  in  session  for  several  hours,  during 
which  the  debates  were  confined  exclusively  to  the 
question  of  contested  cases,  as  reported  by  the 
Committee  on  Credentials,  and  the  interruptions 
in  the  shape  of  applause  were  remarkable  in  their 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  .  l  ~ 

singular  spontaneity  and  prolongation  when  James 
G.  Elaine  and  U.  S.  Grant  were  mentioned  by  the 
speakers.  The  brilliancy  of  the  scene  during  this 
session  was  remarkable,  the  unusual  presence  of 
ladies  in  bright  colors,  the  thousands  of  gas-jets, 
the  flowers,  flags,  banners  and  portraits,  sur 
rounded  by  the  National  bunting,  framed  in  a 
picture  never  to  be  forgotten  by  those  who  wit 
nessed  it. 

In  the  contested  cases,  that  of  Alabama  was  first 
taken  up,  and  debate  was  limited  to  twenty  min 
utes  on  each  side.  The  case  of  Mr.  Rapier  was 
shown  to  be  whether  the  State  Convention  had  a 
right  to  deprive  him  of  his  vote  merely  because  he 
refused  to  vote  for  General  Grant.  The  same 
point  was  the  issue  in  all  the  Alabama  cases.  The 
sparring  continued  to  the  time  of  limit  of  the  de 
bate,  and  the  question  having  been  stated  to  be 
the  motion  to  substitute  the  minority  report  for 
the  majority's,  Mr.  Boutwell,  of  Massachusetts, 
moved  the  following : 

Resolved,  That  all  the  cases  of  contested  seats  be  decided 
by  adopting  the  usage  of  each  State,  and  that  in  every  State 
where  the  uniform  usage  has  been  to  elect  delegates  to  the 
National  Republican  Convention  by  the  State  Convention, 
that  usage  shall  be  deemed  binding,  and  the  same  shall  be 
true  in  respect  of  delegates  sent  by  District  Conventions 
where  that  has  been  the  usage. 

Mr.  Conger  rose  to  a  point  of  order,  that  the 
resolution  was  not  germaine  to  the  pending  ques- 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


tion,  and  the  chair  sustained  the  point.  The  ques 
tion  was  put  and  decided  viva  voce  overwhelm 
ingly  in  the  negative.  A  division  was  demanded, 
and  the  result  was,  yeas  306,  nays  449.  The 
announcement  which  settled  the  question  of  a  State 
Convention's  power  to  compel  a  delegate  to  vote 
as  it  directs,  was  received  with  tumultuous  ap 
plause.  The  majority  report  was  then  adopted. 

The  case  of  Illinois  was  then  taken  up,  and  Mr. 
Quarles,  of  Wisconsin,  moved  that  the  debate  be 
limited  to  one  hour,  to  be  equally  divided  between 
both  sides.  This  brought  the  irrepressible  Hot 
spur  of  Illinois,  John  A.  Logan,  to  his  feet,  who 
urged  greater  allowances  of  time,  and  made 
another  reference  to  "  the  old  soldier,"  that  drew 
applause.  "  If,"  he  said,  "  you  can  beat  the  old 
soldier,  all  right  ;  you  beat  the  man  who  has  been 
recognized  by  every  civilized  nation  of  the  world. 
But  do  not  by  tactics  drive  Illinois  down  to  prevent 
the  old  soldier  from  having  his  share  of  the  States." 
Mr.  Lo^an  said  he  was  informed  that  the  Califor- 

o 

nia  delegates  were  not  awarded  their  credentials 
until  they  had  taken  the  pledge  to  support  the 
candidate  for  whom  the  State  Convention  in 
structed  them  to  vote.  He  asked  the  California 
delegation  to  say  what  the  fact  was. 

In  a  moment  there  was  silence,  followed  by  de 
risive  laughter,  under  the  supposition  that  the 
Californians  could  not  deny  the  accusation. 

Finally,  Mr.  Haymond,  of  California,  got  up  on 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

his  chair  and  said  the  question  could  not  be  an 
swered  in  one  word,  but  he  would  be  most  happy 
to  respond  if  he  could  be  allowed  a  little  time  in 
which  to  do  so.  "  California  selected  her -delegates 
to  this  convention  by  the  vote  of  each  district 
represented  here ;  their  appointment  was  con 
firmed  by  the  State  Convention,  and  that  in  order 
that  there  should  be  no  mistake  about  it,  the  State 
Convention  had  then,  with  perfect  unanimity,  in 
structed  the  delegates  to  vote  first,  last  and  all  the 
time,  for  the  distinguished  senator  from  Maine." 

These  last  words  proved  the  spark  that  had  all 
along  been  wanted  to  fire  the  train  of  dry  Elaine 
powder  within  Exposition  Hall.  His  name  acted 
like  an  electric  flash,  and  there  followed  Mr.  Hay- 
mond's  allusion  to  the  Maine  senator  such  a  scene 
of  excitement  as  has  rarely  been  witnessed  in  a 
political  convention  within  the  United  States. 
Three-fourths  of  the  immense  throng  in  the  gal 
leries  and  on  the  floor  outside  of  the  space  allotted 
to  delegates,  and  fully  one-half  of  the  delegates 
themselves,  sprang  to  their  feet,  cheering,  shout 
ing,  waving  hats,  handkerchiefs,  umbrellas,  for  the 
space  of  several  minutes,  before  any  attempt  at 
restoring  order  could  make  the  least  impression 
on  the  excited  mass. 

Subsequently  the  time  allotted  to  the  Illinois 
case  was  limited  to  an  hour  on  each  side,  and  Mr. 
Conger  opened  the  debate  in  favor  of  the  majority 
report,  which  he  said  asserted,  confirmed  and  es- 


416 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


tablished  in  that  convention  the  rule  that  had  pre 
vailed  in  Illinois  from  the  birth  of  the  Republicar 
party  down  to  the  present  time,  the  rule  of  dis 
trict  representation.  Mr.  Raum  replied  for  the 
sitting  delegates,  but  had  no  adequate  argument* 
against  Mr.  Conger's  facts.  Eliott  Anthony  spoke 
for  the  opposition,  and  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Storrs 
of  Illinois,  who  made  a  speech,  the  principal  effec 
of  which  was  to  cause  wild  bursts  of  applause  foi 
Blaine  and  Grant.  The  sentence,  "Nominate 
James  G.  Blaine  if  you  will,"  was  the  signal  foi 
another  grand  outburst  of  applause,  which  wa< 
renewed  and  intensified  when  he  finished  the  sen 
tence  thus:  "And  then  those  who  now  shout  ir 
the  galleries  shall  by  and  by  be  reposing  undei 
the  influence  of  the  summer  sun  ;  but  the  followers 
of  the  grand  old  silent  soldier  will  still  be  founc 
wide  awake  and  watching  by  their  camp-fires  anc 
carrying  the  banners  of  the  sluggards." 

The  scene  which  followed  and  continued  foi 
several  minutes  was  most  exciting,  the  uproai 
dying  away,  then  breaking  out  again  many  times 
a  perfect  epidemic  of  cheers.  What  came  nexl 
was  thus  described  by  a  correspondent: 

"Mr.  Conkling  was  conspicuous  in  leading  the 
chorus,  first  by  waving  his  handkerchief  and  late] 
by  standing  on  his  chair  and  waving  the  illumina 
ted  little  banner  placed  to  designate  the  seats  o 
the  New  York  delegation.  Finally  some  one 
started  the  campaign  songs:  'We'll  Rally  'Rounc 


JAMES  A.   GAltFIELD.  ^j 

ie  Flag,  Boys,  Shouting  the  Battle-cry  of  Free- 
om,'  and  'Marching  through  Georgia.' 
"At  this  time  nearly  every  person  within  the  hall 
as  on  his  feet,  each  cheering  for  his  own  favorite, 
lags,  shawls,  parasols,  hats  and  all  other  movable 
lings  within  reach  were  swung  furiously  to  and 
o.     Bob  Ingersoll,  seizing  a  lady's  shawl,  waved 
frantically  from  the  platform.     In  the  centre  of 
ie  stage,  just  back  of  the    chair,  a  fine-looking 
ady,  with  a  flag  in  one  hanrd  and  parasol  in  the 
ther,  swung  them  to  and  fro  and  repeated  time 
ind  again,  '  Hurrah  for  Blaine !'      She  appeared 
:o  be  in  company  with  Governor  Jewell,  of  Con- 
lecticut.      Finally,  she   obtained   two   flags,  and 
ivith  one  in  each  hand  continued  her  enthusiastic 
efforts  as  long   as   the   uproar   lasted.      It   may 
>afely  be  said  that  no  public  assemblage  ever  be- 
bre  witnessed  such  a  scene.     People  seemed  ac- 
;ually  to  have  lost  their  senses  in  the  giddy  whirl." 
For  half  an  hour  this  continued  before  the  chair 
nade   any  effort  to   control   the   members.     The 
llinois  cases  were  then  disposed  of  in  favor  of  the 
najority,  and,  worn  out  with  excitement,  the  con 
tention    shortly    after     adjourned    to    Saturday 
norning. 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

THE  THUNDERS   OF   ORATORY. 

THE  weather,  which  till  now  had  been  aus 
picious,  changed  its  mood  with  the  dawi 
of  the  fourth  day  of  the  great  battle,  am 
those  who  left  their  hotels  and  homes  for  Exposi 
tion    Hall   had   to  face  inclemency.      Inside  th< 
Hall,  however,  there  was  but  little  change.     / 
distinguished  editor,  writing  home  to  his   paper 
thus  described  the  opening  on  June  5th: 

"  Cameron  looked  freshest  of  all  the  chie 
gladiators.  He  wasted  none  of  his  vitality  in  ora 
tory,  and  his  energies  had  not  been  lavishl] 
taxed,  like  those  of  Logan,  Conger  and  others 
He  flitted  about  on  the  platform  before  the  con 
vention  opened,  visibly  anxious,  but  calm  and  im 
perturbable  as  ever.  When  the  call  to  arms  ran^ 
out  from  the  chair,  he  hastened  down  to  his  com 
mand,  where  the  Grant  leaders  were  admirabl] 
posted.  Cameron,  with  his  Pennsylvania  phalanx 
shattered,  but  yet  defiant,  was  in  the  centre  of  th< 
western  block  of  the  convention ;  Conkling,  witl 
his  better-preserved  New  York  corps,  in  the  cen 
tre  of  the  field,  with  Boutwell  and  his  few  Massa 
chusetts  followers,  and  with  Creswell  and  his  cun 
ningly  broken  Blaine  column  of  Maryland,  anc 


JAMES  A.   CARFIELD. 


410 


his  dozen  of  Ohio  Grant  men,  forming  a  semi-cir- 
He  in  the  rear  of  the  undisputed  third-term  chief 
bn  the  eastern  block.  Within  easy  call  of  Ala 
bama  and  Arkansas  was  the  clouded  face  and  burly 
form  of  Logan.  A  brood  of  strangers  sat  with 
kirn  in  his  own  delegation,  whom  he  had  rejected 
Lt  Springfield ;  but  he  was  their  oracle  neverthe- 
ess,  although  he  made  discord  in  the  Grant 
melody  that  so  uniformly  came  from  Illinois  when 
[he  roll-call  was  ordered.  Logan  was  early  at  his 
place ;  his  dark  face  was  darker  than  ever,  and 
the  nervous  twitching  of  the  right  arm  that  he 
twings  so  violently  in  debate  told  that  he  was  im 
patient  for  the  final  charge.  His  hand  was 
lammed  into  his  wealth  of  Indian  locks  every  few 
moments  and  then  would  drop  from  force  of  habit 
to  adjust  the  right  lapel  of  his  coat.  Creswell 
tame  in  as  serene  as  if  a  Grant  victory  were 
gained ;  but  Boutwell  betrayed  the  harassing  con 
flict  going  on  between  his  hopes  and  fears. 
tie  has  outgrown  his  amiability  with  departing 
powers,  and  he  is  not  vested  with  a  command  in 
critical  emergencies.  Taft  sat  complacently  be 
tween  the  Sherman  and  Garfield  expectants,  pa 
tiently  waiting  for  the  hour  when  he  could  take  a 
third  or  more  of  his  delegation  to  his  old  com 
mander. 

"  Conkling  awaited,  as  is  his  custom,  until  the 
ten  thousand  people  had  come  and  got  clearly 
seated,  and  then  he  strode  down  the  centre  aisle 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


in  his  imperial  manner.  He  knew  that  his  c 
pearance  would  be  the  signal  for  a  thunderi 
salute  to  himself  and  the  first  round  of  party  2 
plause  for  Grant,  and  he  was  not  mistaken.  I 
played  it  nobly  and  smiled  in  his  sweetest  mann 
to  his  worshipers.  The  Elaine  leaders  were  f. 
getyand  flying  hither  and  thither  until  they  had 
get  in  line  for  the  battle.  Hale  and  Frye  look 
worn  with  anxiety  and  seemed  to  be  distrustful 
themselves.  They  knew  that  they  could  croA 
Elaine  up  close  to  and  probably  abreast  wi 
Grant  on  the  first  ballot,  but  they  trembled  wi 
apprehension  lest  the  Sherman  wing  should  f 
them  in  their  extremity.  They  entered  the  cc 
test  hopeful  on  Sherman,  preferring  Elaine 
Grant,  but  they  knew  that  they  had  many  da 
gerous  rocks  and  shoals  to  encounter  in  getti 
their  craft  to  shore.  It  is  the  day  of  fate  1 
Elaine.  His  generals  entered  jhe  fight  this  moi 
ing  conscious  that  if  they  lost,  the  execrations 
Elaine's  millions  of  followers  would  fall  up 
them.  They  had  been  reproached  for  two  da 
for  missing  the  golden  opportunity  to  nomine 
Elaine  on  Thursday,  when  the  Grant  lines  h 
been  broken  and  when  a  vigorous  pursuit  woi 
have  scattered  them  beyond  the  hope  of  conce 
trating  again  under  the  flag  of  the  old  soldi 
Just  in  front  of  Conkling  sits  the  shrewdest  a 
most  level-headed  of  all  the  Elaine  leaders.  / 
though  seldom  seen  at  the  front,  General  Sew< 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


42I 


of  New  Jersey,  would  have  had  Elaine  nominated 
on  Thursday  evening  had  he  been  in  command ; 
but  Chandler,  Frye  and  Hale  spoke,  and  Chand 
ler  spoke  away  two  hours  of  valuable  time. 

"The  residuary  legatees  in  expectancy  sat  at 
long  range  from  each  other.  The  little  Vermont 
delegation  was  nestled  down  in  the  south-west  cor 
ner  of  the  hall ;  and  they  had  the  Yankee  shrewd 
ness  that  keeps  its  own  counsels  and  throws  its 
tubs  most  judiciously  to  the  jostling  whales.  They 
made  no  speeches,  played  no  tricks  for  the  gal 
leries,  but  patiently  waited  and  hoped  for  the  line 
to  be  thrown  to  them  by  the  snarling  disputants 
for  its  possession.  They  did  not  even  boast  of  a 
leader,  although  they  have  some  of  the  Green 
Mountain  State's  best  men  in  their  ranks. 
'  "  The  other  camp  of  expectants  presented  several 
pretenders,  each  hoping  to  be  preferred  to  the 
others.  Governor  Foster  stepped  in  quietly,  and 
sat  down  as  serenely  as  if  it  was  to  be  a  day  of 
pleasure.  He  did  not  attempt  to  rival  Garfield  in 
drawing  the  applause  of  the  upper  tiers,  but  he 
had  a  quiet  impression  creeping  over  him  that  if 
Sherman  should  be  defeated,  the  governor  of  Sher^ 
man's  State  would  be  made  the  Vice-President — 
to  pull  the  ticket  through  the  Buckeyes  in  October. 
Dennison  and  Taft  came  in  at  the  rear  of  the 
herd,  like  the  veteran  bulls  that  have  been  dis 
patched  from  commanding  the  younger  and  more 
aggressive  buffaloes.  Bateman,  the  Sherman 


422  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

strategists,  dropped  in  early,  and  hastily  visited 
every  outpost  before  the  bugle  sounded  the  at 
tack;  and  Butterfield,  handsome  as  a  picture  and 
graceful  and  fluent  on  the  floor,  chose  his  position 
where  he  could  catch  the  eye  of  the  chair.  This 
delegation  was  the  centre  of  interest  in  the  morn 
ing,  for  all  felt  that  it  held  the  fate  of  battle  in  its 
keeping.  The  correspondents  came  straggling  in, 
stiff  and  jaded,  but  they  speedily  forgot  their 
weariness  as  the  brilliant  sallies,  which  the  rising 
newspaper  men  can  display,  swiftly  crossed  their 
crowded  tables.  The  strong-minded  women  filec 
in  in  good  time  and  were  cheered  from  the  galle 
ries,  and  the  distinguished  guests  crowded  theii 
liberal  space,  and  waited  anxiously  for  the  firs 
gun  of  the  decisive  struggle. 

"President  Hoar  did  not  call  the  convention  to 
order  until  a  quarter  before  twelve.  The  Kansas 
contest  was  the  first  business,  and  it  was  an  em 
barrassing  issue  to  both  sides.  The  Blaine-Sher 
man  men  were  compelled  to  vote  out  four  of  their 
men  and  to  give  their  seats  to  Grant  men,  to 
justify  their  action  in  the  Illinois  case;  and  th< 
Grant  men  had  to  vote  against  the  admission  o 
their  own  friends  to  maintain  their  consistency 
The  Elaine-Sherman  men  preserved  their  inten 
tion  and  voted  out  their  own  men,  but  some  6 
the  fiercest  Grant  men  stood  obstinately  to  their 
guns,  and  voted  against  the  addition  of  four  to 
their  number.  Logan  rose  and,  in  dramatic  style, 


JAMES  A.   G.  . 

cast  the  votes  of  his  Illinois  followers  against  his 
friends.  The  overwhelming  vote  of  476  to  184 
showed,  however,  that  separate  district  represen 
tation  is  henceforth  to  be  the  accepted  law  of  the 
party.  The  next  question  brought  about  a  sud 
den  change  of  partners  in  the  national  waltz. 
Two  Sherman  men  contested  the  seats  of  the 
Elaine  delegates  from  West  Virginia,  and  the 
Sherman  men  were  thrown  into  an  alliance  with 
Grant  as  if  by  magic.  The  cut  came  from 
Massachusetts,  and  the  Elaine  leaders  saw  that 
an  unexpected  and  serious  danger  threatened 
them.  They  threw  out  their  flanks  to  stay  the 
union  between  the  Sherman  and  Grant  forces, 
but  it  was  Grouchy  after  Blucher  over  again. 
The  Sherman  men  piled  in  with  the  Grant  army, 
and  Elaine  was  compelled  for  the  first  time  to 
face  the  field  alone — as  Grant  had  to  meet  it  in 
several  previous  conflicts.  An  active  rally  was 
made  along  the  Elaine  lines,  but  the  vote  of 
every  divided  delegation  proved  that  many  who 
were  bitterly  against  Grant  were  as  bitterly 
against  Elaine,  and  the  ballot  footed  up  417  for 
the  new  Grant-Sherman  combination,  and  312 
against  it." 

o 

After  this  the  Utah  contesting  delegates  were 
seated  by  a  vote  of  426  to  312,  and  the  contests 
were  finished. 

Mr.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  who  on  rising  was  re 
ceived  with  great  applause,  inquired  of  Mr.  Sharpe, 
25 


424  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

of  New  York,  who  made  the  minority  report  from 
the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business, 
how  much  time  he  desired  for  the  discussion  of 
the  report. 

Mr.  Sharpe  could  not  tell  exactly,  and  the  mi 
nority  and  majority  reports  were  then  read. 

Mr.  Garfield  moved  the  adoption  of  the  ma 
jority  report. 

The  ensuing  debate  was  thus  reported  by  the 
Associated  Press: 

Mr.  Sharpe  criticized  the  proposed  amend 
ment  to  the  eighth  rule,  and  moved  to  strike  it 
out,  that  amendment  being  "but  if  exception  is 
taken  by  any  delegate  to  the  correctness  of  such 
an  announcement  by  the  chairman  of  his  delega 
tion,  the  president  of  the  convention  shall  direct 
the  roll  of  members  of  such  delegation  to  be  called 
and  the  result  recorded  in  accordance  with  the 
votes  individually  given."  He  reminded  the  chair 
man  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  that  the  con 
vention  had  been  in  session  three  and  a  half  days, 
and  had  had  no  trouble  from  the  absence  of  that 
rule,  which  he  regarded  as  entirely  unnecessary. 
He  was  not  here  to  seek  further  delay.  The  battle 
was  formed;  each  side  was  ready,  and  the  people 
were  waiting  for  the  verdict.  [Applause.]  They 
all  felt  that  whatever  was  to  be  obtained  on  the 
skirmish  line  had  been  obtained,  and  that  they 
were  standing  in  the  ranks  of  battle  opposite  each 
other,  and  ready  to  give  the  people  news  of  the 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  ,  2  - 

contest.     He  therefore  offered  the  following  reso 
lution: 


Resolved,  That  this  convention  will  proceed  immediately 
to  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  one  speech  of  fifteen  minutes  shall  be  allowed  for  the 
presentation  of  each  candidate,  and  one  speech  of  ten  minutes, 
to  second  each  nomination,  and  that  after  such  nominations 
are  made  a  ballot  .shall  be  taken  by  a  call  of  the  roll  of  the 
States. 

Mr.  Garfield  raised  the  point  of  order  that 
under  the  order  of  the  convention  the  report  of 
the  Committee  on  Rules  was  before  the  body  and 
Mr.  Sharpe's  motion,  being  for  proceeding  to  en 
tirely  different  business,  was  not  in  order. 

The  chair  ruled  Mr.  Sharpe's  motion  in  order. 

A  vote  was  ordered  by  call  of  States. 

Mr.  Sharpe  modified  his  resolution  so  as  to 
provide  that  after  the  nominating  speeches  shall 
have  been  made  the  ballots  for  Presidential  nomi 
nees  shall  be  taken  by  call  of  the  roll  of  the  States. 

Mr.  Garfield  pointed  out  that  if  Mr.  Sharpe's 
motion  should  be  adopted  the  convention  would  be 
without  rules  for  its  government  and  especially 
without  any  rule  prescribing  whether  or  not  the 
unit  rule  shall  prevail  in  the  balloting  or  whether 
the  right  of  district  representation  shall  prevail. 
He  reminded  the  convention  that  it  had  witnessed 
a  scene,  which  would  be  photographed  in  history, 
of  four  delegates  from  Kentucky  rising  on  their 


426 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


seats  and  protesting  against  their  votes  being 
counted  in  a  way  in  which  they  had  not  cast  them. 
Let  the  rule  be  settled  and  he  would  be  bound  by 
it.  Let  it  be  the  unit  rule  or  let  it  be  the  individ 
ual  rule  and  he  would -feel  bound  by  it,  the  latter 
particularly,  because  he  considered  it  eternally 
right.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Frye  (Me.)  asked  Mr.Garfield  whether,  with 
out  the  adoption  of  any  of  the  rules  as  reported, 
and  especially  that  one  which  made  the  rules  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  the  rules  of  the 
convention,  there  would  be  any  such  thing  as  a 
previous  question. 

Mr.  Garfield  replied  that  there  would  not  be. 

Mr.  Frye. — If  there  be  no  previous  question, 
and  if,  after  the  first  ballot  is  taken,  as  provided 
in  the  resolution  offered  by  the  gentleman  from 
New  York  (Sharpe),  another  gentleman  makes 
another  nomination,  is  there  any  rule  by  which 
debate  from  that  time  forward  can  possibly  be 
stopped  ? 

Mr.  Garfield. — I  take  it  that  there  is  not. 

Mr.  Conkling. — The  gentleman  from  Ohio  yields 
a  moment  to  let  me  reply  to  the  closing  words  of 
the  gentleman  from  Maine  (Frye).  They  seem 
to  have  been  pointedly  aimed  at  me.  I  wish  to 
say  to  that  gentleman  that  I  do  not  clearly  see  the 
"point"  of  his  alarmed  and  anxious  opposition.  He 
dreads  the  cross  of  bayonets,  shrinks  and  wants 
time.  [Cheers  and  hisses.] 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  .^ 

Mr.  Garfield. — I  have  only  made  the  point  that 
we  ought  to  have  rules,  and  have  them  now  to 
conduct  and  control  the  future  business  of  the 
convention. 

Mr.  Sharpe  replied,  urging  that  the  dangers  of 
trouble  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Garfield,  in  the  absence 
of  any  adopted  rules,  were  imaginary,  and  inti 
mating  distinctly  that  there  would  be  no  attempt 
to  prevent  each  delegate  from  expressing  his  in 
dividual  sentiments  through  the  chairman  of  his 
delegation. 

o 

The  chair  stated  the  question  to  be  upon  the 
substitution  of  Mr.  Sharpens  resolution  for  the  re 
port  of  the  Committee  on  Rules. 

Upon  a  viva  voce  vote  the  negatives  had  it.  A 
call  of  States  was  demanded,  and  being  taken,  re 
sulted:  Yeas,  276;  nays,  479.  New  York  voted 
48  yeas,  22  nays.  The  result  was  hailed  with 
great  applause. 

Mr.  Garfield  said  the  convention  had  wasted  on 
this  vote  time  enough  to  have  adopted  the  rules 
and  gone  to  work.  He  asked  that  the  question 
now  be  taken  without  further  debate. 

Mr.  Sharpe  moved  to  substitute  the  minority  re 
port,  which  was  rejected. 

Mr.  Boutwell  moved  to  amend  the  majority  re 
port  by  adding  the  following:  "  And  said  commit 
tee  (the  National  Republican  Committee)  shall, 
within  twelve  months,  prescribe  a  method  or 
methods  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  Na- 


428 


LIFE  AND  Pi'BLIC  CAREER  OF 


tional  Convention  to  be  held  in  1884,  and  announce 
the  same  to  the  country  and  issue  a  call  for  that 
convention  in  conformity  therewith." 

Mr.  Butterworth  (Ohio)  moved  an  amendment 
by  adding  the  following:  "Provided,  that  nothing 
in  such  rules  or  method  shall  be  so  construed  as 
to  prevent  the  several  Congressional  districts  in 
the  United  States  from  selecting  their  own  dele 
gates  to  the  National  Convention.  [Applause.] 

Mr.  Boutwell  accepted  Mr.  Butterworth's  amend 
ment. 

Mr.  Garfield  hoped  the  amendment  would  be 
adopted,  and  it  was  so  adopted  by  the  convention, 
and  then  the  rules  were  adopted  as  a  whole. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Garfield,  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions  were  ordered  to  report. 

The  committee  having  been  ordered  to  report, 
did  so,  and  the  platform  was  the  first  thing  read,  a 
document  presenting  the  issues  of  the  hour.  Its 
full  text  is  as  follows : 

The  Republican  party  in  National  Convention 
assembled,  at  the  end  of  twenty  years  since  the 
Federal  Government  was  first  committed  to  its 
charge,  submits  to  the  people  of  the  United  States 
this  brief  report  of  its  administration.  It  sup 
pressed  rebellion  which  had  armed  nearly  a  mil 
lion  of  men  to  subvert  the  national  authority.  It 
reconstructed  the  union  of  the  States  with  free 
dom  instead  of  slavery  as  its  corner-stone.  It 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD, 

transformed  four  million  human  beings  from  the 
likeness  of  things  to  the  rank  of  citizens.  It  re 
lieved  Congress  from  the  infamous  work  of  hunt 
ing  fugitive  slaves  and  charged  it  to  see  that 
slavery  does  not  exist.  It  has  raised  the  value  of 
our  currency  from  thirty-eight  per  cent,  to  the  par 
of  gold.  It  has  restored  upon  a  solid  basis  pay 
ment  in  coin  for  all  the  national  obligations,  and 
has  given  us  a  currency  absolutely  good  and  equal 
in  every  part  of  our  extended  country.  It  has 
lifted  the  care  of  the  nation  from  the  point  where 
six  per  cent,  bonds  sold  at  eighty-six  to  that  where 
four  per  cent,  bonds  are  eagerly  sought  at  a  pre 
mium  under  its  administration ;  railways  have  in 
creased  from  thirty-one  thousand  miles  in  1860  to 
more  than  eighty-two  thousand  miles  in  1879;  our 
foreign  trade  has  increased  from  seven  hundred 
millions  to  one  billion  one  hundred  and  fifty  mil 
lions  of  dollars  in  the  same  time,  and  our  exports, 
which  were  twenty  millions  of  dollars  less  than 
our  imports  in  1860,  were  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
four  millions  of  dollars  more  than  our  imports  in 
1879.  Without  resorting  to  loans  it  has,  since  the 
war  closed,  defrayed  the  ordinary  expenses  of 
government,  besides  the  accruing  interest  on  the 
public  debt,  and  dispersed  annually  more  than 
thirty  millions  of  dollars  for  soldiers'  pensions. 
It  has  paid  eight  hundred  and  eighty-eight  millions 
of  dollars  of  the  public  debt,  and,  by  refunding  the 
balance  at  lower  rates,  has  reduced  the  annual 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


interest  charges  from  nearly  one  hundred  and 
fifty-one  millions  to  less  than  eighty-nine  millions 
of  dollars.  All  the  industries  of  the  country  have 
revived,  labor  is  in  demand,  wages  have  increased, 
and  throughout  the  entire  country  there  is  evi 
dence  of  a  coming  prosperity  greater  than  we  have 
ever  enjoyed.  Upon  this  record  the  Republican 
party  asks  for  the  continued  confidence  and  sup 
port  of  the  people,  and  this  convention  submits 
for  their  approval  the  following  statements  of  the 
principle  and  purposes  which  will  continue  to  guide 
and  inspire  its  efforts  : 

i  st.  We  affirm  that  the  work  of  the  last  twenty- 
one  years  has  been  such  as  to  commend  itself  to 
the  favor  of  the  nation,  and  that  the  fruits  of  the 
costly  victory  which  we  have  achieved  through 
immense  difficulties  should  be  preserved  ;  after 
that  the  peace  regained  should  be  cherished  ;  that 
the  dissevered  Union,  now  happily  restored, 
should  be  perpetuated,  and  that  the  liberty  secured 
to  this  generation  should  be  transmitted  undimin- 
ished  to  future  generations  ;  that  the  order  estab 
lished  and  the  credit  acquired  should  never  be 
impaired  ;  that  the  pensions  promised  should  be 
extinguished  by  the  full  payment  of  every  dollar 
thereof;  that  the  reviving  industries  should  be 
further  promoted,  and  that  the  commerce,  already 
so  great,  should  be  steadily  encouraged. 

2d.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  a 
supreme  law  and  not  a  mere  contract.  Out  of 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD 


431 


confederated  States  it  made  a  sovereign  nation. 
Some  powers  are  denied  to  the  nation,  while 
others  are  denied  to  the  States,  but  the  boundary 
between  the  powers  delegated,  and  those  reserved 
is  to  be  determined  by  the  national  and  not  by  the 
State  tribunals. 

3d.  The  work  of  popular  education  is  left  to  the 
care  of  the  several  States,  but  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
National  Government  to  aid  that  work  to  the  ex 
tent  of  its  Constitutional  duty.  The  intelligence 
of  the  nation  is  but  the  aggregate  of  the  intelli 
gence  of  the  several  States,  and  the  destiny  of 
the  nation  must  not  be  guided  by  the  genius  of 
any  one  State,  but  by  the  average  genius  of  all. 

4th.  The  Constitution  wisely  forbids  Congress 
to  make  any  law  respecting1  an  establishment  of 
religion,  but  it  is  idle  to  hope  that  the  nation  can 
be  protected  against  the  influence  of  sectarianism, 
while  each  State  is  exposed  to  its  domination. 
We,  therefore,  recommend  that  the  Constitution 
be  so  amended  as  to  lay  the  same  prohibition 
upon  the  Legislature  of  each  State  and  to  forbid 
the  appropriation  of  public  funds  to  the  support 
of  sectarian  schools. 

5th.  We  affirm  the  belief,  avowed  in  1876,  that 
the  duties  levied  for  the  purpose  of  revenue  should 
so  discriminate  as  to  favor  American  labor.  That 
no  further  grant  of  the  public  domain  should  be 
made  to  any  railway  or  other  corporation ;  that 
slavery  having  perished  in  the  States,  its  twin  bar- 


**,  2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

barity,  polygamy,  must  die  in  the  Territories. 
That  everywhere  the  protection  accorded  to  citi 
zens  of  American  birth  must  be  secured  to  citizens 
by  American  adoption,  and  that  we'esteem  it  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  develop  and  improve  our 
water-courses  and  harbors,  but  insist  that  further 
subsidies  to  private  persons  or  corporations  must 
cease ;  that  the  obligations  of  the  Republic  to  the 
men  who  preserved  its  integrity  in  the  hour  of 
battle  are  undiminished  by  the  lapse  of  fifteen 
years  since  their  final  victory ;  to  do  them  per 
petual  honor  is  and  shall  forever  be  the  grateful 
privilege  and  sacred  duty  of  the  American  people. 

6th.  Since  the  authority  to  regulate  immigra 
tion  and  intercourse  between  the  United  States 
and  foreign  nations  rests  with  Congress,  or  with 
the  United  States  and  its  treaty-making  power, 
the  Republican  party,  regarding  the  unrestricted 
emigration  of  Chinese  as  an  evil  of  great  magni 
tude,  invoke  the  exercise  of  those  powers  to  re 
strain  and  limit  that  immigration  by  the  enact 
ment  of  such  just,  humane  and  reasonable  provi 
sions  as  will  produce  that  result. 

7th.  That  the  purity  and  patriotism  which 
characterize  the  earlier  career  of  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes  in  peace  and  war  and  which  guided  the 
thoughts  of  our  immediate  predecessors  to  him  for 
a  Presidential  candidate  have  continued  to  inspire 
him  in  his  career  as  Chief  Executive,  and  that  his 
tory  will  accord  to  his  administration  the  honors 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


433 


which  are  clue  to  an  efficient,  just  and  courteous 
discharge  of  the  public  business,  and  will  honor 
his  interpositions  between  the  people  and  the  pro 
posed  partisan  laws. 

8th.  We  charge  upon  the  Democratic  party 
the  habitual  sacrifice  of  patriotism  and  justice  to  a 
supreme  and  insatiable  lust  of  office  and  patron 
age  ;  that  to  obtain  possession  of  the  National 
and  State  Governments  and  the  control  of  place 
and  position  they  have  obstructed  all  effort  to  pro 
mote  the  purity  and  to  conserve  the  freedom  of 
suffrage,  and  have  devised  fraudulent  certifications 
and  returns,  have  labored  to  unseat  lawfully 
elected  members  of  Congress  to  secure  at  all 
hazards  the  vote  of  a  majority  of  the  States  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  ;  have  endeavored  to 
occupy  by  force  and  fraud  the  places  of  trust 
given  to  others  by  the  people  of  Maine  and  res 
cued  by  the  courage  in  action  of  Maine's  patriotic 
sons;  have  by  methods  vicious  in  principle  and 
tyrannical  in  practice  attached  partisan  legislation 
to  bills  upon  whose  passage  the  very  movements 
of  government  depend ;  have  crushed  the  rights 
of  individuals,  have  advocated  the  principle  and 
sought  the  favor  of  rebellion  against  the  nation 
and  have  endeavored  to  obliterate  the  sacred 
memories  of  the  war  and  to  overcome  its  inesti 
mable  valuable  results  of  nationality,  personal 
freedom  and  individual  equality.  The  equal, 
steady  and  complete  enforcement  of  laws  and  the 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


protection  of  all  our  citizens  in  the  enjoyment  oi 
all  privileges  and  communities  guaranteed  by  the 
Constitution  are  the  first  duties  of  the  nation. 
The  dangers  of  a  solid  South  can  only  be  averted 
by  a  faithful  performance  of  every  promise  which 
the  nation  has  made  to  the  citizens  ;  the  execution 
of  the  laws  and  the  punishment  of  all  those  who 
violate  them  are  the  only  safe  methods  by  which 
an  enduring  peace  can  be  secured  and  genuine 
prosperity  established  throughout  the  South. 
Whatever  promises  the  nation  makes  the  nation 
must  perform,  and  the  nation  cannot  with  safety 
delegate  this  duty  to  the  States.  The  solid  South 
must  be  divided  by  the  powerful  agencies  of  the 
ballot,  and  all  opinions  must  there  find  free  ex 
pression,  and  to  this  end  the  honest  voters  must 
be  protected  against  terrorism,  violence  or  fraud, 
and  we  affirm  it  to  be  the  duty  and  the  purpose 
of  -the  Republican  party  to  use  every  legitimate 
means  to  restore  all  the  States  of  this  Union  to 
the  most  perfect  harmony  as  may  be  practicable  ; 
and  we  submit  to  the  practical,  sensible  people  of 
the  United  States  to  say  whether  it  would  not  be 
dangerous  to  the  dearest  interests  of  our  country 
at  this  time  to  surrender  the  administration  of  the 
National  Government  to  a  party  which  seeks  to 
overthrow  the  existing  policy  under  which  we 
are  so  prosperous,  and  thus  bring  distrust  and 
confusion  where  there  is  now  order,  confidence 
and  hope. 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

The  following  resolution  was  appended : 

The  Republican  party,  adhering  to  the  principles  affirmed 
)by  its  last  National  Convention  of  respect  for  the  Constitu 
tional  rules  governing  appointment  to  office,  adopts  the  de 
claration  of  President  Hayes  that  the  reform  in  the  civil  service 
shall  be  thorough,  radical  and' complete.  To  that  end  it  de 
mands  the  co-operation  of  the  Legislature  with  the  Executive 
Departments  of  the  Government,  and  that  Congress  shall  so 
(legislate  that  fitness,  ascertained  by  proper  practical  tests, 
shall  admit  to  the  public  service. 

The  reading  was  frequently  interrupted  by 
applause  and  cheers,  and  at  its  conclusion,  Mr. 
I  Barker,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  to  amend  by 
adding  the  following: 

The  Republican  party,  adhering  to  the  principles  affirmed 
by  its  last  National  Convention  of  respect  for  the  Constitu 
tional  rules  governing  appointment  to  office,  adopts  the  de 
claration  of  President  Hayes  that  the  reform  in  the  civil  service 
shall  be  thorough,  radical  and  complete.  To  that  end  it  de 
mands  the  co-operation  of  the  Legislative  with  the  Executive 
Departments  of  the  Government,  and  that  Congress  shall 
|  so  legislate  that  fitness,  ascertained  by  proper  practical  tests, 
shall  admit  to  the  public  service.  That  the  tenure  of  admin 
istrative  offices,  except  those  through  which  the  distinctive 
policy  of  the  party  in  power  shall  be  carried  out,  shall  be  per 
manent  during  good  behavior,  and  that  the  power  of  removal 
for  cause,  with  the  responsibility  for  the  good  conduct  of  sub 
ordinates,  shall  accompany  the  power  of  appointment. 

This  precipitated  a  debate  upon  the  question  of 
civil  service,  in  which  nothing  of  particular  mo 
ment  was  uttered.  Mr.  Barker's  amendment 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

was  eventually  adopted,  then  the  resolution,  as 
amended,  which  omits  the  tenure  of  office  clause, 
and  otherwise  leaves  it  as  introduced,  was  adopted, 
and  the  convention,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Creswell, 
took  a  recess  until  seven  P.  M. 

The  evening  session  was  particularly  crowded, 
as  nothing  now  remained  but  to  get  the  nomina 
tions  made,  and  then  to  ballot.  The  spectators 
were  full  of  the  intensest  enthusiasm,  and  the 
crowd  without  lived  upon  every  echo  that  came 
from  the  convention  hall.  As  soon  as  the  dele 
gates  were  ready,  the  chairman  read  a  communi 
cation  from  Mr.  James  P.  Root,  calling  attention 
to  the  historical  associations  connected  with  the 
gavel  used  by  the  presiding  officer  of  the  conven 
tion.  Its  head  was  made  from  a  piece  of  wood 
grown  at  the  home  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  the 
handle  from  a  cane  grown  on  the  Mount  Vernon 
estate,  the  home  of  Washington.  It  was  pre 
sented  to  the  chair  as  a  memento  of  the  most  re 
markable  convention  ever  held  in  the  history  of 
the  Republican  party. 

After  this  incident  the  battle  was  renewed.  Mr. 
Hale  moved  that  the  roll  of  States  be  called,  for 
the  announcement  of  names  of  members  of  the 
Republican  National  Committee.  The  roll  was 
called  and  Alabama  named  Paul  J.  Stoback  ;  Ar 
kansas,  W.  Dorsey;  California,  Horace  Davis; 
Colorado,  John  L.  Routt ;  Connecticut,  Marshall 
Jewell;  Delaware,  Christian  Febiger;  Florida, 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  ,,,- 

William  W.  Hicks  ;  Georgia,  James  B.  Deveaux ; 
Illinois,  John  A.  Logan;  Indiana,  John  C.  New; 
Iowa,  John  S.  Runnelly ;  Kansas,  John  A.  Mar 
tin  ;  Kentucky,  W.  O.  Bradley ;  Louisiana,  W.  C. 
Warmouth  ;  Maine,  William  T.  Frye  ;  Maryland, 
James  A.  Gary ;  Massachusetts,  John  M.  Forbes ; 
Michigan,  James  H.  Stone  ;  Minnesota,  D.  M.  Sa- 
bin  ;  Mississippi,  George  McKee  ;  Missouri,  C.  J. 
Filley ;  Nebraska,  James  W.  Dawes ;  Nevada, 
John  W.  Mackey ;  New  Hampshire,  W.  E. 
Chandler ;  New  Jersey,  George  A.  Halsey  ;  New 
York,  Thomas  C.  Platt ;  North  Carolina,  W.  P. 
Canady ;  Ohio,  W.  C.  Cooper ;  Oregon,  D.  C. 
[reland ;  Pennsylvania,  J.  D.  Cameron ;  Rhode 
[sland,  W.  O.  Pierce ;  South  Carolina,  Samuel 
Lee ;  Tennessee,  William  Rule ;  Texas,  not 
ready;  Vermont,  George  W.  Hooker;  Virginia, 
Samuel  W.  Jones ;  West  Virginia,  John  W. 
Mason  ;  Wisconsin,  Elihu  Enos  ;  Arizona,  R.  C. 
McCormick ;  Dakota,  unable  to  agree ;  District 
of  Columbia,  not  ready ;  Idaho,  George  L.  Shoup; 
Montana,  A.  H.  Beatty ;  New  Mexico,  S.  T.  EI- 
dn ;  Utah,  W.  Bennett ;  Washington,  S.  T.  Mi 
ner  ;  Wyoming,  Joseph  L.  Gary. 

As  the  two  delegates  from  Dakota  were  unable 
to  agree,  Mr.  Conger  moved  that  the  National 
Committee  should  fill  the  vacancy. 

Mr.  Conkling  objected. 

The  chair  ruled  the  motion  in  order,  and  it  was 
adopted. 


438  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

Mr.  Drake  (Minnesota) offered  the  following: 

Re$ofotd%  That  in  case  of  the  death  or  resignation  of  a 
member  of  the  National  Central  Committee,  the  vacancy 
may  be  filled  by  appointment  by  the  Central  Committee  of 
the  State,  territory  or  district.  Adopted. 

The  most  interesting  work  of  the  convention 
was  now  close  at  hand.  The  ball  was  opened  by 
Eugene  Hale,  who  moved  a  call  of  States  for  the 
purpose  of  placing  the  various  candidates  in  nomi 
nation.  Ten  minutes  was  allowed  for  each  nomi 
nation,  and  five  minutes  to  the  seconder.  The 
roll  was  then  called. 

When  Michigan  was  reached,  James  F.  Joy  took 
the  platform,  and  said: 

"MR.  CHAIRMAN:  I  shall  never  cease  to  regret 
the  circumstances  under  which  the  duty  is  imposed 
on  me  to  make  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  in 
this  convention.  I  have  been  absent  from  the 
country  for  months.  Since  the  convention  has 
been  in  session  I  have  been  continuously  employed 
on  the  floor.  If,  therefore,  words  of  mine  are  im 
portant  for  the  candidate  who  shall  be  proposed 
mine  will  benefit  us  not  a  little.  I  shall,  however, 
bring  him  before  the  convention  in  as  brief  a  man 
ner  as  possible.  It  was  in  1860,  I  think,  that  a 
young  man,  born  in  the  old  Keystone  State,  but 
resident  in  the  State  of  Maine,  entered  the  House 
of  Representatives.  That  was  a  time  when  the 
horizon  was  darkened  with  clouds  indicating  a 

o 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


439 


coming  tempest.  It  was  just  before  the  war;  the 
clouds  burst  over  the  country,  and  the  war  ensued 
and  raged  for  four  long  years.  Fortunately  for 
us  there  were  at  the  helm  of  the  ship  of  State  the 
right  men,  and  it  was  manned  with  the  right  crew. 
Finally  the  strength  of  one  of  the  contending  par 
ties  gave  way,  and  peace  at  last  settled  down  on 
the  country.  Then  ensued  the  contest  for  recon 
struction,  and  that  occupied  four  years  more. 
During  all  that  period  of  time  that  young  man — 
always  true,  always  brave,  always  eloquent — ap 
plied  his  talents  in  every  way  necessary  either  to 
carry  on  the  war  or  to  bring  about  reconstruction 
on  a  proper  basis.  His  reputation  grew  and  tow 
ered  all  that  time,  until  at  last,  when  reconstruc 
tion  had  been  practically  secured,  he  stood  high 
Before  the  country,  and  his  name  became  a  house- 
lold  word,  familiar  in  every  corner  of  the  land  and 
ooked  up  to  from  all  quarters.  That  name  was 
the  name  of  James  G.  Elaine.  [Cheers,  applause 
and  waving  of  hats  and  handkerchiefs.]  When 
the  nomination  of  General  Grant  was  made,  all 
eyes  in  the  northern  section  of  the  country  were 
turned  on  James  G.  Elaine,  and  he  canvassed  the 
country  from  the  Mississippi  and  beyond  for  that 
candidate,  so  that  the  people  of  the  North  and  of 
the  great  West  became  familiar  with  him.  He  had 
about  him  that  wonderful  power  of  attracting  men 
which  another  great  man — Henry  Clay,  of  Ken 
tucky — possessed  in  an  equally  eminent  degree. 
26 


44° 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


"  On  the  second  nomination  of  General  Grant, 
Mr.  Elaine  was  again  called  upon,  and  he  again 
traversed  the  country,  exercising  his  eloquence 
and  powers.  He  had  become  so  well  known  to 
the  people  that  when  the  last  Republican  Conven 
tion  was  held  at  Cincinnati,  four  years  ago,  he  had 
become  the  leading  candidate  of  the  Northern 
people  for  the  Presidency.  He  was  the  favorite 
candidate  of  the  State  which  I  represented  in  that 
convention.  The  delegates  from  Michigan  went 
there  with  a  view  of  urging  and  securing,  if  possi 
ble,  his  nomination,  and  he  came  within  a  few 
votes  of  getting  it.  But  for  some  reason  the 
nomination  of  another  candidate,  who  had  been 
before  the  country — you  all  know,  perhaps,  the 
astonishment  created  in  some  sections  of  the 
country  at  that  result  and  in  the  State  which  I 
have  the  honor  to  represent  here — was  considered 
almost  a  calamity  to  the  individual  members  of 
the  Republican  pa-rty  of  that  day ;  they  felt  it  al 
most  as  a  personal  blow.  But  while  he  may  have 
been  disappointed,  still  when  the  canvass  came  on, 
and  when  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  Republicans 
would  succeed  in  electing  their  candidate,  he,  al 
though  he  had  been  repudiated  in  that  conven 
tion,  buckled  on  his  harness,  entered  the  tracks 
and  again  traversed  the  country,  fighting  man 
fully,  gloriously,  vigorously,  until  the  battle  was 
won."  [Applause.] 

The    chairman   announced   that   the   speaker's 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


441 


time  had  expired,  but,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Garfield, 
his  time  was  extended. 

Mr.  Joy,  resuming :  "  The  result  was  that  he 
endeared  himself  to  the  Republicans  of  the  North 
west  even  more  than  before,  and  when  this  con 
vention  was  called,  the  people  of  Michigan,  who 
so  earnestly  advocated  him  before,  again  turned 
their  gaze  toward  him.  Michigan  is  not  a  doubt 
ful  State.  It  is  a  State  which  stands  by  its  ban 
ner  ;  that  no  matter  who  may  be  nominated  in 
this  convention  Michigan  will  stand  by  the  Repub 
lican  banner  whoever  may  be  in  the  van.  With 
these  remarks  I  have  the  honor  to  present  to  this 
convention,  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  the 
name  of  James  G.  Elaine." 

This  was  the  signal  for  a  wild  scene  of  confu- 

o 

sion  and  excitement,  the  larger  half  of  the  audi 
ence  and  all  the  Elaine  delegates  rising  and 
cheering  vociferously,  and  waving  flags,  hats,  fans, 
umbrellas,  anything  obtainable,  in  the  most  frantic 
fashion.  After  order  was  somewhat  restored, 
Mr.  Pixley,  of  California,  seconded  Mr.  Elaine's 
name  in  a  speech  of  considerable  length.  Its  close 
was  the  signal  for  another  outburst  of  cheers. 
Mr.  Frye  followed  in  an  electric  speech  of  ten 
minutes,  which  set  the  galleries  wild  again. 

Minnesota  being  called,  Mr.  E.  F.  Drake  pre 
sented  the  name  of  Senator  William  Windom. 
There  was  no  seconder. 

When  New  York  was  called,  Mr.  Conkling  rose, 


4^2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAAEER  OF 

mounted  the  reporters'  platform,  took  a  position 
on  a  reporter's  table,  and  began  with  great  delib 
eration  in  clear  tones  and  with  his  usual  impres 
sive  manner,  the  nomination  of  General  Grant. 
The  speaker  said: 

"The  need  of  the  hour  was  not  a  candidate  who 
can  carry  States  which  are  surely  Republican,  but 
who  can  carry  doubtful  States,  South  as  well 
as  North.  Grant  could  carry  the  doubtful  State 
of  New  York  and  several  in  the  South.  [Ap 
plause.]  The  calumny  against  him  had  all 
been  exploded;  the  powder  had  already  been 
burned  once  and  left  his  name  untarnished.  When 
those  who  have  tried  to  tarnish  that  name  shall 
have  mouldered  in  forgotten  graves,  General 
Grant's  fame  will  remain  pure  and  bright  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people.  Never  elated  by  success, 
he  has  manifested  the  very  genius  of  success. 
He  commended  his  civic  policy  in  establishing  in 
ternational  arbitration,  in  opposing  inflation  and 
paving  the  way  for  specie  resumption.  To  him 
unmeasurably  more  than  any  other  is  due  the  fact 
that  every  paper  dollar  is  as  good  as  gold.  With 
him  as  the  leader  we  should  have  no  defensive 
campaign.  [Applause.]  No !  Nothing  to  ex 
plain  away  and  no  apologies  to  make.  The  shafts 
and  arrows  have  all  been  aimed  at  him  and  lie 
broken  at  his  feet."  [Applause.] 

He  briefly  reviewed  the  third-term  objections  to 
Grant  and  urged  that  it  was  no  objection  to  any  man 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


443 


that  he  had  been  weighed  in  the  balance  and  not 
found  wanting  or  that  he  had  obtained  experience 
which  rendered  him  better  fitted  for  the  duties  con 
fided  to  his  care.  When  he  had  occupied  thirty 
minutes  there  were  loud  calls  from  the  galleries  of 
"Time!  Time!"  but  he  paid  no  attention  to  them  and 
was  soon  permitted  to  proceed.  A  little  later  he  re 
ferred  to  General  Grant  as  being  without  telegraph 
wires  running  from  his  house  to  this  convention, 
which  was  evidently  construed  as  an  insinuation 
against  Mr.  Elaine.  This  was  greeted  with  laugh 
ter  and  a  storm  of  hisses  and  loud  cries  of  "Time! 
Time!"  which  continued  until  a  delegate  appealed 
to  the  American  people  to  listen  to  the  gentleman, 
who  asked  them  to  hear  him  finish.  He  was  then 
permitted  to  proceed  until  he  referred  to  "elec 
tioneering  contrivances,"  which  excited  another 
outburst  of  objection. 

Mr.  Conkling  said:  "  When  asked  whence  comes 
our  candidate,  we  say  from  Appomattox.  [Ap 
plause.]  Obeying  instructions  I  should  never  dare 
to  disregard,  expressing  also  my  own  firm  convic 
tion,  I  rise  in  behalf  of  the  State  of  New  York,  to 
propose  a  nomination  with  which  the  country  and 
the  Republican  party  can  grandly  win.  The  elec 
tion  before  us  will  be  the  Austerlitz  of  American 
politics.  It  will  decide  whether  for  years  to  come 
the  country  shall  be  'Republican  or  Cossack.' 

"  The  need  of  the  hour  is  a  candidate  who  can 
carry  doubtful  States  North  and  South,  and  be- 


444  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

lieving  that  he  more  surely  than  any  other  can 
carry  New  York  against  any  opponent,  and  can 
carry  not  only  the  North,  but  several  States  of  the 
South,  New  York  is  for  Ulysses  S.  Grant.  He 
alone'  of  living  Republicans  has  carried  New  York 
as  a  Presidential  candidate.  Once  he  carried  it 
even  according  to  a  Democratic  count,  and  twice 
he  carried  it  by  the  people's  votes,  and  he  is 
stronger  now — the  Republican  party,  with  its 
standard  in  his  hand,  is  stronger  now  than  in  1868 
or  1872.  Never  defeated  in  war  or  in  peace,  his 
name  is  the  most  illustrious  borne  by  any  living 
man ;  his  services  attest  his  greatness,  and  the 
country  knows  them  by  heart.  His  fame  was  born 
not  alone  of  things  written  and  said,  but  of  the 
arduous  greatness  of  things  done,  and  dangers  and 
emergencies  will  search  in  vain  in  the  future,  as 
they  have  searched  in  vain  in  the  past,  for  any 
other  on  whom  the  nation  leans  with  such  confi 
dence  and  trust.  Standing  on  the  highest  emi 
nence  of  human  destination,  and  having  filled  all 
lands  with  his  renown,  modest,  simple  and  self- 
poised,  he  has  seen  not  only  the  titled,  but  the 
poor  and  the  lowly,  in  the  uttermost  ends  of  the 
earth  rise  and  uncover  before  him.  He  has 
studied  the  needs  and  defects  of  many  systems  of 
government,  and  he  comes  back  a  better  Ameri 
can  than  ever,  with  a  wealth  of  knowledge  and  ex 
perience  added  to  the  hard  common  sense  which  so 
conspicuously  distinguished  him  in  all  the  fierce 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  ,.  - 

light  that  beat  upon  him  throughout  the  most  event 
ful,  trying  and  perilous  sixteen  years  of  the  na 
tion's  history.  Never  having  had  'a  policy  to 
enforce  against  the  will  of  the  people/  he  never 
betrayed  a  cause  or  a  friend,  and  the  people  will 
never  betray  or  desert  him.  Vilified  and  reviled, 
truthlessly  aspersed  by  numberless  persons,  not 
in  other  lands,  but  in  his  own,  the  assaults  upon 
him  have  strengthened  and  seasoned  his  hold  on 
the  public  heart.  The  ammunition  of  calumny  has 
all  been  exploded,  the  powder  has  all  been  burned 
out,  its  force  has  spent  and  Grant's  name  will 
glitter  as  a  bright  and  imperishable  star  in  the 
diadem  of  the  Republic  when  those  who  have  tried 
to  tarnish  it  have  mouldered  in  forgotten  graves, 
and  their  memories  and  epitaphs  have  vanished 
utterly.  Never  elated  by  success,  never  depressed 
by  adversity,  he  has  ever  in  peace,  as  in  war,  shown 
the  very  genius  of  common  sense.  The  terms  he 
prescribed  for  Lee's  surrender  foreshadowed  the 
wisest  principles  and  prophecies  of  true  recon 
struction." 

Toward  the  conclusion,  Mr.  Conkling  said  the 
convention  was  master  of  a  supreme  opportunity. 
It  could  make  the  next  President,  and  also  make 
sure  of  his  peaceful  inauguration.  It  could  break 
that  power  which  mildews  the  South.  Democratic 
success  was  a  menace  to  order  and  progress, 
which  the  convention  could  overthrow  and  eman 
cipate  a  solid  South.  It  could  make  the  Republi- 


446  Z//V-*  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

\ 

can  army  march  to  certain  victory  with  its  greatest 
marshal  at  its  head. 

It  was  fully  twenty  minutes  before  order  could 
be  restored.  The  Grant  men  in  convention  and 
galleries  took  a  regular  jubilee,  and  President 
Hoar  had  to  sit  down  and  let  disorder  tire  itself 
out.  The  Grant  delegation  "  pooled "  the  flags 
which  marked  their  seats,  marched  round  the  aisles 
and  cheered  and  yelled  as  if  they  were  dwellers 
in  Bedlam,  just  home  after  a  long  absence^  Fi 
nally  Mr.  Bradley,  of  Kentucky,  was  allowed  to 
speak,  seconding  Grant's  name,  but  it  was  as 
nothing  after  Conkling's  speech. 

When  Ohio  was  called  Mr.  Garfield  rose,  and, 
amid  tremendous  cheering,  advanced  to  the  place 
Mr,  Conkling  had  just  vacated.  When  order  was 
restored,  he  spoke  in  the  following  magnificent 
strain : 

"MR.  PRESIDENT:  I  have  witnessed  the  extraordi 
nary  scenes  of  this  convention  with  deep  solici 
tude.  No  emotion  touches  my  heart  more  quickly 
than  a  sentiment  in  honor  of  a  great  and  noble 
character.  But,  as  I  sat  on  these  seats  and  wit 
nessed  tfrese  demonstrations,  it  seemed  to  me  you 
were  a  human  ocean  in  a  tempest.  I  have  seen 
the  sea  lashed  into  a  fury  and  tossed  into  a  spray, 
and  its  grandeur  moves  the  soul  of  the  dullest 
man.  But  I  remember  that  it  is  not  the  billows, 
but  the  calm  level  of  the  sea  from  which  all 
heights  and  depths  arc  measured.  [Applause.] 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  447 

When  the  storm  has  passed  and  the  hour  of  calm 
settles  on  the  ocean,  when  sunlight  bathes  its 
smooth  surface,  then  the  astronomer  and  surveyor 
takes  the  level  from  which  he  measures  all  terres 
trial  heights  and  depths.  [Applause.]  Gentle 
men  of  the  convention,  your  present  temper  may 
not  mark  the  healthful  pulse  of  our  people. 
When  our  enthusiasm  has  passed,  when  the  emo 
tions  of  this  hour  have  subsided,  we  shall  find  the 
calm  level  of  public  opinion  below  the  storm  from 
which  the  thoughts  of  a  mighty  people  are  to  be 
measured,  and  by  which  their  final  action  will  be 
determined.  [Applause.]  Not  here,  in  this  bril 
liant  circle  where  fifteen  thousand  men  and  women 
are  assembled,  is  the  destiny  of  the  Republic  to 
be  decreed  ['That  is  so']  ;  not  here,  where  I  see 
the  enthusiastic  faces  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty- 
six  delegates  waiting  to  cast  their  votes  into  the 
urn  and  determine  the  choice  of  their  party; 
[applause]  but  by  four  million  Republican  firesides, 
where  the  thoughtful  fathers,  with  wives  and  chil 
dren  about  them,  with  the  calm  thoughts  inspired 
by  love  of  home  and  love  of  country,  with  the 
history  of  the  past,  the  hopes  of  the  future,  and 
the  knowledge  of  the  great  men  who  have  adorned 
and  blessed  our  nation  in  days  gone  by — there 
God  prepares  the  verdict  that  shall  determine  the 
wisdom  of  our  work  to-night.  [Applause.]  Not 
in  Chicago  in  the  heat  of  June,  but  in. the  sober 
quiet  that  comes  between  now  and  November,  in 


443 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CARTER  OF 


the  silence  of  deliberate  judgment  will  this  great 
question  be  settled.  [Cries  of  'Good.']  Let  us 
aid  them  to-night.  [Great  applause.] 

"But  now,  gentlemen  of  the  convention,  what 
do  we  want?  [A  voice,  'Garfield.']  Bear  with 
me  a  moment.  Hear  me  for  this  cause,  and,  for 
a  moment,  be  silent  that  you  may  hear.  [Cries 
of 'Good.']  Twenty-five  years  ago  this  republic 
was  wearing  a  triple  chain  of  bondage.  Long  fa 
miliarity  with  traffic  in  the  bodies  and  souls  of 
men  had  paralyzed  the  consciences  of  a  majority 
of  our  people.  The  baleful  doctrine  of  State  sov 
ereignty  had  shocked  and  weakened  the  noblest 
and  most  beneficent  powers  of  the  national  Gov 
ernment,  and  the  grasping  power  of  slavery  was 
seizing-  the  virgin  territories  of  the  West  and 

o  o 

dragging  them  into  the  den  of  eternal  bondage. 
At  that  crisis  the  Republican  party  was  born.  It 
drew  its  first  inspiration  from  that  fire  of  liberty 
which  God  has  lighted  in  every  man's  heart,  and 
which  all  the  powers  of  ignorance  and  tyranny  can 
never  wholly  extinguish.  [Applause.]  The  Re 
publican  party  came  to  deliver  and  save  the  repub 
lic.  It  entered  the  arena  when  the  beleaguered 
and  assailed  territories  were  struggling  for  free 
dom,  and  drew  around  them  the  sacred  circle  of 
liberty  which  the  demon  of  slavery  has  never 
dared  to  cross.  It  made  th?m  free  forever. 
[Great  applause,  and  cries  of  'Good.']  Strength 
ened  by  its  victory  on  the  frontier,  the  young 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

arty,  under  the  leadership  of  that  great  man  who, 
n    this    spot,   twenty  years    ago,  was    made    its 
.eader,  entered  the  national  capital  and  assumed 
;he*  high  duties  of  the  government.      [Applause.] 
he  light  which  shone  from  its  banner  dispelled 
e  darkness  in  which  slavery  had  enshrouded  the 
apital,  and  melted  the  shackles  of  every  slave, 
nd  consumed,  in  the  fire  of  liberty,  every  slave- 
>en  within  the   shadow  of  the  capitol.     Our  na- 
ional  industries,  by  an  impoverishing  policy,  were 
;hemselves  prostrated,  and  the  streams  of  revenue 
flowed  in  such  feeble  currents  that  the  treasury  it 
self  was  well-nigh   empty.      The    money  of  the 
people  was  the  wretched  notes  of  two  thousand 
uncontrolled  and  irresponsible  State  banking  cor 
porations,  which  were  filling  the  country  with  a 
irculation  that  poisoned  rather  than  sustained  the 
life  of  business.     [Loud  applause.]     The  Repub 
lican    party   changed   all    this.     It   abolished   the 
babel  of  confusion,  and  gave  the  country  a  cur 
rency  as  national  as  its  flag,  based  upon  the  sacred 
faith  of  the    people.     [Applause.]     It   threw  its 
protecting  arm  around  our  great  industries,  and 
they  stood  erect  as  with  new  life.     It  filled  with 
the  spirit  of  true  nationality  all  the  great  functions 
of  the  government.     It  confronted  a  rebellion  of 
unexampled   magnitude,  with   slavery   behind   it, 
and,  under  God,  fought  the  final  battle  of  liberty 
until  victory  was  won.     [Applause.]     Then,  after 
the  storms  of  battle,  were  heard  the  sweet,  calm 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


words  of  peace  uttered  by  the  conquering  natioi 
and  saying  to  the  conquered  foe  that  lay  prostrat 
at  its  feet:  'This  is  our  only  revenge,  that  you  joi 
us  in  lifting  to  the  serene  firmament  of  the  Const 
tution,  to  shine  like  stars  for  ever  and  ever,  th 
immortal  principles  of  truth  and  justice,  that  a 
men,  white  or  black,  shall  be  free  and  stand  equc 
before  the  law.'  [Loud  applause.] 

"Then  came  the  question  of  reconstruction,  th 
public  debt,  and  the  public  faith.  In  the  settle 
mcnt  of  the  questions  the  Republican  party  ha 
completed  its  twenty-five  years  of  glorious  cxisi 
ence,  and  it  has  sent  us  here  to  prepare  it  fc 
another  lustrum  of  duty  and  of  victory.  How  sha 
we  clo  this  great  work  ?  We  cannot  do  it,  m 
friends,  by  assailing  our  Republican  brethrer 
[Great  applause  and  cries  of  '  Good.']  God  foi 
bid  that  I  should  say  one  word  to  cast  a  shadow 
upon  any  name  on  the  roll  of  our  heroes.  Thi 
coming  fight  is  our  Thermopylae.  We  ar 
standing  upon  a  narrow  isthmus.  If  our  Sparta 
hosts  are  united,  we  can  withstand  all  the  Persian 
that  the  Xerxes  of  Democracy  can  bring  agains 
us.  Let  us  hold  our  ground  this  one  year,  for  th 
stars  in  their  courses  fiVht  for  us  in  the  future 

£> 

The  census  taken  this  year  will  bring  re-enforce 
ments  and  continued  power.  [Applause.]  Bu 
in  order  to  win  this  victory  now,  we  want  the  vot 
of  every  Republican,  of  every  Grant  Republica: 
and  every  anti-Grant  Republican  in  Americ 


JAMES  A.   CARFIELD.  ,-j 

[great  applause],  of  every  Blaine  man  and  every 
anti-Elaine  man.  The  vote  of  every  follower  of 
every  candidate  is  needed  to  make  our  success 
certain  [applause];  therefore,  I  say,  gentlemen 
and  brethren,  we  are  here  to  take  calm  counsel 
together,  and  inquire  what  we  shall  do.  [A  voice 
Nominate  Garfield.'  Great  applause.]  We  want 
a  man  whose  life  and  opinions  embody  all  the 
achievements  of  which  I  have  spoken.  We  want 
a.  man  who,  standing  on  a  mountain  height;  sees 
all  the  achievements  of  our  past  history,  and  car 
ries  in  his  heart  the  memory  of  all  its  glorious 
deeds,  and  who,  looking  forward,  prepares  to  meet 
the  labor  and  the  dangers  to  come.  We  want 
Dne  who  will  act  in  no  spirit  of  unkindness  to 
ward  those  we  lately  met  in  battle.  The  Repub- 
ican  party  offers  to  our  brethren  of  the  South  the 
>live  branch  of  peace,  and  wishes  them  to  return 
to  brotherhood,  on  this  supreme  condition,  that  it 
shall  be  admitted  forever  and  forevermore,  that, 
in  the  war  for  the  Union,  we  were  right  and  they 
were  wrong.  [Cheers.]  On  that  supreme  con 
dition  we  meet  them  as  brethren,  and  on  no  other. 
We  ask  them  to  share  with  us  the  blessings  and 
honors  of  this  great  republic.  [Applause,] 

"Now,  gentlemen,  hot  to  weary  you,  I  am  about 
to  present  a  name  for  your  consideration — the 
name  of  a  man  who  was  the  comrade  and  associ 
ate  and  friend  of  nearly  all  those  noble  dead 
whose  faces  look  down  upon  us  from  these  walls 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

.• 

to-night  [cheers],  a  man  who  began  his  career  of 
public  service  twenty-five  years  ago,  whose  first 
duty  was  courageously  done  in  the  days  of  peril 
on  the  plains  of  Kansas,  when  the  first  red  drops 
of  that  bloody  shower  began  to  fall  which  finally 
swelled  into  the  deluge  of  war.  [Cheers.]  He 
bravely  stood  by  young  Kansas  then,  and,  return 
ing  to  his  duty  in  the  National  Legislature, 
through  all  subsequent  time  his  pathway  has  been 
marked  by  labors  performed  in  every  department 
of  legislation.  You  ask  for  his  monuments.  I 
point  you  to  twenty-five  years  of  national  statutes. 
[Cheers.]  Not  one  great  beneficent  statute  has 
been  placed  in  our  statute  books  without  his  in 
telligent  and  powerful  aid.  [Cheers.]  He  aided 
these  men  to  formulate  the  laws  that  raised  our 
great  armies  and  carried  us  through  the  war. 
His  hand  was  seen  in  the  workmanship  of  those 
statutes  that  restored  and  brought  back  the  unity 
and  married  calm  of  the  States.  His  hand  was 
in  all  that  great  legislation  that  created  the  war 
currency,  and  in  a  still  greater  work  that  redeemed 
the  promises  of  the  Government,  and  made  the 
currency  equal  to  gold.  And  when  at  last  called 
from  the  halls  of  legislation  into  a  high  executive 
office,  he  displayed  that  experience,  intelligence, 
firmness  and  poise  of  character  which  has  carried 
us  through  a  stormy  period  of  three  years.  With 
one-half  the  public  press  crying  'crucify  Him/  and 
a  hostile  Congress  seeking  to  prevent  success,  in 


.    JAMES  A    GARFIELD. 

all  this  he  remained  unmoved  until  victory  crowned 
him.  [Applause.]  The  great  fiscal  affairs  of 
the  nation,  and  the  great  business  interests 
of  the  country  he  has  guarded  and  pre 
served,  while  executing  the  law  of  resumption 
and  effecting  its  object  without  a  jar  and  against 
the  false  prophecies  of  one-half  of  the  press  and 
all  the  Democracy  of  this  continent.  [Applause.] 
He  has  shown  himself  able  to  meet  with  calmness 
the  great  emergencies  of  the  Government  for 
twenty-five  years.  He  has  trodden  the  perilous 
heights  of  public  duty,  and  against  all  the  shafts 
of  malice  has  borne  his  breast  unharmed.  He 
has  stood  in  the  blaze  of  'that  fierce  light  that 
beats  against  the  throne,'  but  its  fiercest  ray  has 
found  no  flaw  in  his  armor,  no  stain  on  his  shield. 
I  do  not  present  him  as  a  better  Republican  or 
as  a  better  man  than  thousands  of  others  we 
honor,  but  I  present  him  fcr  your  deliberate  con 
sideration.  I  nominate  John  Sherman,  of  Ohio." 
[Great  applause.] 

Of  this  masterly  effort,  the  Chicago  Inter- Ocean, 
a  strong  Grant  paper,  said  the  following  morning: 

"When  Ohio  is  called,  a  form — which  probably 
comes  nearer  the  people's  ideal  type  of  a  statesman 
than  any  other  in  the  convention — arises  near  the 
centre  of  the  middle  aisle  and  moves  toward  the 
stage  amid  the  sharp  clapping  of  thousands  of 
hands,  which  increases,  as  General  Garfield  mounts 
the  same  table  upon  which  Senator  Conkling 


454 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


stood,  to  a  roar  of  voices  mingled  with  the  noise 
of  stamping  feet.  It  is  noticeable  that  in  this  ova 
tion  a  large  number  of  delegates  and  alternates 
have  joined.  To  the  attention  which  Garfield 
always  attracts  is  now  added  the  romance  of  a 
possibility  that  is  in  every  one's  mind,  and  when 
ever  he  has  moved  into  sight  of  the  galleries 
during  this  convention,  he  has  been  warmly 
greeted.  As  he  stands  now  on  the  table  where 
Conkling  but  a  few  moments  ago  stood,  many 
thousands  are  doubtless  comparing  the  two  men 
who,  among  many  great  men,  have  almost  mo 
nopolized  and  about  equally  shared  the  attention 
of  the  people.  There  is  much  of  similarity,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  great  dissimilarity  between  the 
two  men.  Both  are  large  in  stature,  and  both 
would  be  noted,  if  strangers,  among  thousands  as 
remarkable  types  of  physical  development.  The 
verdict  of  the  great  majority  would  be  probably 
that  Garfield  looks  more  like  the  statesman  than 
the  New  York  senator.  There  is  a  grace  and 
eloquence  in  the  person  and  manners  of  Conkling 
that  approaches  too  near  airiness  to  be  always 
strong  in  its  effect,  but  the  figure  we  now  see  be 
fore  us  is  rough-hewn  in  form  and  rugged  of  fea 
ture.  The  verdict  of  the  ladies  in  the  gallery, 
many  times  during  the  convention,  is  that  Conk 
ling  is  'so  handsome/  and  Garfield  'so  plain.' 
But  the  Ohio  school-teacher,  minister,  legislator 
and  statesman,  is  not  plain-looking.  To  the 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  .-  - 

beauty  of  great  strength  is  added  the  grace  with 
which  an  illustrious  and  radiant  renown  will  clothe 
any  man.  Large  of  form,  with  a  huge  head,  the 
figure  fixed  like  a  rock  on  that  table,  while  the 
building  trembles  with  applause,  is  imposing,  peer 
less  and  grand.  To  all  of  this,  Garfield's  nature 
adds  a  charm  possessed  by  few  men — the  beauty 
of  a  generous  and  affectionate  nature.  A  big 
heart,  a  sympathetic  nature,  and  a  mind  keenly 
sensitive  to  everything  that  is  beautiful  in  senti 
ment,  are  the  artists  that  shade  down  the  gnarled 
outlines  and  touch  with  soft  coloring  the  plain  fea 
tures  of  a  massive  face.  The  conception  of  a 
grand  thought  always  paints  a  glow  upon  Gar- 
field's  face,  which  no  one  forgets  who  has  seen 
him  while  speaking.  His  eyes  are  a  cold  gray, 
but  they  are  often — yes,  all  the  time  in  this 
speech — lit  brilliantly  by  the  warm  light  of  worthy 
sentiments,  and  the  strong  flame  of  a  great  man's 
conviction.  In  speaking,  he  is  not  so  restless  as 
Conkling;  his  speech  is  an  appeal  for  thought 
and  calm  deliberation,  and  he  stands  still  like  the 
rock  of  judgment  while  he  delivers  it.  There  is 
no  invective  or  bitterness  in  his  effort,  but  there 
is  throughout  an  earnestness  of  conviction  and  an 
unquestionable  air  of  sincerity,  to  which  every 
gesture  and  intonation  of  voice  is  especially 
adapted." 

Whitelaw  Reid  telegraphed  to  the  New  York 
Tribune  his  opinion  of  this  effort :  "  It  seems  to  be 
27 


456 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


the  verdict  of  the  majority  that  General  Garfield 
won  the  laurels  of  the  night,  as  indeed  he  has  of 
the  convention  thus  far.  Mr.  Frye's  speech,; 
though  eloquent,  was  delivered  without  any  pre 
paration  whatever.  General  Garfield's  speech 
was  admirably  adapted  to  make  votes  for  his 
candidate,  if  speeches  ever  made  votes.  It  was' 
courteous,  conciliatory  and  prudent.  General 
Garfield  honestly  did  his  best  for  Secretary  Sher 
man,  and  yet  the  general  is  so  popular  here  that 
the  chief  effect  of  his  speech  has  been  to  increase 
the  talk  and  speculation  as  to  the  possibility  of 
his  being  made  the  nominee  if  the  situation  were 
different." 

The  Chicago  Journal  said  editorially:  "The 
supreme  orator  of  the  evening  was  General  Gar- 
field.  He  is  a  man  of  superb  power  and  noble 
character.  The  name  of  John  Sherman  could  not 
have  been  better  presented.  His  claims  upon  the 
good  opinion  of  the  American  people — and  they 
are  very  great — were  urged  in  a  way  worthy  the 
occasion.  He  indulged  in  no  fling  at  others.  It 
was  a  model  speech  in  temper  and  tone.  The  im 
pression  made  was  powerful  and  altogether  whole 
some.  Many  felt  that  if  Ohio  had  offered  Garfield 
instead  of  Sherman,  she  would  have  been  more 
likely  to  win." 

Sherman's  nomination  was  seconded  by  Winkler, 
of  Wisconsin,  and  Eliott  (colored),  of  South  Caro 
lina.  Vermont  being  called,  Mr.  Billings  rose  to 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

Iv)   / 

put  in  nomination  Senator  Edmunds,  and  said  that 
no  State  could  have  a  better  right  to  name  a  Re 
publican  candidate  and  none  could  name  a  better 
man.  Republicanism  runs  in  Vermont's  blood. 
The  man  whom  she  named  for  the  Presidency  was 
no  longer  hers — he  was  the  property  and  pride  of 
the  nation.  Vermont  looked  forward  through  the 
years  and  saw  the  ignominy  and  crime  of  giving 
up  the  Government  to  a  revolutionary  Democracy, 
and  she  implored  this  convention  to  let  nothing 
put  the  Republican  victory  in  peril,  but  to  make 
that  victory  secure  by  putting  on  the  platform  a 
candidate  far  better  even  than  the  platform — a 
candidate  weak  nowhere,  but  strong  everywhere 
— the  incarnation  of  the  principles  of  that  platform. 
Any  other  course  foreboded  disaster  and  courted 
defeat.  Such  a  candidate  as  was  needed  was  that 
brave,  keen,  vigilant  man  on  whom  rested  no 
shadow  of  evil  report,  the  leader  of  the  Senate, 
George  F.  Edmunds.  [Cheers  and  applause.] 
Vermont  nominated  him  for  the  Presidency,  and 
asked  the  convention  to  accept  him.  [Applause.] 
The  nomination  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Sanford,  of 
Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Cassidy,  of  Wisconsin,  then  presented  the 
name  of  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  who  was 
seconded  by  Mr.  Brandagee,  of  Connecticut. 

All  the  nominees  being  now  named,  and  as  it 
was  within  a  few  minutes  of  Sunday  morning,  the 
convention  adjourned  until  Monday  morning. 


458 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


Half  an  hour  later  the  great  hall,  that  had  re 
sounded  to  the  thunders  of  oratory,  was  empty 
and  silent  as  the  great  men's  portraits  on  the 

walls. 


2 'AMES  A.  GARFIELD.  ,._ 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

A   DAY   OF   DOUBT. 

SUNDAY  at  Chicago  was  passed  in  feverish 
marches  and  counter-marches,  combina 
tions,  plots,  arguments,  speeches,  dining 
and  wining,  rest  for  some  and  church  for  a  few. 
Every  nerve  was  strained  to  correct  badly-con 
structed  lines,  to  strengthen  wavering  delegates 
to  capture  new  ones  and  to  repair  every  weak 
spot  in  the  chain  of  defenses.  This,  of  course, 
lent  to  the  work  of  Monday  only  a  problematical 
outcome.  No  one  could  say  exactly  just  what 
would  happen,  or  predict,  with  the  same  reasona 
ble  certainty  possible  to  the  prophets  on  Friday 
night.  Every  one  waited  and  hoped. 

One  of  the  clever  correspondents  at  the  con- 
Vention,  described  the  opening  services  of  Mon 
day  morning  in  his  special : 

"  The  sun  rose  in  a  cloudless  sky  this  morning, 
and  a  gentle,  cool  breeze  from  the  lake  promised 
a  charming  day  for  the  great  conflict.  There  was 
active  stir  in  all  the  camps  at  an  early  hour,  and 
spirited  skirmishing  began  with  cocktails  and  ex 
tended  throughout  the  halls,  corridors,  breakfast- 
rooms  and  street  corners.  The  crowd  had  been 


460 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


considerably  thinned  out  since  Saturday  night. 
Many  of  the  most  boisterous  elements,  who  were 
too  expensive  as  strikers  to  be  continued  on  duty 
indefinitely,  had  dropped  out  of  the  battle ;  but 
the  effective  soldiery  of  all  sides  remained,  and 
the  rank  and  file  seemed  more  impatient  than  the 
leaders  for  the  struggle.  The  hour  of  meeting 
was  the  earliest  that  could  be  named,  but  most  of 
the  crowd  and  many  delegates  were  clamoring  at 
the  barred  doors  long  before.  There  was  not 
that  effervescence  of  wild  expectation  that  was 
displayed  when  the  same  people  first  crowded  into 
Exposition  Hall  on  Wednesday  morning.  Their 
faces  were  freshened  by  rest,  but  they  had  been 
sobered  by  the  realities  of  the  contest  and  the 
gravity  of  its  hue.  When  they  first  came  to  en 
compass  the  convention  and  its  multitude  of 
witnesses,  they  were  ardent  and  reckless  as  en 
thusiastic  volunteers  who  expected  a  harmless 
brush  with  the  enemy  and  an  easy  victory.  To 
day  they  wore  the  calmer  and  disciplined  marks 
of  veterans.  It  was  plainly  told  on  every  face 
that  the  battle  must  be  desperate,  and  none  felt 
entirely  assured  of  triumph.  Wrhen  the  doors 
were  opened  hurried  streams  of  humanity  poured 
in  at  every  entrance,  and  when  the  hour  arrived 
for  President  Hoar  to  swing  his  gavel,  all  the 
portions  of  the  hall  within  possible  hearing  of 
the  proceedings  were  jammed  to  the  uttermost. 
Even  the  reserved  platform  of  the  correspondents 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


461 


was  invaded  by  the  crowd,  until  communication 
with  the- hundred  batteries  which  maintained  their 
ceaseless  clicking  hard  by  was  almost  entirely 
interrupted.  The  ladies  gave  their  wealth  of 
smiles  upon  the  conflict  of  the  political  giants  in 
greater  profusion  than  at  any  previous  session, 
and  the  distinguished  guests  were  wedged  in 
upon  each  other  as  if  they  were  no  more  than 
common  flesh  and  blood. 

"Hoar  came  in  ahead  of  time,  and  looked  serene 
as  a  summer  morning  that  Welcomed  him  to  his 
task,  and  his  face  was  fresh  as  the  roses  which 
shed  their  exquisite  tints  and  fragrance  on  his 
table.  He  has  borne  himself  so  well,  so  impar 
tially,  and  so  intelligently  that  all  felt  assured  of  a 
faithful  umpire  in  the  desperation  of  the  last 
charge  of  the  contending  hosts.  Alabama,  as 
usual,  was  first  to  present  a  full  delegation ;  and 
Arkansas,  just  behind  her,  speedily  followed.  The 
colored,  troops  were  generally  among  the  first  to 
the  front,  and  they  evidently  meant  to  fight  nobly. 
Conkling  was  mindful  of  the  potency  of  dramatic 
strategy,  and  knew  that  he  would  meet  his  grand 
est  welcome  as  he  passed  before  his  allies  to  lead 
them  in  the  hand-to-hand  struggle.  He  waited 
until  just  before  the  time  for  calling  to  order,  and 
then  strode  into  the  hall  with  that  magnificent 
bearing  that  none  of  his  rivals  could  imitate.  As 
soon  as  his  tall  form  and  silvered  crown  were 
visible  the  shout  went  up  that  all  understood,  and 


^52  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

it  was  heartier  and  longer  than  ever  before.  He 
walked  down  the  aisle  with  the  utmost  composure, 
and  gracefully  bowed  his  recognition  of  the  hom 
age  tendered  him.  Garfield  is  the  member  of  the 
convention  who  divides  with  Conkling  the  popular 
welcome  at  every  opening. 

"  He  received  a  royal  welcome  when  he  entered, 
and  his  strong,  rugged  features  lightened  like  the 
rippled  lake  with  its  dancing  sunshine.  Cameron 
was  active*  silent  and  determined  as  ever.  He 
flitted  hurriedly  among  the  distinguished  guests 
before  the  signal-gun  was  fired,  and  then  retired 
to  his  immediate  command.  Hale  and  Frye  were 
among  ^the  first  to  take  their  position,  and  hope 
and  fear  were  plainly  wrestling  with  each  other  on 
their  faces.  Hale  was  pale  with  anxiety,  and  the 
usually  flushed  features  of  Frye  were  redder  than 
are  their  wont.  Both  seemed  well  poised  and 
reasonably  self-reliant,  but  the  contrast  between 
their  nervous  apprehensions  and  the  calm  defiance 
of  Conkling  was  a  study  for  the  intelligent  ob 
servers  of  men.  Chandler  was  restless,  and  his 
little  face  seemed  to  have  shrunk  away  behind  his 
eye-glasses. 

"  Logan  was  as  calm  as  the  dark  cloud  that  is 
just  waiting  to  hurl  its  thunderbolt.  He  sat  as 
still  as  a  statue,  his  swarthy  features  appearing 
darker  than  usual,  and  his  fierce  black  eyes  now 
and  then  darting  out  their  most  defiant  flashes, 
He  seemed  conscious  that  his  leader  was  beaten. 


JAMES  A.    GARFIELD. 


46. 


but  he  was  evidently  resolved  that  there  should  be 
a  costly  retreat  for  the  pursuing  hosts.  Garfield, 
Foster,  Dennison,  Bateman,  Butterfield  and  other 
Ohio  leaders  were  to  be  seen  in  little  knots  of 
their  delegation,  as  if  they  feared  defection  at  an 
early  stage  of  the  contest,  and  there  was  evident  un 
rest  among  the  Indiana  men.  General  Harrison's 
short  form  and  sharply-cut  features  were  shaded 
with  anxiety.  He  feared  Grant,  and  now  that 
Grant  seemed  to  be  beaten,  he  was  impressed 
with  the  possibility  of  the  grandson  of  a  President 
being  the  choice  of  exhausted  factions.  General 
Sewell  sat  in  front  of  Conkling  and  his  youthful 
face  exhibited  the  coolness  and  determination 
which  characterized  him  in  the  heat  of  battle.  As 
far  as  faces  could  be  distinguished  in  the  great 
arena,  all  seemed  to  be  soberly  anxious  for  the 
order  to  advance. 

"When  President  Hoar  called  the  convention  to 
order  there  was  a  speedy  hush,  and  the  vast  mul 
titude  was  seated  with  wonderful  alacrity.  All 
seemed  anxious  for  the  fight  to  begin.  The  min 
ister  who  opened  with  prayer  shared  the  general 
appreciation  of  the  value  of  the  fleeting  moments, 
and  his  petition  had  the  merit  of  brevity." 

The  chair,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  prayer,  an 
nounced  that  during  the  balloting  he  would  not 
allow  any  delay,  debate  or  tricks,  by  changing 
votes  after  they  were  once  cast. 

Eugene   Hale    thereupon    moved:    "That   the 


464 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


convention  proceed  to  ballot."  Senator  Conkling 
seconded  the  motion,  and  the  roll-call  was  begun 
in  a  silence  that  showed  how  intense  was  the 
anxiety  to  know  the  worst  or  best  The  result 
was  announced  by  the  secretaries,  as  follows  : 

States.  Grant.     Elaine.     Sherman.     Edmunds.     Windom.     Washburne 

Alabama  ...........  16         i  3 

Arkansas  ..........   12        ...... 

California  ............        12 

Colorado  .........     6 

Connecticut  ......   ...         3         ...  2  ..«  7 

Delaware  ............         6 

Florida  ............     8       ............ 

Georgia.,  ..........     68  8 

Illinois  ____  .  .......   24       id         ...  ...  <ti  8 

Indiana.  ...........     i        26  2  ...  ..,  i 

Iowa.....  ..........  ...       22 

Kansas  ............     4         6 

Kentucky  .........   20         i  3 

Louisiana  .........     82  6 

Maine  .................       14 

Maryland  .........     772 

Massachusetts  —     3  2  20  .,.  i 

Michigan  .........     i        21          ...  ... 

Minnesota  .................  ...  10 

Mississippi  .......     64  6 

Missouri  ...........   29       ...         ...  ...  .<.  i 

Nebraska  .............         6 

Nevada  ...............         6 

New  Hampshire.   ...       10 

New  Jersey  ..........       16         ...  ...  ...  2 

New  York  .........   51        17  2 


Carried  forward,  20  1      198         34  22  10  20 


JAMES  A.  G'ARFIELD. 

Statoe.  Grant.     Elaine.     Sherman.     Edmunds.     Windom.     Washburne. 

Brought  forward, 20 1  198         34           22           10             20 

North  Carolina..     6  ...         14           ...           ... 

Ohio 9         34             i 

Oregon 6 

Pennsylvania....  32  23           3           ...  • 

Rhode  Island 8 

South  Carolina...   13  ...           I 

Tennessee 16  6           i             i 

Texas n  2           2           ...          ....              i 

Vermont 10 

Virginia.. 18  3            i 

West  Virginia....     i  8 

Wisconsin 17  3           ...           ...               9 

Arizona 2 

Dakota i  i 

Dis't  of  Columbia    i  i 

Idaho 2 

Montana 2      •  ... 

New  Mexico 2 

Utah i  i 

Washington i  i 

Wyoming i  i 

Total ....304     284         93  34  10  30 

The  incidents  of  this  ballot  were  few  and  not 
very  remarkable.  There  was  faint  applause  when 
Arkansas  voted  solid  for  Grant,  but  all  sides 
joined  in  hissing  it  down.  When  Pixley  announced 
California's  vote  for  Elaine,  in  a  dramatic  fashion, 
and  with  a  sentence  thrown  in  for  the  galleries,  the 
President  rose  and  notified  the  chairmen  of  dele 
gations  that  no  comment  of  any  kind  would  be 


466 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


allowed.  When  Conkling  rose  to  announce  the 
vote  of  New  York,  every  one  strained  forward  to 
catch  his  words.  In  a  distinct  voice  he  responded 
"Two  votes  are  reported  for  Sherman,  seventeen 
for  Elaine,  and  fifty-one  are  for  Grant."  This 
method  of  announcement  was  Conkling' s  inevit 
able  sneer  for  his  opponents.  Ohio  threw  a  wet 
blanket  on  the  Sherman  men  by  casting  nine 
votes  for  Elaine,  and  the  announcement  bright 
ened  the  faces  of  a  vast  majority  of  spectators. 
Pennsylvania  was  another  of  the  States  that  si 
lenced  the  audience  when  called,  and  she  was 
about  to  declare  how  Cameron  had  held  the  Grant 
lines  against  the  Elaine  assaults.  General  Bea 
ver  thundered  out:  "  Pennsylvania  votes  thirty- 
two  for  Grant,  twenty-three  for  Elaine,  and  three 
for  Sherman."  After  this  there  was  but  little  in 
terest,  and  the  ballot  closed  in  the  most  orderly 
manner.  The  result  brought  shouts  from  the 
Grant  men,  and  some  disappointment  to  the 
Elaine  leaders.  The  moment  the  vote  was  an 
nounced  the  President  ordered  another,  holding 
that  nothing  was  in  order  but  voting;  and  before 
the  leaders  could  look  to  their  lines  they  were  in 
action  again  by  the  prompt  roll-call.  The  second 
ballot  was  uneventful,  the  third  and  fourth  thr 
same.  The  changes  in  these,  and  the  succeeding 
ballots  of  the  afternoon  were  very  slight — except 
the  nomination  of  Garfield  by  a  vote  from  Grier, 
a  Pennsylvania  delegate,  and  made  without  any 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


467 


particular  idea  of  permanency.  A  recess  was 
several  times  proposed  but  voted  down,  and  there 
were  a  score  of  little  incidents  that  were  eventful 
for  only  the  brief  minutes  of  their  existence. 
The  last  ballot  taken  at  the  morning  session  was 
the  eighteenth,  and  immediately  after  its  an 
nouncement,  on  motion  of  a  Sherman  man  from 
Mississippi,  a  recess  was  ordered  until  seven 
o'clock.  The  various  ballots  of  this  session  were 
as  follows  : 

ist.  2d.          sd.          4th.          sth.          6th.          7th.          8th.         gth. 

Grant 304  305  305  305  305  305  305  306  308 


Sherman... 

•T 

93 

94 

93 

95 

95 

95 

94 

.Wf 

91 

90 

Edmunds.. 

34 

32 

32 

32 

32 

3i 

32 

3i 

31 

Washburne 

3° 

31 

31 

30 

3° 

31 

31 

32 

32 

Windom  .. 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

10 

Garfield... 

... 

... 

i 

i 

i 

2 

2 

i 

2 

Harrison., 

i 

xoth.  nth.  lath.  isth.  «i4th.  isth.  i6th.  ijth.  i8th. 

Grant 305  306  304  305  305  309  306  303  305 

Elaine 282  281  283  285  285  281  283  284  283 

Sherman...    92  92  92  89  89  88  88  90  91 

Edmunds..    31  31  31  31  31  31  31  31  31 

Washburne  32  32  33  32  35  36  36  36  35 


Wmdom... 
Garfield... 

10 
2 

II 
2 

10 

I 

IO 
I 

10           10           IO           10           10 

Hayes  

I 

I 

I 

McCrary.. 

I 

Davis.  .  . 

I 

The  evening  session  started  rather  noisily  and 
there  was   some   slight  trouble  to  keep   order  as 


468 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


the  call  went  on.  The  announcement  of  the  first 
ballot  at  this  session  was  greeted  by  the  Sherman 
men  with  cheers,  who  saw  their  candidate  was 
making  a  hole  in  the  Blaine  column.  There  was 
nothing  of  importance  to  disturb  the  situation  of 
the  Grant  people.  They  held  their  own  through 
the  recess  and  came  back  showing  their  determi 
nation  to  stick  by  their  candidate  to  the  last.  It 
was  very  clear  there  had  been  no  wholesale  re 
pairing  of  fences  since  the  adjournment,  and  it 
began  to  look  like  an  all-night  siege.  The  vary 
ing  fortunes  of  the  different  candidates  are  shown 
by  the*votes  tabulated  below,  it  is  hardly  necessary 
to  summarize  them  in  detail. 

After  the  twenty-seventh  ballot,  Morse,  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  proposed  an  adjournment  till  the  next 
morning.  It  was  nearly  half  past  nine,  and  the 
hall  was  excessively  hot.  Not  less  than  twelve 
thousand  people  were  overlooking  the  progress  of 
the  ballot,  and  at  the  conclusion  of  each  call,  while 
the  secretaries  were  footing  up  the  totals,  this  im 
mense  audience  would  rise  with  one  accord  to 
rest,  by  change  of  position,  and  the  movement  was 
suggestive  of  the  distant  roar  of  a  coming  storm. 
It  was  undeniably  a  brilliant  scene  at  this  time, 
but  nobody  could  shut  his  ear  to  the  fact  that  the 
multitude  of  spectators  was  a  hindrance  to  busi 
ness.  Morse's  motion  to  adjourn  was  withdrawn 
.and  another  ballot  was  ordered,  after  which  a  mo 
tion  to  adjourn  was  carried  by  446  to  303,  and  the 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

convention,  at  ten  P.  M.,  adjourned  till  ten  A.  M. 
the  next  morning.  The  ballots  cast  at  the  evening 
session  were  as  follows : 

igth.    2oth.     2ist.     22d.      23d.    24th.    25th.    26th.    27th.    s8th. 

Grant 305  308  305  305  304  305  302  303  306  307 

Elaine 279  276  276  275  275  279  281  280  277  279 

Sherman 96  93  96  97  97  93  94  93  93  91 

Edmunds 31  31  31  31  31  31  31  31  31  31 

Washburne 32  35  35  35  36  35  35  36  36  35 

Windom 10  10  10  10  10  10  10  10  10  10 

Garfield 1111222222 

Hartranft..,  i       i       i       i 


47Q  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


•  CHAPTER  XXXII. 

THE  PEOPLE'S  CHOICE. 

THE  convention  had  now  been  in  session 
for  five  days,  and  the  result  was  not 
reached ;  the  country  was  impatient,  the 
people  were  anxious  for  the  termination  of  the 
battle.  All  Chicago  rose  on  June  8th,  with  a  set 
tled  wish  that  "to-day  might  settle  it."  The  wish 
was  father  to  the  thought.  The  politicians  be 
lieved  it  would  as  they  strolled  out  of  their  hotels, 
boarding-houses  and  resting-places,  and  streamed 
in  the  direction  of  the  Exhibition  building. 

General  Garfield  came  forth  from  the  Grand 
Pacific,  arm-in-arm  with  his  friend,  Governor  Fos 
ter,  of  Ohio.  The  suspicion  that  he  would  before 
nightfall  be  the  nominee  of  the  strongest  party  in 
the  country  for  its  president,  never  entered  his 
head. 

"I  think,  Charlie,"  said  Garfield,  "we  shall  get 
through  with  this  business  of  president-making, 
to-day." 

"Yes,"  returned  Foster,  "the  delegates  are  all 
getting  tired  and  want  to  go  home." 

"  I  am  quite  sure  they  will  select  a  candidate 
before  another  adjournment,"  continued  Garfield. 


JAMES  A.  GARFIRLD. 


471 


"I  hope  it  will  be  our  man,"  answered  Foster. 

"  Honest  John  Sherman  will  be  nominated,  and 
again  Ohio  will  be  made  proud  by  the  work  of 
the  convention." 

"  Amen,"  said  Foster,  "  let  us  all  take  heart  and 
work." 

"Yes,  that  is  the  word,"  cried  Garfield.  "Work! 
work !  work !"  and  the  two  friends  continued  on 
down  the  street. 

As  Garfield  turned  a  corner,  one  of  the  hundreds 
of  people  who  were  thrusting  advertisements,  circu 
lars  and  political  squibs  into  the  hands  of  passers- 
by,  pressed  a  little  piece  of  paper  upon  him,  which  he 
accepted  mechanically,  and  as  mechanically  glanced 
at.  His  eye  caught  "Acts  iv,  11."  Thinking  he 
would  not  throw  a  Bible-leaf  into  the  mud,  he 
rolled  it  up  and  put  it  in  his  pocket,  where  he 
afterward  found  it,  and  continued  his  walk.  Had 
he  read  it,  the  spirit  of  its  prophecy  would,  no 
doubt,  have  struck  him,  as  the  words  of  that  verse 
are  these:  "This  is  the  stone  which  was  set  at 
nought  of  you  builders,  which  is  become  the  head 
of  the  corner.  Neither  is  there  salvation  in  any 
other:  for  there  is  none  other  name  under 
heaven  given  among  men,  whereby  we  must  be 
saved."  ACTS  iv,  11-12. 

These,  however,  are   but  curious  coincidences 

that,  no  doubt,  would  have  exceedingly  worked 

upon   people   of  a   superstitious   turn   of  mind. 

But   it   was  only   the   action   of  the   convention 

28 


A  -2  ///'/i  /f-VZ?  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

\ 

which  met  an  hour  late  that  morning,  that  gave 
them  their  value.  When  it  was  opened,  the  rev 
erend  gentleman  who  asked  the  blessing  of  the 
Almighty,  voicing  the  popular  heart,  prayed  that 
the  delegates  might  soon  be  restored  to  their 
friends.  The  call  of  the  States  was  then  ordered 
for  the  twenty-ninth  ballot,  for  president.  The  re 
sult  was  305  for  Grant;  278  for  Elaine;  116  for 
Sherman;  12  for  Edmunds;  35  for  Washburne; 
7  for  Windom,  and  2  for  Garfield. 

There  were  some  indications  as  the  thirtieth 
ballot  progressed  that  the  lesser  candidates  were 
giving  way.  Great  amusement  was  created  to 
ward  the  close  by  the  announcement  of  one  vote 
from  Wyoming  for  General  Phil  Sheridan  Sheri 
dan  was  on  the  stage  near  the  chair,  and  when  he 
was  a  moment  after  discovered  by  the  people  a 
shout  went  up  from  all  over  the  house.  He 
finally  arose  and  said  that  he  was  very  much 
obliged,  but  he  couldn't  take  the  nomination  unless 

O  ' 

he  were  permitted  to  turn  "it  over  to  his  best 
friend.  The  galleries  saw  the  point  of  this,  since 
Sheridan's  best  friend  is  Grant,  and  all  the  Grant 
delegates  made  the  best  of  the  opportunity  by  an 
outburst  of  enthusiasm.  The  chair  also  detected 
the  point,  and  said  that  while  the  distinguished 
soldier  had  been  given  permission  to  interrupt  the 
order  of  the  convention,  it  would  be  granted  no 
one  else. 

The  next  ballot  demonstrated  that  the  Grant 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  .*^ 

lines  could  not  be  broken,  and  the  Elaine  lines 
were  at  this  time  wavering.  It  was  apparent  the 
convention  was  on  the  edge  of  a  break.  The 
next  ballot,  which  was  finished  by  half-past  twelve, 
was  without  exciting  event.  The  close  of  the 
thirty-fourth  was  marked  with  some  excitement, 
growing  out  of  a  break  to  Garfield,  Wisconsin 
casting  for  him  thirty-six  votes.  This  was  the  be 
ginning  of  the  end.  To  make  up  this  breach, 
Washburne,  Blaine  and  Sherman  were  drawn 
upon.  When  it  was  declared,  General  Garfield 
arose  and  addressed  the  chair.  The  chairman  in 
quired  for  what  purpose  the  gentleman  rose. 

"  To  a  question  of  order,"  said  Garfield. 

"The  gentleman  will  state  it,"  said  the  chair. 

"  I  challenge,"  said  Mr.  Garfield,  "  the  correct 
ness  of  the  announcement  that  contains  votes  for 
me.  No  man  has  a  right,  without  the  consent  of 
the  person  voted  for,  to  have  his  name  announced 
and  voted  for  in  this  convention.  Such  consent  I 
have  not  given." 

This  was  overruled  by  the  chairman  amidst 
laughter  against  Garfield,  who  had  jnade  the  point 
on  the  vote  cast  for  him  by  Wisconsin. 

Then  the  thirty-fifth  ballot  was  taken,  and 
proved  the  most  interesting  one  of  the  day  so  far. 
The  call  was  quick,  and  the  people  began  to  show 
better  spirits.  It  was  apparent  that  the  Blaine 
movement  had  broken  up.  The  ballot  resulted  as 
follows : 


A*  A  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


s 

S  "^  6  3  "O 

STATES  AND  TERRITORIES.  <• 

c  .  c              c              c                            "S             «f 

23  III* 

O  «              c/5              W              ?              ?              O 

Alabama 16         4       

Arkansas 12       

California 12       

Colorado 6       

Connecticut 3       9 

Delaware 6       

Florida 8       

Georgia 8         9         5       

Illinois 24       10       8 

Indiana i         2       27 

Iowa 22       ... 

Kansas 4         6       

Kentucky 20         i         3       

Louisiana 8         4         4       

Maine 14       

Maryland 7         3         2       4 

Massachusetts 4       ...       21       i 

Michigan i       21       ... 

Minnesota i         6       3       

Mississippi 8         4         3       i 

Missouri 29       i 

Nebraska 6       

Nevada 6       

New  Hampshire 10       .  .... 

Newjersey 14         2       2 

New  York 50       18         2       ...       .,.       

North  Carolina 6       ...       13       i 

Ohio 9       34         i       ;..« 

Oregon 6       £ 

Pennsylvania 36       20       i         i 

Rhode  Island 8       ,       

Carried  forward 249  224       89         i         3       22       34 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


. 

STATES  AND  TERRITORIES.         w.  j  j? 

I         I'         I  I  I  I  I 

Brought  forward  ......  249  224  89         i         3       22       34 

South  Carolina  ...........  n  i  2       10       ......... 

Tennessee  ....................  17  4  3       ............ 

Texas  ......................  13  i  i       ......         i 

Vermont  .....................................       ..» 

Virginia  ..................    16  3  3       ............ 

West  Virginia  ............     i  8  i       ............ 

Wisconsin  ................     2  2  ...........  .       16 

Arizona  ......................  2  ............... 

Dakota  ....................     i  i  ............... 

District  of  Columbia...     i  i  ......... 

Idaho  .........................  2  ............... 

Montana  .....................  2  ............... 

New  Mexico  ................  2  ............... 

Utah  .......................     i  i 

Washington  .................  2  ............... 

Wyoming  ..................     i  i  ............... 

Totals  ..................  313     257       99       ii         3       23       50 

The  call  of  the  States  for  the  thirty-sixth  ballot 
began  amidst  considerable  excitement.  A  dele 
gate  thus  described  it:  "Everybody  saw  that 
Elaine  was  now  out  of  the  way,  and  it  was  a  mat 
ter  of  beating  Grant,  so  far  as  the  opposition  was 
concerned.  It  was  evident,  too,  that  it  would  have 
to  be  done  with  Garfield,  and  Connecticut  led  off 
on  this  ballot  with  eleven  votes  for  him.  The 
most  of  the  Washburne  vote  of  Illinois  followed 
this,  and  when  Indiana  was  called,  General  Har 
rison  cast  twenty-nine  of  her  thirty  votes  for  Gar- 


476 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


field.  The  storm  at  this  point  broke.  The  people 
rose  up  and  gave  one  tremendous  cheer,  and  hats 
and  handkerchiefs  were  tossed  high,  as  they  had 
so  often  been  before.  The  confusion  had  not 
fairly  subsided  when  Iowa  followed  with  twenty- 
two  votes  for  Garfield,  and  the  outburst  was  re 
newed  and  gained  in  force  with  every  fresh  start. 
A  little  further  down  Maine  cast  her  fourteen 
votes  for  the  Ohio  man,  and  the  cheering  was 
greater  than  ever.  The  confusion  was  so  great 
that  it  was  almost  impossible  Jo  go  on  with  the 
call.  The  delegations  of  Maryland,  Massachu 
setts,  Michigan,  Minnesota  and  Mississippi  each 
insisted  on  an  individual  roll-call,  and  the  Elaine 
and  Sherman  votes  nearly  all  turned  up  for  Gar- 
field.  Conkling  was  dodging  about  a  good  deal 
at  this  time,  but  it  dawned  upon  the  Grant  men 
that  all  was  up  with  them.  They  were,  well  dis 
ciplined,  however,  and  hung  together  all  the  way 
down  the  call.  It  was  getting  down  to  Pennsyl 
vania.  Cameron  sat  imperturbable  in  the  midst  of 
his  delegates,  and  was  repeatedly  urged  to  cast 
the  solid  Pennsylvania  delegation  for  Elaine  on 
this  ballot.  This  would  have  prevented  the  nomi 
nation  of  Garfield  on  that  ballot,  at  least,  and 
might  have  stayed  the  Garfield  cyclone  by  getting 
Elaine  back  on  the  track;  but  Cameron  at  this 
time  would  not  acknowledge  that  Garfield  could 
go  through  as  he  did  go. 

"Ohio  was  finally  called.      The  delegation  had 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


477 


been  thrown  into  confusion  and  it  was  some  time 
in  getting*  around,  but  it  finally  turned  up  with 
forty-three  for  Garfield,  the  missing  delegate 
being  Garfield  himself.  The  convention  relapsed 
into  cheers  again,  but  recovered  in  a  moment  to 
hear  General  Beaver  announce  the  Pennsylvania 
vote  as  thirty-seven  fqr  Grant,  twenty-one  for 
Garfield.  Gordon  had  swung  around  to  Grant, 
and  Hays,  who  had  voted  for  Elaine,  felt  himself 
released  when  Maine  virtually  put  him  out  of  the 
field,  and  went  with  the  Grant  people.  The 
Grant  men  got  in  a  little  cheer  here,  but  it  was  of 
short  life.  As  the  call  went  on,  as  well  as  it 
could  in  the  confusion,  the  Elaine  delegates 
wheeled  into  line  for  Garfield.  Vermont  was 
wildly  cheered  when  the  ten  Edmunds  votes 
swung  around,  and  Wisconsin's  eighteen  following 
shortly  after,  gave  the  man  from  Ohio  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number. 

"The  thousands  had  kept  tally  and  knew  this. 
There  was  a  momentary  hush,  as  if  the  seven  or 
eight  thousand  people  were  taking  breath,  and 
then  the  storm  burst,  and  while  the  cheering 
went  on  the  banners  of  the  several  States  were 
borne  to  the  placed/where  Ohio's  delegation  sat, 
Garfield  in  the  midst  of  them,  and  there  was  a 
scene  almost  equal  to  that  of  mid-night  on  Fri 
day.  The  band  was  playing  'The  Battle-Cry  of 
Freedom'  at  the  lower  end  of  the  hall,  and  when 
the  cheerinof  subsided  for  a  moment  the  air  was 

o 


47'°> 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


taken  up  and  sung  in  chorus  by  thousands  of 
voices.  Everywhere  flags  were  waving  and  on 
the  outside  of  the  building  cannon  were  booming 
and  thousands  were  cheering.  This  went  on  for 
a  quarter  of  an  hour,  during  which  time  Conkling 
sat  in  his  place  at  the  head  of  his  delegation  with 
out  show  of  emotion  of  any  sort.  Efforts  were 
made  to  get  Garfield  out,  but  he  remained  hidden 
in  the  midst  of  his  Ohio  friends." 

The  ballot  resulted  as  tabulated : 

States.  Vote.      Grant.       Blainc.       Sherman.     Washburnc.       Garfield. 

Alabama 20  16  4 

Arkansas 12  12 

California 12  ...  12 

Colorado 6  6 

Connecticut 12  ...  i  ...  ...  n 

Delaware 6  ...  6 

Florida 8  8 

Georgia 22  8  10  3  ...  i 

Illinois 42  24  6  ...  5  7 

Indiana 30  i  ...  ...  ...  29 

Iowa 22  ...  ...  ...  ...  22 

Kansas 10  4  ...  ...  ...  6 

Kentucky 24  20  i  ...  ...  3 

Louisiana 16  8  ...  ...  ...  8 

Maine 14  ...  ...  14 

Maryland 16  6  ...  ...  ...  10 

Massachusetts —  26  4  ...  ...  ...  22 

Michigan 22  i  ...  ...  ...  21 

Minnesota 10  2  ...  ...  ...  8 

Carried  forward,  330     120         40  3  5  162 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  ^  _ 

States.                    Vote.  Grant.      Bbtae.  Sherman.    Wachborae.      Garfidd 

Brought  forward,33o  120        40  3  5  162 

Mississippi 16  7         ...  ...  ...  9 

Missouri 30  29         ...  ...  ...  i 

Nebraska. 6  ...         ...  ...  ...  6 

Nevada. 62  i  ...  ...  3 

New  Hampshire.  10       

New  Jersey 18       ...  ...  18 

New  York.... 70  50        ...  ...  ...  20 

North  Carolina..  20  5         ...  ...  ...  15 

Ohio 44  ...         ...  ...  ...  43 

Pennsylvania....  58  37         ...  ...  ...  21 

Rhode  Island....     8  

Sooth  Carolina...   14  •*         ...  ...  ...  6 

Tennessee 24  15           i  8 

16  13         _  3 

10  ...         ...  ...  ...  10 

Virginia 22  19         ...  ...  ...  3 

West  Virginia....  10  i         ...  ...  ...  9 

Dakota 2       2 

Dis't  of  Columbia    2       ...  ...  2 

Idaho 2       ...  ...  2 

M'.r.:i-.: 2  ...          ...  ...  ...  2 

New  Mexico 2       ...  ...  2 

Utah 2       ...  ...  2 

Washington 2       ...  2 

".Vy'^rr.ir.i- 2  ...          ...  ...  ...  2 

TofaL- 755  306        42  3  5  ::> 

This  was  the  thirty-sixth  and  last  ballot  taken, 


480 


IFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


and  completed  a  remarkable  series  of  votes.     In 
detail  they  were  as  here  given  : 


BALLOT. 
I      ..  . 

! 

0 

7O4 

a 

•*>  Elaine. 

c 

jl 
in 

I 
j 

7O 

^  Edmunds. 

IO 

*  ,  1  &!-*& 

I  |l  3  i!  15 

tt     <1    £   rt£   «  0 

2 

282 

04 

71 

IO 

282 

07 

J 
7T 

72 

IO 

A 

28l 

OS 

71 

72 

Tn 

j 

70S 

28l 

OS 

71 

72 

IO 

6  

70S 

280 

OS 

72 

IO 

2   

7... 

.  70S 

04 

71 

72 

IO 

2  

8  

.  706 

284 

01 

72 

71 

IO 

I   

0... 

.  708 

282 

QO 

72 

10 

2    

io  

282 

02 

77 

71 

IO 

II    

II  

.  70S 

28l 

07 

j-j 
72 

O 
71 

IO 

2    I   

12  

.  7O4 

287 

02 

77 

71 

IO 

I    I   

17 

70S 

28s 

80 

77 

71 

IO 

I           I 

14... 

*^J 

80 

7S 

0  * 
71 

IO 

.  7OO 

281 

88 

76 

71 

IO 

16  

.  706 

287 

88 

76 

71 

IO 

17... 

.  7O7 

284 

QO 

76 

71 

IO 

I 

18  

.  70S 

787 

01 

Ov 

7S 

IO 

10... 

.  70S 

270 

06 

72 

71 

IO 

I   I 

20  

.  7o8 

276 

07 

71 

IO 

I   i 

70S 

276 

06 

7S 

71 

IO 

22  

.  70S 

•/** 

27S 

yu 
07 

OD 

OL 

IO 

I   I 

27... 

.  7O4 

27S 

07 

ft 

71 

IO 

2  

24... 

.  70S 

270 

07 

7S 

71 

IO 

2  

2S.., 

.  7O2 

281 

04 

7S 

71 

IO 

2  

26  

.  70} 

280 

07 

76 

71 

IO 

2  

27... 

.  706 

277 

07 

71 

IO 

2  

28 

7O7 

270 

OI 

71 

IO 

2  

2Q... 

.  .70S 

278 

7 

116 

is 

O 
12 

7 

2   . 

JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


BALLOT. 
3O... 

O 
.     306 

4 

H 
270 

1 

1  2O 

I 

1 

33 

1 

1  1 

J 

A 

w  Garfield. 
Hayes. 

\  t'Jf-fc 

i  S  ^  i* 

31.., 

.     308 

TT8 

37 

II 

7 

I      ...     . 

32... 

.     3OO 

27O 

H7 

44 

1  1 

7 

I      ...     . 

33... 

.     3OO 

no 

44 

1  1 

A 

I      ... 

34... 

312 

27C 

IO7 

3O 

1  1 

\ 

I  7 

•jcr, 

.     31  3 

2C7 

00 

23 

II 

CQ 

.36... 

•    0*0 

.    306 

42 

J  J 
3 

*  J 
C. 

300     . 

At  the  announcement  of  Garfield's  nomination, 
the  people  again  stood  upon  the  benches  to  hur 
rah  and  yell  in  the  old  way.  In  the  midst  of  it,  the 
tall  form  of  Logan  rose  up  and  sought  to  catch 
the  eye  of  the  President.  Conkling  was  standing 
in  the  aisle  seeking  the  same  thing.  As  soon  as 
order  was  restored,  the  latter  was  recognized,  and 
in  a  husky  voice,  sadly  in  contrast  with  his  tones 
before  the  result,  he  said : 

"  MR.  CHAIRMAN:  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio, 
having  received  a  majority  of  all  the  votes  cast, 
I  rise  to  move  that  he  be  unanimously  presented 
as  the  nominee  of  the  convention.  The  chair, 
under  the  rules,  anticipated  me,  but  being  on  my 
feet  I  avail  myself  of  the  "opportunity  to  congratu 
late  the  Republican  party  of  the  nation  on  the 
good-natured  and  well-tempered  disposition  which 
has  distinguished  this  animated  convention.  [Cries 
of  'Louder!'  from  the  galleries.]  I  should  like  to 
speak  louder,  but  having  sat  here  under  a  cold 


482 


LIFE  AXD  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


wind  I  find  myself  unable  to  do  so.  I  was  aboi 
to  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  I  trust  that  the  zee 
the  fervor  and  now  the  unanimity  of  the  scenes  < 
the  convention  will  be  transplanted  to  the  field  ( 
the  country,  and  that  all  of  us  who  have  borne  a  pa 
against  each  other  will  be  found  with  equal  ze; 
bearing  the  banners  and  carrying  the  lances  < 
the  Republican  party  into  the  ranks  of  the  enemy 
[Applause.] 

As  he  sat  down,  John  A.  Logan  got  up  an 
spoke: 

"  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION:  We  are  to  b 
congratulated  at  having  arrived  at  a  conclusion  i 
respect  to  presenting  the  name  of  a  candidate  t 
be  the  standard-bearer  of  the  Republican  part 
for  President  of  the  United  States  in  union  an 
harmony  with  each  other.  Whatever  may  hav 
transpired  in  this  convention  that  may  have  prc 
duced  feelings  of  annoyance  will  be,  I  hope,  cor 
sidered  as  a  matter  of  the  past.  I,  with  th 
friends  of  one  of  the  grandest  men  on  the  face  c 
the  earth,  stood  here  to  fight  a  friendly  battle  fo 
his  nomination,  but  this  convention  has  chose 
another  leader  and  the  men  who  stood  by  Gran 
will  be  seen  in  the  front  of  the  contest  for  Mi 
Garfield.  [Cheers.]  We  will  go  forward  in  th 
contest,  not  with  tied  hands,  not  with  sealed  lips 
not  with  bridled  tongues,  but  to  speak  the  trutl 
in  favor  of  the  grandest  party  that  has  ever  beei 
organized  in  this  country,  to  maintain  its  prin 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  .  g  ^ 

ciples,  to  uphold  its  power,  to  preserve  its  as 
cendency,  and  my  judgment  is  that,  with  the 
leader  whom  you  have  chosen,  victory  will  perch 
on  our  banners.  [Cheers.]  As  one  of  the  Re 
publicans  from  Illinois  I  second  the  nomination  of 
James  A.  Garfield  and  hope  it  will  be  made  unani 
mous."  [Cheers.] 

Two  of  the  senatorial  triumvirate,  the  grand 
trio  that  had  come  to  Chicago  to  nominate  Grant 
and  had  been  defeated,  had  now  spoken.  Penn 
sylvania  was  wanted  to  complete  it.  General 
Beaver  a  minute  later  rose,  stood  in  his  delegation 
and  addressed  the  vast  gathering: 

"The  State  of  Pennsylvania  having  had  the 
honor  of  first  nominating  in  this  convention  the 
gentleman  who  has  been  chosen  as  the  standard- 
bearer  of  the  Republican  party  in  the  approaching 
national  contest,  I  rise  to  second  the  motion  which 
has  been  made  to  make  the  nomination  unani 
mous,  and  to  assure  this  convention  and  the  peo 
ple  of  the  country  that  Pennsylvania  is  heartily  in 
accord  with  the  nomination  [cheers];  that  she 
gives  her  full  concurrence  to  it,  and  that  this 
country  may  expect  from  her  the  greatest  major 
ity  that  has  been  given  for  a  Presidential  candi 
date  in  many  years." 

Then  the  defeated  leader  of  the  Elaine  forces, 
Eugene  Hall,  stepped  into  the  line  and  spoke  for 
his  friends: 

"Standing  here  to  return  our  heartfelt  thanks 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OP 


to  the  many  men  in  this  convention  who  have 
aided  us  in  the  fight  that  we  made  for  the  senator 
from  Maine,  and  speaking  for  them  here,  as  I 
know  that  I  do,  I  say  this  most  heartily.  We  have 
not  got  the  man  whom  we  hoped  to  nominate 
when  we  came  here,  but  we  have  got  a  man  in 
whom  we  have  the  greatest  and  most  marked  con 
fidence.  The  nominee  of  this  convention  is  no 
new  or  untried  man,  and  in  that  respect  he  is  no 
'dark  horse.'  When  he  came  here  representing 
his  State  in  the  front  of  his  delegation,  and  was 
seen  here,  every  man  knew  him,  because  of  his 
record ;  and  because  of  that,  and  because  of  our 
faith  in  him,  and  because  we  were,  in  the  emer 
gency,  glad  to  help  make  him  the  candidate  of  the 
Republican  party  for  President  of  the  United 
States ;  because,  I  say,  of  these  things  I  stand  here 
to  pledge  the  Maine  forces  in  this  convention  to 
earnest  efforts  from  now  until  the  ides  of  Novem 
ber  to  help  carry  him  to  the  Presidential  chair." 
[Cheers.] 

The  nomination  was  then  made  unanimous, 
amid  the  wildest  excitement,  and  at  half-past  two 
a  recess  was  taken  until  five  P.  M.  The  evening 
session  was  short,  and  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New  York,  for  the  second 
place  on  the  ticket,  and  the  convention  adjourned 
sine  die,  after  one  of  the  most  gigantic  political 
struggles  ever  recorded. 

Here,  for  a»moment,  we  must  turn  aside  to  re- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


4S5 


late  a  little  incident,  that  had  just  happened  in 
another  city.  General  Garfield  owns  a  residence, 
as  the  reader  knows,  in  Washington.  During  his 
absence  it  was  occupied  by  his  private  stenog 
rapher,  Mr.  George  W.  Rose.  This  gentleman 
says: 

"On  the  day  of  the  general's  nomination  for 
President,  at  about  the  very  moment  of  absolute 
time  (as  the  Signal  Service  Bureau  would  say) 
that  the  nomination  was  made',  allowing  for  the 
difference  in  longitude  between  here  and  Chicago, 
a  magnificent  bald  eagle,  after  circling  round  the 
Park,  swooped  down  and  rested  on  the  general's 
house.  One  of  my  children  was  playing  out  of 
doors  at  the  time,  and  ran  in  to  call  the  attention 
of  the  family  to  this  striking  spectacle.  Several 
of  the  family  and  myself  went  out  and  saw  the 
source  of  the  child's  wonder.  Before  the  eagle 
rose  from  its  strange  perch  a  dozen  people  noticed 
and  commented  upon  it.  An  old  Roman  would 
have  seen  in  this  an  augury  of  the  most  inspiring 
character.  But  we  Americans  are  free  from  su 
perstitions,  and  so  it  was  a  mere  'coincidence.' ' 

Yet,  as  a  coincidence,  a  most  inspiriting  one. 


486 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

HOW    IT   HAPPENED   AND   WHAT   WAS   SAID   OF   IT. 

THE  nomination  of  General  Garfield  was  an 
entirely  spontaneous  movement.     He  was 
not  put  in  nomination  with  any  thunders 
of  eloquence — he  had  no  long1  list  of  politicians  tc 
urge  and  manage  his  candidacy.     He  did  not  seek 
the  place,  it  sought  him.     He  was  not  a  candidate 
for  the  nomination.      When  his  name  first  came 
to  be  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  office,  he 
caused  to  be  published  in.  the  Cleveland  Herald 
the  following: 

"We  are  authorized  to  say  that  all  statements 
made  either  in  the  press  or  by  private  persons, 
that  General  Garfield  has  changed  his  views  in  re 
gard  to  the  canvass  of  Secretary  Sherman  for  the 
Presidency,  are  absolutely  without  foundation, 
General  Garfield  is  not,  and  will  not  be  a  candi 
date  for  President,  and  stands  squarely  and  flatly 
upon  his  letter  recommending  the  Republicans  ol 
Ohio  to  give  their  united  vote  in  favor  of  John 
Sherman  for  President.  He  believes  that  Mr. 
Sherman  is  the  choice  of  a  large  majority  of  the 
party  in  the  State,  and  that  the  highest  political 
wisdom,  and  best  interests  of  the  Republicans 
will  be  advanced  by  sending  a  unanimous  delega- 


JAMES  A.    GARFIELD. 


4,s7 


tion  from  Ohio  in  his  favor.  We  do  not  make 
this  statement  because  we  needed  any  assurance 
that  General  Garfield  was  the  firm  and  devoted 
friend  of  Mr.  Sherman,  or  that  he  had  changed  his 
views  of  the  propriety  and  fitness  of  Mr.  Sher 
man's  nomination,  but  as  so  many  statements 
have  been  made  and  telegraphic  specials  printed, 
calculated  to  mislead  the  public,  we  desire  to  put 
the  whole  question  at  rest  by  an  authoritative 
statement. 

"General  Garfield  will  continue  to  give  Secre 
tary  Sherman  his  sincere,  earnest  and  hearty  sup 
port,  and  will  be  personally  gratified  if  all  his 
friends  and  those  who  are  influenced  by  his  wishes 
or  opinions,  would  aid  in  securing  for  Mr.  Sher 
man  a  united  delegation  from  the  State  of  Ohio." 

In  the  convention  all  that  was  said  about  him 
was  when  Grier,  the  Pennsylvania  delegate,  on 
the  second  ballot,  got  up  and  said,  "I  nominate 
and  vote  for  James  A.  Garfield,"  an  announce 
ment  perfectly  in  keeping  with  the  character  of  the 
man  for  whom  it  was  made.  This  was  all  until 
Wisconsin  broke  for  him  and  the  tide  set  in  that 
landed  him  in  the  victor's  seat.  A  day  or  two 
after  the  great  event,  an  intimate  friend  of  the 
nominee  related  how  it  happened.  "It  was  mani 
fest  from  the  start,"  said  he,  "that  Garfield  was  a 
favorite  with  a  large  majority  of  them.  It  was 
also  noticed  that  leading  visitors  at  the  convention 
were  talking  in  that  direction 

2Q 


488 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


"Four  days  previous  to  the  great  upheaval, 
Judge  Hoar,  one  of  the  best  informed  men  in  the 
country,  and  who  had  large  personal  acquaintance 
among  the  delegates,  remarked:  'If  the  delegates 
were  walled  up  separately  and  allowed  no  commu 
nication  with  each  other,  following  out  the  custom 
at  the  Vatican  in  electing  a  pope,  voting  a  secret 
ballot,  General  Garfield  would  receive  two-thirds 
of  the  votes  of  the  delegates  present.'  The 
friends  of  the  several  candidates,  of  which  there 
properly  were  three,  seemed  to  lead  out  each 
with  the  firm  conviction  that  by  a  long  trial  there 
would  occur  a  break  among  the  others.  It  be 
came  apparent  that  the  contest  would  be  one 
simply  of  endurance.  The  forces  were  under  a 
remarkable  discipline,  a  wave  of  a  hand  from  Mr, 
Conkling  or  the  other  leaders  being  enough  tc 
subside  any  one.  Even  Logan  was  in  this  wa) 
motioned  clown  by  a  wave  of  the  hand  of  the 
Duke  of  New  York. 

"  As  Grant  was  in  the  lead,  it  was  apparent 
that  his  friends  could  not  consistently  break  anc 
go  to  any  other  candidate.  It  was  clear  after  the 
second  day  that  Mr.  Elaine  and  Mr.  Sherman'^ 
chances  were  hopeless.  The  friends  of  both,  how 
ever,  you  know,  remained  firm,  hoping  that  eacl 
other  would  give  way. 

"  It  was  evident  from  confidential  expression? 
by  many  delegates  that  Mr.  Garfield  was  reall) 
the  first  choice  of  more  than  half  of  the  delegates 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

including  many  Grant  men.  He  had  placed  him 
self  in  the  front  squarely  against  the  unit  rule. 
Blaine,  Washburne  and  other  anti-Grant  men 
came  to  Garfield's  friends  hourly  and  said,  '  Why 
don't  you  Ohio  men  take  up  Garfield  ?  We  will 
vote  for  him.'  In  every  instance  they  were  met 
with  the  reply,  *  We  have  come  to  urge  the  claims 
of  John  Sherman  for  the  nomination.  We  be 
lieve  him  a  strong  candidate.'  The  Blaine  men 
said :  *  Why  ask  us  to  turn  to  Sherman  ?  We  are 
more  than  three  times  your  number.  You,  who 
believing-  with  us  that  it  would  be  unwise  to  nom- 

o 

inate  General  Grant,  should  unite  with  us  and 
nominate  Mr.  Blaine.' 

"The  Sherman  men  counseled  among  them 
selves  and  concluded  to  hold  out  still  longer.  Fi 
nally,  on  the  day  preceding  the  final  break,  the  Wis 
consin  delegates  came  to  the  Ohio  men  in  a  state 
of  excitement  and  determination,  and  said :  '  If  you 
Ohio  delegates  will  not  bring  out  General  Gar- 
field,  we  shall !'  Some  of  the  Ohio  people  were 
anxious  to  do  this,  but,  under  the  circumstances, 
simply  replied:  'Garfield  is  a  great  favorite  in 
Ohio,  and  nothing  would  please  us  more  than  to 
vote  for  him,  but  as  we  came  here  to  urge  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Sherman,  we  shall  use  all  hon 
orable  means  to  secure  that  end.' 

"  At  one  or  two  ballats  on  the  following  morn 
ing  it  became  plain  that  something  was  about  to 
occur,  and  the  convention  had  reached  the  begin- 


A  go  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

ning  of  the  end.  The  Elaine  forces  felt  that  they 
had  gone  as  far  as  the  most  ardent  supporters  of 
Mr.  Elaine  could  ask.  All  parties  were  anxious 
to  go  home.  Wisconsin's  response, '  fourteen  votes 
for  James  A.  Garfield,'  caused  a  ripple  of  surprise 
and  joy  to  sweep  over  the  faces  of  the  delegates, 
and  the  cheers  from  the  gallery  demonstrated  Gar- 
field's  popularity  in  that  vast  audience.  When  the 
roll  of  States  was  called,  a  sudden  stillness  settled 
over  the  audience,  and  as  the  State  of  Indiana  was 
called,  General  Harrison  stepped  upon  the  bench 
and  in  a  clear,  ringing  voice,  said :  '  Twenty-nine 
votes  for  James  A.  Garfield.'  Iowa  was  called, 
and  another  voice  rang  out :  *  Twenty-two  votes 
for  General  Garfield.' 

"The  crowd  then  gathered  around  General 
Garfield  and  attempted  to  get  him  up  to  speak, 
but  the  general  sat  perfectly  composed,  and  sim 
ply  replied :  '  No,  no,  gentlemen  ;  this  is  no  theat 
rical  performance,'  and  their  efforts  were  unavail 
ing.  The  scene  that  followed  has  already  been 
described. 

"As  the  convention  took  a  recess  previous  to 
nominating  the  Vice-President,  a  great  crowd 
gathered  at  the  outer  door,  and  it  was  with  the 
utmost  difficulty  that  General  Garfield  gained  a 
carriage.  An  incident  occurring  there  is  worthy 
of  publication.  As  Garfield  entered  the  carriage, 
in  company  with  Governor  Foster,  the  crowd 
surged  around  in  a  state  of  intense  enthusiasm, 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


49I 


and  shouted :  '  Take  off  the  horses  ;  we  will  pull 
the  carriage.'  The  driver,  who  at  the  time  was 
not  aware  whom  he  was  carrying,  whipped  up  to 
get  away  from  the  men,  who  had  already  com 
menced  to  unfasten  the  harness.  He  cleared  the 
space  several  feet,  but  was  overhauled  again,  and 
the  dazed  driver,  now  thoroughly  frightened,  ap 
plied  his  whip  with  renewed  energy,  and  clearing 
the  crowd,  pushed  for  the  Palmer  House. 

"  General  Garheld  was  unfeignedly  surprised  at 
the  turn  affairs  had  taken  in  the  convention,  and 
his  countenance  bore  a  grave  and  thoughtful  ex 
pression.  He  made  but  few  remarks  relative  to 
the  causes  leading  to  his  nomination,  and  I  know 

o 

positively  that  he  would  listen  to  no  overtures 
from  the  delegates  who  so  heartily  placed  him  in 
nomination.  He  has  not  recovered  from  his  sur 
prise  yet." 

It  was  indeed  a  surprise,  coming,  as  it  did,  so 
entirely  unsought.  During  the  first  minutes  after 
the  result,  and  while  yet  the  general  was  busy 
shaking  hands  with  the  hundreds  around  him,  he 
turned  to  a  correspondent  of  the  Cleveland  Herald, 
and  said :  "  I  wish  you  would  say  that  this  is  no 
act  of  mine.  I  wish  you  would  say  that  I  have 
done  everything  and  omitted  nothing  to  secure 
Secretary  Sherman's  nomination.  I  want  it  plainly 
understood  that  I  have  not  sought  this  nomination, 
and  have  protested  against  the  use  of  my  name. 
If  Senator  Hoar  had  permitted,  I  would  have  for- 


492  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

bidden  anybody  to  vote  for  me.  But  he  took  me 
off  my  feet  before  I  had  said  what  I  intended.  I 
am  very  sorry  it  has  occurred,  but  if  my  position 
is  fully  explained,  a  nomination,  coming  unsought 
and  unexpected  like  this,  will  be  the  crowning 
gratification  of  .my  life." 

The  news  carried  by  wire  from  Chicago,  sent  a 
thrill  of  pleasure  through  the  land.  Everywhere 
the  nomination  was  received  with  manifestations 
of  great  delight.  Some  forty  telegrams  reached 
the  nominee  before  he  left  the  convention  hall,  and 
before  he  slept  that  Tuesday  night,  more  than  a 
thousand  more  had  winged  their  wray  to  him. 
This  came  from  the  White  House: 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  Washington,  June  8th. 
GENERAL  JAMES  A.  GARFIELD  : 

You  will  receive  no  heartier  congratulation  to-day  than 
mine.  This  both  for  your  own  and  your  country's  sake. 

R.  B.  HAYES. 

Ever}*  member  of  the  Cabinet,  Senator  Elaine 
and  hosts  of  other  distinguished  characters  in  the 
councils  of  the  nation,  telegraphed  most  candid 
congratulations. 

The  National  House  of  Representatives,  on  the 
last  day  of  the  convention,  was  occupied  with  a 
discussion  on  the  erection  of  a  public  building, 
and  a  motion  to  adjourn  was  made.  During  the 
calling  of  the  roll  there  was  a  great  deal  of  excite 
ment  shown  by  the  members  over  the  convention 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


493 


news,  and  when  Garfield's  name  was  called  it  was 
greeted  with  applause  on  both  the  Republican 
and  Democratic  sides  of  the  chamber.  The  an 
nouncement,  which  came  in  soon  afterward,  that 
Garfield  had  been  nominated,  was  received  with 
loud  cheers  and  applause  from  the  members,  who 
had  assembled  in  the  lobby  back  of  the  Speaker's 
desk,  and  the  confusion  was  so  great  that  the  roll- 
call  was  interrupted.  Members  gathered  in 
groups  and  discussed  the  nomination  of  Garfield, 
which  appeared  to  meet  with  almost  universal  ap 
proval  from  the  Republicans  and  which  was  con 
ceded  by  the  Democrats  to  be  a  strong  one.  The 
second  call  of  Garfield's  name  was  the  signal  for 
a  burst  of  applause  from  the  Republicans.  The 
motion  was  finally  carried  and  accordingly  the 
House  at  half-past  two  adjourned. 

Cheers  for  Garfield  were  then  given,  while 
cries  of  "Speech  from  Hawley,"  and  "  Hawley  for 
vice-president"  went  up,  but  that  gentleman  did 
not  respond. 

Mr.  Robeson. — I  move  that  General  Hawley 
take  the  chair.  Carried  unanimously,  amid  loud 
cheers.  When  Hawley  took  the  chair  the  House 
presented  a  curious  sight.  Every  chair  was  occu 
pied,  the  seats  of  the  absent  members  being  filled 
by  spectators,  who,  upon  the  adjournment,  had 
crowded  into  the  hall,  while  in  the  rear  of  the 
seats  were  groups  of  men  evidently  full  of  excite 
ment. 


494  LIFE  AyD  PUBLIC  C A  REEK  OF 

Mr.  Hawley,  on  taking  the  chair,  said:  "I  be£ 
leave  to  say  that  we  occupy  the  floor  with  the  kinc 
consent  of  our  friends  on  the  right,  who  will  have 
their  opportunity  by  and  by."  [Laughter;  cries 
of  "Speech!  Speech!"] 

Mr.  Hawley. — I  have  no  speech  to  make.  The 
nomination  made  at  Chicago  is  its  own  speech,  for 
every  Republican  of  this  House,  and  our  personal 
good-will  goes  with  our  old  friend  and  associate, 
General  Garfield.  [Applause.]  I  have  no  doubt, 
from  what  I  have  seen  and  heard,  that  this  event 
— this  consummation — is  in  the  very  highest  de 
gree  satisfactory  to  every  Republican  here,  what 
ever  may  have  been  his  personal  preference. 
[Applause.]  We  have  been  warmly  divided  in 
the  past ;  we  will  be  much  more  warmly  united  in 
the  future.  [Loud  applause.]  I  think  one  result 
will  be — I  am  supposing  that  there  are  no  Demo 
crats  here — to  compel  an  excellent  nomination  on 
the  other  side,  so  that  the  country  we  all  love  will 
be  certain  of  a  good  President  for  the  next  four 
years,  personally,  whatever  his  political  opinions 
may  be.  [Loud  applause,  in  which  the  Democrats 
joined.] 

Mr.  Robeson  was  then  loudly  called  for,  and 
that  gentleman  responding,  said:  "As  members 
of  the  American  Congress— 

A  Democrat. — Both  sides  ? 

Mr.  Robeson,  continuing. — Both  sides — I  think 
we  have  a  right  to  congratulate  the  whole  country 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


495 


that  a  man  we  all  know  to  be  a  man  of  character 
and  capacity  beyond  impeachment  has  been  nomi 
nated  by  one  of  the  great  political  parties  for  the 
highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the  people.  [Ap 
plause.]  Therefore,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  speak  in 
acknowledgment  on  behalf  of  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  that  one  of  our  number,  conspicuous 
before  the  people  on  account  of  his  services  on 
this  floor,  has  been  selected  as  the  standard-bearer 
of  the  great  political  party  to  which  I  belong. 
That  is  a  sentiment  which  affects  neither  the  poli 
tics  nor  the  feelings  of  anybody,  and  I  ask  every 
body  within  the  reach  of  my  voice  to  join  me  in 
giving  three  cheers  for  the  candidate  selected  from 
our  body  as  the  candidate  of  a  great  party.  [The 
Republicans  rose  and  gave  the  three  cheers  with 
a  will,  but  the  Democrats,  though  joining  in  the 
cheering,  retained  their  seats.]  I  move,  Mr. 
Chairman,  that  a  committee  be  appointed,  and  I 
suggest  as  its  chairman  the  oldest  member  of  the 
House — Judge  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania — to  send 
by  telegraph  our  congratulations  to  our  fellow 
^Congressman  on  his  nomination.  [Applause.] 

Cries  then  went  up  for  "Kelley,"  and  Chairman 
Hawley  stated  that  Mr.  Kelley  would  have  occu 
pied  the  chair,  but  that  he  had  not  been  present. 

Mr.  Kelley. — I  have  been  in  that  chair  but  once, 
though  I  have  been  here  nineteen  years,  and  then 
I  felt  so  like  a  fool  that  I  never  got  into  it  again. 
[Laughter.]  I  thank  the  gentleman  from  New 


496 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


Jersey  (Robeson)  and  his  associates  on  this  floor 
for  having  delegated  to  me  the  chairmanship  of 
the  committee  to  which  has  been  confided  so 
grateful  a  duty.  I  beg  leave  to  inform  the  chair 
man  and  the  House  that,  taking  advantage  of  cir 
cumstances,  I  slipped  out  when  Garfield  was  at 
338  and  sent  the  following  telegram:  "Accept 
congratulations  and  pledge  of  earnest  support." 
[Applause.]  I  rejoice  most  heartily  in  this  nom 
ination.  General  Garfield  is  a  man  of  rare  force 
of  character,  of  wide  attainments,  of  great  simpli 
city,  and  a  man  who  adheres  as  firmly  as  a  true 
party  man  ever  did  to  his  personal  convictions, 
and  our  friends  on  the  other  side,  in  the  dejection 
which  now  overcomes  them,  while  a  bad  nomina 
tion  for  them  is  possible,  will  find  satisfaction  in 
knowing  that  they  know  the  man  to  be  one  who 
will  administer  the  government  faithfully,  fairly 
and  patriotically  after  we  shall  have  inaugurated 
him.  [Applause.] 

The  chair  appointed  Kelley,  Robeson,  Browne, 
Martin  (N.  C),  Page,  Richardson  (N.  Y.),  and 
Henderson  (Illinois)  as  the  committee  to  send  a 
congratulatory  telegram  to  Garfield. 

The  happiness  of  the  people  was  everywhere 
echoed  by  the  press.  The  New  York  Tribune 
said : 

"  With  its  best  judgment  the  Tribune  approves, 
with  its  heartiest  enthusiasm  the  Tribune  applauds 
the  work  of  the  Chicago  Convention.  With 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

whatever  power  it  possesses  it  will  commend  that 
work  to  the  people,  and  labor  unceasingly  for  a 
triumphant  ratification  at  the  polls." 

The  staunch  old  Boston  Advertiser,  represent 
ing  the  best  element  of  the  Republican  party  in 
New  England,  thus  spoke  for  its  constituents  : 

"The  Republican  party  has  a  candidate  for  Presi 
dent  of  -whom  it  may  be  proud,  a  man  of  ability, 
experience  and  conscience.  The  nomination  of 
General  Garfield  cannot  be  too  heartily  welcomed 
by  all  who  have  the  good  of  the  party  and  of  the 
country  at  heart,  not  merely  as  the  most  satisfac 
tory  solution  of  the  situation  that  was  much  to  be 
regretted,  but  as  one  thoroughly  good  in  itself. 
The  nomination  that  has  been  made  gives  no  such 
triumph  to  either  of  the  supposed  factions,  as  will 
excuse  the  other  for  manifesting  the  least  hesita 
tion  in  accepting  the  result.  General  Garfield  is 
not  a  man  to  excite  antagonism.  He  has  not  al 
lied  himself  with  any  factional  party,  except  as  the 
supporter  of  the  distinguished  gentleman  who  was 
presented  by  his  State.  His  name  may  well  be 
the  symbol  of  union  and  harmony  which  his  can 
didacy  will  secure.  General  Garfield  is  a  politi 
cian  of  the  best  sort — a  man  with  conscience. 
He  is  under  obligations  to  no  corps  of  workers 
for  his  nomination'.  He  is  bound  by  no  pledge  of 
any  sort.  He  is  tied  to  no  clique.  He  will  be  a 
candidate  of  the  whole  Republican  party,  and 
President  of  the  United  States." 


49* 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


The  New  York  Grant  organ,  the  Times,  took 
this  position : 

"The  Chicago  Convention  has  followed  sundry 
familiar  precedents  in  failing  to  select  the  strong 
est  of  the  candidates  presented  to  it.  But  from 
the  second  rank  of  available  Republicans  it  has 
made  a  very  excellent  choice  and  one  which  has 
the  great  merit  of  uniting  all  sections  of  the  party 
for  a  harmonious,  aggressive  and  probably  suc 
cessful,  campaign.  James  A.  Garfield  has  been 
too  long  in  public  life  to  have  escaped  injurious 
allegations  against  his  personal  character  and  bit 
ter  attacks  upon  his  political  course,  but  he  is 
strong  in  his  freedom  from  intrigue  to  gain  the 
nomination  and  in  being  able  to  accept  it  abso 
lutely  free  from  disreputable  alliances  or  embar 
rassing  pledges.  There  are  no  bolters,  scratchers 
or  independents  who  bear  the  Republican  name 
who  cannot  earnestly  work  and  honestly  vote  for 
General  Garfield,  and  there  is  no  thorough-going 
Republican  who  will  not  accept  him  as  a  fit  repre 
sentative  of  party  principles,  a  faithful  depository 
of  the  party  trust.  Whatever  wounds  may  have 
been  left  by  the  nomination  of  the  candidate  for 
President,  in  virtue  of  a  combination  between  the 
elements  opposed  to  General  Grant,  ought  to  be 
healed  by  the  nomination  for  Vice-President  of 
that  stalwart  and  steadfast  Grant  supporter,  Ches 
ter  A.  Arthur.  The  Times  recognizes  in  him  a  man 
eminently  worthy  of  a  wider  spnere  for  his  ability." 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 

The  Cincinnati  Gazette  voiced  Ohio  : 
"  This  decision,  although  quickly  executed,  was 
the  most  rational  and,  in  our  view,  the  most  suc 
cessful  conclusion-  of  the  situation.  It  was  no 
blind  impulse,  no  recourse  of  reckless  disappoint 
ment,  no  effort  of  revenge,  no  blindfold  saddling 
of  a  dark  horse,  no  trifling  with  the  fate  of  the 
party  by  hasty  resentment,  no  leap  in  the  dark, 
no  straining  of  the  allegiance  of  intelligent  Repub 
licans  by  jerking  into  the  nomination  a  man  un 
known  to  fame ;  it  was  the  nomination  of  a  man  of 
national  reputation,  whose  abilities  have  earned 
him  the  recognized  place  of  leader  of  the  House 
of  Representatives ;  of  a  man  than  whom  no  one 
could  better  harmonize  all  the  contending  factions 
in  the  convention ;  a  man  who  is  the  peer  of  any, 
who  is  himself  a  part  of  all  that  is  good  and  glori 
ous  in  the  history  of  the  Republican  party,  who 
deserves  all  the  honor  that  belongs  to  the  patriotic 
and  successful  soldier,  who  was  a  statesman  thor 
oughly  identified  with  all  civil  institutions  before 
he  left  a  successful  political  career  to  serve  his  coun 
try  in  war,  and  who  has  in  his  character  and  pub 
lic  services  as  much  of  those  qualities  which  draw 
the  intelligent  enthusiasm  of  the  people  for  the 
man  they  have  chosen  for  leader  as  any  man 
whom  either  of  the  several  parties  in  the  conven 
tion  could  have  named.  Therefore  do  we  hail  the 
nomination  as  a  great  deliverance  and  as  a  regen 
erating  triumph  for  the  Republican  party/' 


500 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


From  the  'Chicago  Times  came  this  outburst: 
"  In  the  language  of  the  politicians,  the  nomina 
tion  of  Mr.  Garfield  is  a  strong  one,  an  uncom 
monly  strong  one.  It  is  one  that  brings  together 
and  unites  all  the  lately  hostile  factions  of  the 
party  and  removes  all  the  bitterness  engendered 
by  the  fierce  contest  among  rival  aspirants  that 
must  have  had  effect  on  the  result  had  the  nomina 
tion  fallen  to  any  one  of  them.  It  preordains  the 
electoral  decision  in  Ohio  and  makes  Indiana  de 
batable  ground,  even  with  the  strongest  man  the 
opposite  party  could  present.  It  satisfies  the 
hard-money  sentiment  at  the  East,  for  Mr.  Gar- 
field  is  a  supporter  of  an  honest  money  system, 
no  less  positive  and  uncompromising  than  Gen 
eral  Grant.  Moreover,  his  election  most  probably 
would  continue  Mr.  Sherman  at  the  head  of  the 
Treasury,  a  consideration  of  much  importance  to 
commercial  and  business  interests.  Those  who 
imagine  that  Mr.  Garfield  is  a  candidate  to  be 

o 

easily  defeated  will  find  that  they  are  under  a 
serious  delusion.  His  nomination  is  a  much 
stronger  one  than  that  of  Grant,  or  Elaine,  or 
Sherman  would  have  been.  It  is  doubtful,  indeed, 
if  the  convention  could  have  named  a  more  avail 
able  man." 

The  Tribune,  a  strong  Elaine  paper,  answered 
for  the  country  in  this  way: 

"From  one  end  of  the  nation  to  the  other,  from 
distant  Oregon  to  Texas,  from  Maine  to  Arizona, 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

lightning  has  informed  the  country  of  the  nomina 
tion  yesterday  of  General  James  A.  Garfield,  as  the 
Republican  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  Never 
was  a  nomination  made  which  has  been  received 
by  friend  and  foe  with  such  evidence  of  hearty  re 
spect,  admiration  and  confidence.  The  applause 
is  universal.  Even  the  Democratic  House  of 
Representatives  suspended  its  business  that  it 
might  congratulate  the  country  upon  the  nomina 
tion  of  the  distinguished  leader  of  the  Republi 
cans.  James  Abraham  Garfield  is,  in  the  popular 
mind,  one  of  the  foremost  statesmen  of  the  na 
tion.  He  is  comparatively  a  young  man,  but  in 
his  service  he  commands  the  confidence  and  ad 
miration  of  his  countrymen  of  all  parties.  His 
ability,  his  thorough  study  and  his  long  practical 
experience  in  political  matters  gives  an  assurance 
to  the  country  that  he  will  carry  to  the  Presiden 
tial  office  a  mind  superior,  because  of  its  natural 
qualifications  and  training,  to  any  that  has  pre 
ceded  him  for  many  years.  He  will  be  a  Presi 
dent  worthy  in  every  sense  to  fill  the  office 
in  a  way  that  the  country  will  like  to  see  it  filled — 
with  ability,  learning,  experience  and  integrity. 
That  General  Garfield  will  be  elected  we  have  no 
question.  He  is  a  candidate  worthy  of  election, 
and  will  command  not  only  every  Republican  vote 
in  the  country,  but  the  support  of  tens  of  thou 
sands  of  non-partisans  who  want  to  see  a  Presi 
dent  combining  intellectual  ability  with  learning, 
experience  and  ripe  statesmanship." 


-02  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

In  the  other  centres  of  the  political  and  social 
life  of  the  land,  the  same  flattering  reception  was 
accorded  the  ticket.  Many  distinguished  men 
spoke  of  it  heartily,  commending  the  statesman 
at  its  head.  We  have  not,  unfortunately,  space  to 
print  what  was  said.  The  nominee's  old  com 
mander,  General  Rosecrans,  remarked  on  hearing 
the  news:  "I  consider  General  Garfield  head  and 
shoulders  above  any  of  the  men  named  before  the 
convention,  and  far  superior  to  any  of  the  politi 
cal  managers  upon  the  floor.  He  is  a  man  with 
broad  views,  has  always  been  a  consistent  Repub 
lican,  and  has  a  clean  record.  I  cannot  believe 
that  James  A.  Garfield  was  ever  guilty  of  a  dis 
honest  act.  As  the  campaign  progresses,  it  will 
be  found,  if  it  is  not  now  acknowledged,  that  Gar- 
field  is  a  hard  man  to  beat." 

Mr.  W.  D.  Howells,  the  editor  of  the  Atlantic 
Monthly,  wrote  us :  "  Among  all  the  classes  whom 
his  nomination  has  gratified,  I  think  the  literary 
class  is  first.  We  feel  that  all  the  good  things 
which  the  Hayes'  administration  has  done  for 
humanity  and  civilization  will  find  their  continu 
ance  and  furtherance  in  his,  and  that  he  will  per 
petuate  the  order  of  perfect  honesty,  intelligence 
and  decency  which  Mr.  Hayes  has  established  in 
public  life.  I  may  tell  you  that  Mr.  Longfellow  has 
repeatedly  expressed  his  pleasure  in  Garfield's 
nomination.  I  had  once  the  fortune  to  bring  them 
together,  and  Mr.  Longfellow  was  strongly  im- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


503 


pressed  with  the  fine  and  generous  qualities,  men 
tal  and  moral,  which  every  one  recognizes  in  the 
candidate  of  our  party." 

At  Williams  College  the  students  went  wild 
over  the  nomination,  and  within  twenty-four  hours 
after  the  result  was  announced,  a  Garfield  club 
was  organized,  with  a  membership  of  three  hun 
dred.  A  ratification  meeting  was  held  in  the  even 
ing,  and  the  students  sang,  as  a  chorus  to  "  March 
ing  through  Georgia,"  the  following: 

tc  Hurrah !  hurrah  !  we'll  shout  for  General  G. ! 
Hurrah  !  hurrah  !  a  Williams  man  was  he, 
And  so  we'll  sing  the  chorus  from  old  Williams  to  the  sea, 
t  And  we'll  cast  a  vote  for  General  Garfield." 

We  have  sampled  the  enthusiasm  of  the  coun 
try  for  the  nominee,  as  it  appeared  in  various 
forms,  and  it  will  not  seem  mal  a  propos  if  we  con 
clude  this  chapter  with  a  song  that  Garfield's  nomi 
nation  called  forth  from  Mr.  W.  O.  Stoddard,  in 
allusion  to  Garfield's  remark  at  the  battle  of  Mid 
dle  Creek: 

"  In  one  h9t  fight  that  Garfield  won, 

The  loyal-souled  commander 
Sent  back  a  word  among  his  men 
That  stirred  up  all  their  dander. 

"  He  was  not  quite  so  fast  to  cuss 

And  swear  around  as  some  be, 
And  all  he  said  was,  '  Come  on  boys ! 
We'll  give  'em  Hail  Columby  !' 

"  He  led,  they  followed,  spreading  wide 

Among  the  rebels  routed, 
From  rank  to  rank,  in  liberal  gift, 
The  self-same  thing  he  shouted. 
30 


504.  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  Of 

"  Year  after  year,  a  leader  still, 

In  camp,  and  field,  and  forum, 
His  feet  beside  his  colors  tread 
As  when  the  bullets  tore  'em. 

"  Year  after  year  upon  his  lips, 

Through  every  contest  ringing, 
The  men  who  follow  hear,  as  when 
The  shells  were  o'er  him  singing. 

"  The  words  that  harsh  to  many  an  ear, 

But  bugle-sweet  to  some  be ; 
For  peace  or  war  a  charging-cry, 
1  Boys,  give  'em  Hail  Columby  1' " 


JAMES  A.  GARPIELD. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

A  TOUR.   OF  TRIUMPH. 

THE  great  result  achieved,  the  nominee 
placed  before  the  country,  the  nation 
began  to  demonstrate  its  satisfaction  at 
the  selection.  From  the  hall  of  the  convention 
the  tide  of  congratulation  followed  General  Gar- 
field  to  his  hotel.  It  had  been  announced  that  he 
would  leave  Chicago  for  home  at  five  o'clock  P.  M., 
and  General  Butterworth  was  assigned  the  duty  of 
providing  a  procession  to  accompany  him  to  the 
station.  Wisconsin,  the  first  State  to  break  for 
him,  volunteered  cheerfully,  and  the  thousands  of 
Ohioans  in  town  were  no  less  ready.  A  band 
was  provided,  and  everything  was  prepared,  when 
the  general  decided  to  stay  until  morning.  In 
order  to  avoid  the  press  of  congratulations,  he 
engaged  parlors  on  another  corridor,  the  knowl 
edge  of  which  was  confined  to  a  few.  The  Wis 
consin  delegates,  however,  became  apprised  of  it, 
and  soon  a  throng  hundreds  ^trong  was  marching 
through  the  rooms  for  the  purpose  of  shaking 
hands  with  the  distinguished  man  who  was  the 
centre  of  all  interest. 

Among  the  callers  was  a  tall,  somewhat  intoxi- 


506 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


cated  Ohioan,  who,  not  content  with  a  shake  of 
the  general's  hand,  threw  himself  upon  the  neck 
of  the  astonished  candidate  as  though  he  had 
found  his  long-lost  brother.  "I  do  it,  general, 
because  I  love  you  so.  I  can't  help  it,"  he  re 
peated  several  times  before  he  relinquished  his 
close  embrace.  "The  old  Forty-second  Ohio  is 
having  things  her  own. way.  A'int  she?"  he  ex 
claimed  enthusiastically,  making  a  movement 
toward  repeating  the  embrace.  The  general  de 
clined  with  dignity.  One  of  the  Ohio  men  came 
up  wearing  the  red  badge,  which  had  already 
been  struck  off,  bearing  the  words  :  "  For  Presi 
dent,  James  A.  Garfield."  The  wearer  called  the 
attention  of  the  owner  of  the  name.  "  That  re 
minds  me  of  a  saying  of  Holmes,"  the  general 
said.  "  He  wrote  that  three  things  require  age — 
wine,  meerschaum  pipes  and  poetry.  That  badge 
might  be  added  to  the  list.  It's  too  new  yet.  I 
can't  realize  it."  When  asked  if  he  would  re 
spond  to  the  demands  that  were  already  coming 
in  for  a  speech,  he  said,  "  There  is  not  power 
enough  in  Chicago  to  draw  a  speech  out  of  me 
to-day." 

In  the  evening,  after  the  second  place  on  the 
ticket  had  been  filled,  in  deference  to  the  wishes 
of  many  delegates,  the  general  held  a  reception. 
A  magnificent  stand  of  flowers  was  upon  the 
table,  and  beside  this  the  nominee  stood  for  an 
hour.  The  stream  of  congratulations  was  inces- 

o 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


507 


sant — many  ladies  in  elaborate  evening  toilette 
adding  brilliancy  to  the  event,  and  vieing  with  the 
men  in  the  fervor  of  their  declarations  of  satis 
faction.  In  accepting  the.  congratulations,  the 
general  bore  himself  with  quiet  dignity,  seldom 
extending  his  replies  beyond  the  hope  that  the 
nomination  might  prove  acceptable  to  the  Repub 
lican  party  and  the  country.  Later  a  serenade 
was  tendered  him,  for  which  he  merely  bowed  his 
thanks. 

Near  midnight,  Senator  Hoar,  at  the  head  of 
the  committee  appointed  to  notify  General  Gar- 
field,  appeared  at  the  Grand  Pacific,  and  notifying 
the  general  of  his  nomination,  received  the  follow 
ing  reply : 

"  MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN  :  I  assure  you 
that  the  information  you  have  officially  given  to 
me  brings  the  sense  of  very  grave  responsibility, 
and  especially  so  in  view  of  the  fact  that  I  was  a 
member  of  your  body,  a  fact  that  could  not  have 
existed  with  propriety  had  I  had  the  slightest  ex 
pectation  that  my  name  would  be  connected  with 
the  nomination  for  the  office.  I  have  felt,  with 
you,  great  solicitude  concerning  the  situation  of 
our  party  during  the  struggle  ;  but,  believing  that 
you  are  correct  in  assuring  me  that  substantial 
unity  has  been  reached  in  the  conclusion,  it  gives 
me  a  gratification  far  greater  than  any  personal 
pleasure  your  announcement  can  bring. 

"  I  accept  the  trust  committed  to  my  hands.    As 


5o8 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


to  the  work  of  our  party,  and  as  to  the  character 
of  the  campaign  to  be  entered  upon,  I  will  take 
an  early  occasion  to  reply  more  fully  than  I  can 
properly  do  to-night. 

"  I  thank  you  for  the  assurances  of  confidence 
and  esteem  you  have  presented  to  me,  and  hope 
we  shall  see  our  future  as  promising  as  are  indi 
cations  to-night." 

The  next  morning,  General  Garfield  started  for 
home.  From  the  hotel  to  the  station  it  was  a  con 
stant  ovation.  He  left  for  Cleveland  in  a  special  car, 
accompanied  by  a  number  of  intimate  personal 
friends,  among  whom  were  Governor  Charles  Fos 
ter,  of  Ohio ;  S.  T.  Everett,  President  of  the  Second 
National  Bank  of  Cleveland ;  General  Joseph  Bar 
rett,  an  old  military  friend  of  General  Garfield,  he 
having  been  chief  of  artillery  in  the  armies  of  Rose- 
crans  and  Thomas ;  Colonel  D.  G.  Swain,  Judge 
Advocate  of  the  United  States  Army,  formerly 
of  the  Forty-second  Ohio  Volunteers  (Garfield's 
regiment)  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel  L.  A.  Sheldon, 
Mayor  W.  H.  Williams  and  Captain  Charles  T. 
Henry,  all  of  whom  were  also  officers  of  Garfield's 
regiment.  At  Laporte,  Indiana,  the  first  stopping 
place  of  any  consequence,  many  hundreds  of  peo 
ple,  with  a  brass  band,  had  collected  to  salute  him 
as  he  passed.  Governor  Foster  introduced  him, 
and  he  was  received  with  deafening  cheers.  At 
South  Bend,  at  Elkhart,  at  Goshen,  at  Kendal- 
ville,  at  Waterloo  and  at  Butler,  the  scenes  were 


.  ,  JAMES  A.   GAR  FIELD.  c  i  i 

repeated,  the  theme—honor  to  Garfield— being 
ever  the  same.  Crossing  into  Ohio,  at  Edgerton 
the  greetings  broke  out  afresh.  When  he  reached 
Cleveland,  an  immense  demonstration  awaited  his 
arrival,  and  the  whole  city  was  alive  with  a  glad 
enthusiasm.  Among  the  first  of  his  callers  there 
was  the  Hon.  Henry  W.  Payne. 

Just  before  he  left  for  Chicago  he  promised  to 
deliver  an  address  at  the  commencement  exer 
cises  of  Hiram  College.  The  morning  after  his 
arrival  in  Cleveland  he  journeyed  quietly  to  the 
little  village  of  Hiram,  the  modest  little  town 
where  he  had  been  a  bell-ringer,  and  a  student, 
and  a  college  president.  Here  he  met  his  wife, 
for  the  first  time  since  the  acquirement  of  his  latest 
and  greatest  honor,  and  at  the  very  house  where 
their  acquaintance  began.  It  was  a  touching 
meeting ;  his  wife,  his  children,  the  students  and 
old  friends  gathered  about  him.  Baring  his  head, 
the  great  statesman  said : 

"FELLOW-CITIZENS,  OLD  NEIGHBORS  AND  FRIENDS 
OF  MANY  YEARS  :  It  has  always  given  me  pleasure 
to  come  back  here  and  look  upon  these  faces.  It 
has  always  given  me  new  courage  and  new  friends, 
for  it  has  brought  back  a  large  share  of  that  rich 
ness  which  belongs  to  those  things  out  of  which 
come  the  joys  of  life. 

"While  sitting  here  this  afternoon,  watching 
your  faces  and  listening  to  the  very  interesting 
address  which  has  just  been  delivered,  it  has  oc- 


c  j  9  LIPE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

curred  to  me  that  the  least  thing  you  have,  that 
all  men  have  enough  of,  is  perhaps  the  thing  that 
you  care  for  the  least,  and  that  is  your  leisure — 
the  leisure  you  have  to  think ;  the  leisure  you 
have  to  be  let  alone ;  the  leisure  you  have  to 
throw  the  plummettinto  your  mind,  and  sound  the 
depth  and  dive  for  things  below;  the  leisure  you 
have  to  walk  about  the  towers  yourself,  and  find 
how  strong  they  are  or  how  weak  they  are,  to  de 
termine  what  needs  building  up ;  how  to  work, 
and  how  to  know  all  that  shall  make  you  the 
final  beings  you  are  to  be.  Oh,  these  hours  of 
building  ! 

"If  the  Superior  Being  of  the  universe  would 
look  down  upon  the  world  to  find  the  most  inter 
esting  object,  it  would  be  the  unfinished,  unformed 
character  of  the  young  man  or  young  woman. 
Those  behind  me  have  probably  in  the  main  set 
tled  this  question.  Those  who  have  passed  into 
middle  manhood  and  middle  womanhood  are 
about  what  they  shall  always  be,  and  there  is  but 
little  left  of  interest,  as  their  characters  are  all 

p 

developed. 

"But  to  your  young  and  your  yet  unformed 
natures, 'no  man  knows  the  possibilities  that  lie 
before  you  in  your  hearts  and  intellects;  and, 
while  you  are  working  out  the  possibilities  with 
that  splendid  leisure  that  you  need,  you  are  to  be 
most  envied.  I  congratulate  you  on  your  leisure. 
I  commend  you  to  treat  it  as  your  gold,  as  your 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  r  l  r 

wealth,  as  your  treasure,  out  of  which  you  can 
draw  all  possible  treasures  that  can  be  laid  down 
when  you  have  your  natures  unfolded  and  devel 
oped  in  the  possibilities  of  the  future. 

"This  place  is  too  full  of  memories  for  me  to 
trust  myself  to  speak  upon,  and  I  will  not.  But 
I  draw  again  to-day,  as  I  have  for  a  quarter  of  a 
century,  life,  evidence  of  strength,  confidence  and 
affection  from  the  people  who  gather  in  this  place. 
I  thank  you  for  the  permission  to  see  you  and 
meet  yo.u  and  greet  you  as  I  have  done  to-day." 

After  a  few  days  of  rest  at  his  winter  home, 
General  Garfield  journeyed  on  to  Washington,  and 
everywhere  along  the  route  he  was  received  with 
enthusiasm.  The  night  after  he  arrived  he  was 
serenaded  at  his  hotel,  and  the  response  to  the 
cheers  which  his  presence  evoked  from  the  crowd, 
was  in  these  words: 

"  FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  While  I  have  looked  upon 
this  great  array,  I  believe  I  have  gotten  a  new 
idea  of  the  majesty  of  the  American  people 
When  I  reflect  that  wherever  you  find  sovereign 
power  every  reverent  heart  on  this  earth  bows 
before  it,  and  when  I  remember  that  here  for  a 
hundred  years  we  have  denied  the  -sovereignty  of 
any  man,  and  in  place  of  it  we  have  asserted  the 
sovereignty  of  all  in  place  of  one,  I  see  before  me 
so  vast  a  concourse  that  it  is  easy  for  me  to 
imagine  that  the  rest  of  the  American  people  are, 
gathered  here  to-night,  and  if  they  were  all  here. 


CJ6  LIFE  AND  2*UBLIC  C'./AV./.A'  OF 

every  man  would  stand  uncovered,  all  in  unsan- 
daled  feet  in  presence  of  the  majesty  of  the  only 
sovereign  power  in  this  Government  under  Al 
mighty  God.  [Cheers.]  And,  therefore,  to  this 
great  audience  I  pay  the  respectful  homage  that 
in  part  belongs  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  people. 
I  thank  you  for  this  great  and  glorious  demonstra 
tion.  I  am  not,  for  one  moment,  misled  into  be 
lieving  that  it  refers  to  so  poor  a  thing  as  any  one 
of  our  number.  I  know  it  means  your  reverence 
for  your  Government,  your  reverence  for  its  laws", 
your  reverence  for  its  institutions,  and  your  com 
pliment  to  one  who  is  placed  for  a  moment  in 
relations  to  you  of  peculiar  importance.  For  all 
these  reasons  I  thank  you.  I  cannot  at  this  time 
utter  a  word  on  the  subject  of  general  politics.  I 
would  not  mar  the  cordiality  of  this  welcome,  to 
which  to  some  extent  all  are  gathered,  by  any 
reference  except  to  the  present  moment  and  its 
significance  ;  but  I  wish  to  say  that  a  large  portion 
of  this  assemblage  to-night  are  my  comrades,  late 
of  the  war  for  the  Union.  For  them  I  can  speak 
with  entire  propriety,  and  can  say  that  these  very 
streets  heard  the  measured  tread  of  your  dis 
ciplined  feet,  years  ago,  when  the  imperiled  Re 
public  needed  your  hands  and  your  hearts  to  save 
it,  and  you  came  back  with  your  numbers  deci 
mated  ;  but  those  you  left  behind  were  immortal 
and  glorified  heroes  forever;  and  those  you 
brought  back  came,  carrying  under  tattered  ban- 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  -  j  „ 

\J         f 

ners  and  in  bronze  hands  the  ark  of  the  covenant 
of  your  Republic  in  safety  out  of  the  bloody  bap 
tism  of  the  war  [cheers],  and  you  brought  it  in 
safety  to  be  saved  forever  by  your  valor  and  the 
wisdom  of  your  brethren  who  were  at  home,  and 
by  this  you  were  again  added  to  the  great  civil 
army  of  the  Republic.  I  greet  you,  comrades  and 
fellow-soldiers,  and  the  great  body  of  distinguished 
citizens  who  are  gathered  here  to-night,  who  are 
the  strong  stay  and  support  of  the  business,  of  the 
prosperity,  of  the  peace,  of  the  civic  ardor  and 
glory  of  the  Republic,  and  I  thank  you  for  your 
welcome  to-night.  It  was  said  in  a  welcome  to 
one  who  came  to  England  to  be  a -part  of  her 
glory — and  all  the  nation  spoke  when  it  was  said : 

p  "  '  Normans  and  Saxons  and  Danes  are  we, 

But  all  of  us  Danes  in  our  welcome  of  thee.' 

"And  we  say  to-night,  of  all  nations,  of  all  the 
people,  soldiers  and  civilians,  there  is  one  name 
that  welds  us  all  into  one.  It  is  the  name  of 
American  citizen,  under  the  union  and  under  the 
glory  of  the  flag  that  led  us  to  victory  and  to 
peace.  [Applause.]  For  this  magnificent  wel 
come  I  thank  you  with  all  there  is  in  my  heart." 

On  the  night  following  he  was  tendered  a 
grand  banquet,  and  the  day  after  he  returned  to 
Mentor  for  rest. 

Not  for  long,  however,  as  on  July  3d  he  was 
present  at  the  dedication  of  the  Soldiers'  Monu- 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


ment  at  Painesville,  where  he.  delivered  the  follow 
ing  magnificent  address  : 

"  FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  I  cannot  fail  to  respond  on 
such  an  occasion  in  sight  of  such  a  monument  to 
such  a  cause,  sustained  by  such  men.  [Applause 
and  cheers.]  While  I  have  listened  to  what  my 
friend  has  said,  two  questions  have  been  sweep 
ing  through  my  heart.  One  was,  'What  does  the 
monument  mean  ?'  and  the  other,  '  What  will  the 
monument  teach  ?'  Let  me  try  and  ask  you  for  a 
moment,  to  help  me  answer  what  does  the  monu 
ment  mean.  Oh !  the  monument  means  a  world 
of  memories,  a  world  of  deeds,  and  a  world  of 
tears,  and  a  world  of  glories.  You  know,  thous 
ands  know,  what  it  is  to  offer  up  yyour  life  to  the 
country,  and  that  is  no  small  thing,  as  every 
soldier  knows.  Let  me  put  the  question  to  you  : 
For  a  moment  suppose  your  country  in  the  aw 
fully  embodied  form  of  majestic  law,  should  stand 
above  you  and  say :  '  I  want  your  life.  Come  up 
here  on  the  platform  and  offer  it.'  How  many 
would  walk  up  before  that  majestic  presence  and 
say,  '  Here  I  am,  take  this  life  and  use  it  for  your 
great  needs.'  [Applause.]  And  yet  almost  two  mil 
lions  of  men  made  that  answer  [applause],  and  a 
monument  stands  yonder  to  commemorate  their 
answer.  That  is  one  of  its  meanings.  But,  my 
friends,  let  me  try  you  a  little  further.  To  give 
up  life  is  much,  for  it  is  to  give  up  wife,  and  home, 
and  child,  and  ambition.  But  let  me  test  you  this 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  c  j  g 

way  further.  Suppose  this  awfully  majestic  form 
should  call  out  to  you,  and  say,  '  I  ask  you  to  give 
up  health  and  drag  yourself,  not  dead,  but  half 
alive,  through  a  miserable  existence  for  long 
years,  until  you  perish  and  die  in  your  crippled 
and  hopeless  condition.  I  ask  you  to  volunteer 
to  do  that,'  and  it  calls  for  a  higher  reach  of 
patriotism  and  self-sacrifice,  but  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  you  soldiers  did  that.  That  is  what 
the  monument  means  also.  But  let  me  ask  you 
to  go  one  step  further.  Suppose  your  country 
should  say,  '  Come  here,  on  this  platform,  and  in 
my  name,  and  for  my  sake,  consent  to  be  idiots. 
[Voice — '  Hear  hear.']  Consent  that  your  very 
brain  and  intellect  shall  be  broken  down  into  hope 
less  idiocy  for  my  sake/  How  many  could  be 
found  to  make  that  venture  ?  And  yet  there  are 
thousands,  and  that  with  their  eyes  wide  open  to 
the  horrible  consequences,  obeyed  that  call. 

"And  let  me  tell  how  one  hundred  thou 
sand  of  our  soldiers  were  prisoners  of  war,  and 
to  many  of  them  when  death  was  stalking  near, 
when  famine  was  climbing  up  into  their  hearts, 
and  idiocy  was  threatening  all  that  was  left  of 
their  intellects,  the  gates  of  their  prison  stood 
open  every  day,  if  they  would  quit,  desert  their  flag 
and  enlist  under  the  flag  of  the  enemy,  and  out  of 
one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  not  two  per  cent, 
ever  received  the  liberation  from  death,  starvation 
and  all  that  might  come  to  them;  but  they  took 


5-2O  LIFE  AND  PUBLJC  CAREER  OF 

all  these  horrors  and  all  these  sufferings  in  pre 
ference  to  going  back  upon  the  flag  of  their  coun 
try  and  the  glory  of  its  truth.  [Applause.]  Great 
God !  was  ever  such  measure  of  patriotism  reached 
by  any  man  on  this  earth  before?  [Applause.] 
That  is  what  your  monument  means.  By  the 
subtle  chemistry  that  no  man  knows,  all  the  blood 
that  was  shed  by  our  brethren,  all  the  lives  that 
were  devoted,  all  the  grief  that  was  felt,  at  last 
crystallized  itself  into  granite  rendered  immortal, 
the  great  truth  for  which  they  died  [applause], 
and  it  stands  there  to-day,  and  that  is  what  your 
monument  means. 

"Now,  what  does  it  teach?  What  will  it  teach? 
Why,  I  remember  the  story  of  one  of  the  old  con 
querors  of  Greece,  who,  when  he  had  traveled  in 
his  boyhood  over  the  battle-fields  where  Miltiades 
had  won  victories  and  set  up  trophies,  returning 
he  said:  'These  trophies  of  Miltiades  will  never 
let  me  sleep.'  \Vhy,  something  had  taught  him 
from  the  chiseled  stone  a  lesson  that  he  could  never 
forget,  and,  fellow-citizens,  that  silent  sentinel,  that 
crowned  granite  column  will  look  down  upon  the 
boys  that  will  walk  these  streets  for  generations 
to  come,  and  will  not  let  them  sleep  when  their 
country  calls  them.  [Applause.]  More  than  the 
bugler  on  the  field  from  his  dead  lips  will  go  out 
a  call  that  the  children  of  Lake  County  will  hear 
alter  the  grave  has  covered  us  all  and  our  imme 
diate  children.  That  is  the  teaching  of  your 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


521 


monument.  That  is  its  lesson,  and  it  is  the  lesson 
of  endurance  for  what  we  believe,  and  it  is  the 
lesson  of  sacrifices  for  what  we  think — the  lesson 
of  heroism  for  what  we  mean  to  sustain — and  that 
lesson  cannot  be  lost  to  a  people  like  this.  It  is 
not  a  lesson  of  revenge,  it  is  not  a  lesson  of 
wrath,  it  is  the  grand,  sweet,  broad  lesson  of  the 
immortality  of  the  truth  that  we  hope  will  soon 
cover  as  with  the  grand  Shekinah  of  light  and 
glory  all  parts  of  this  Republic,  from  the  lakes 
to  the  gulf.  [Applause.]  I  once  entered  a  house 
in  old  Massachusetts  where,  over  its  doors, 
were  two  crossed  swords.  One  was  the  sword 
carried  by  the  grandfather  of  its  owner  on 
the  field  of  Bunker  Hill  and  the  other  was  the 
sword  carried  by  the  English  grandsire  of  the 
wife,  on  the  same  field  and  on-  the  other  side 
of  the  conflict.  Under  those  crossed  swords,  in 
the  restored  harmony  of  domestic  peace,  lived 
a  happy,  and  contented,  and  free  family,  under 
the  light  of  our  republican  liberties.  [Applause] 
I  trust  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when,  under 
the  crossed  swords  and  the  locked  shields  of 
Americans  North  and  South,  our  people  shall 
sleep  in  peace  and  rise  in  liberty,  love  and  har 
mony  under  the  union  of  our  flag  of  the  Stars 
and  Stripes." 

Once  more  he  comes  before  the  country,  his 
latest  words,  in  the  following  sterling  pronuncia- 
miento  of  Republican  doctrines  and  belief,  his 


r22  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

letter  of  acceptance,  which  was  given  to  the  public 
July  i 2th. 

MENTOR,  Ohio,  July  loth,  1880. — Dear  Sir:  On 
the  evening  of  the  8th  of  June  last  I  had  the 
honor  to  receive  from  you,  in  the  presence  of  the 
committee  of  which  you  were  chairman,  the  offi 
cial  announcement  that  the  Republican  National 
Convention  at  Chicago  had  that  day  nominated 
me  for  their  candidate  for  President  of  the  United 
States.  I  accept  the  nomination  with  gratitude 
for  the  confidence  it  implies  and  with  a  deep  sense 
of  the  responsibilities  it  imposes.  I  cordially  in 
dorse  the  principles  set  forth  in  the  platform 
adopted  by  the  convention.  On  nearly  all  the 
subjects  of  which  it  treats  my  opinions  are  on 
record  among  the  published  proceedings  of  Con 
gress.  I  venture,  however,  to  make  special  mention 
of  some  of  the  principal  topics  which  are  likely  to 
become  subjects  of  discussion,  without  reviewing 
the  controversies  which  have  been  settled  during 
the  last  twenty  years,  and  with  no  purpose  or 
wish  to  revive  the  passions  of  the  late  war.  It 
should  be  said  that  while  Republicans  fully  recog 
nize  and  will  strenuously  defend  all  the  rights 
retained  by  the  people  and  all  the  rights  reserved 
to  the  States,  they  reject  the  pernicious  doctrine 
of  State  supremacy  which  so  long  crippled  the 
functions  of  the  National  Government  and  at  one 
time  brought  the  Union  very  near  to  destruction. 
They  insist  that  the  United  States  is  a  nation, 
with  ample  power  of  self-preservation ;  that  its 
Constitution  and  laws  made  in  pursuance  thereof 
are  the  supreme  law  of  the  land ;  that  the  right 
of  the  nation  to  determine  the  method  by  which 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD.  r  o  -> 

0  ~  v) 

its  own  legislature  shall  be  created  cannot  be  sur 
rendered  without  abdicating  one  of  the  funda 
mental  powers  of  the  Government ;  that  the 
national  laws  relating  to  the  election  of  represent 
atives  in  Congress  shall  neither  be  violated  nor 
evaded;  that  every  elector  shall  be  permitted 
freely  and  without  intimidation  to  cast  his  lawful 
ballot  at  such  election  and  have  it  honestly 
counted,  and  that  the  potency  of  his  vote  shall  not 
be  destroyed  by  the  fraudulent  vote  of  any  other 
person.  The  best  thoughts  and  energies  of  our  peo 
ple  should  be  directed  to  those  great  questions  of 
national  well-being  in  which  we  all  have  a  com 
mon  interest.  Such  efforts  will  soonest  restore 
perfect  peace  to  those  who  were  lately  in  arms 
against  each  other,  for  justice  and  good-will  will 
outlast  passion ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the 
wounds  cannot  be  completely  healed  and  the 
spirit  of  brotherhood  cannot  fully  pervade  the 
whole  country  until  every  one  of  our  citizens, 
rich  or  poor,  white  or  black,  is  secure  in  the  free 
and  equal  enjoyment  of  every  civil  and  political 
right  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws.  Wherever  the  enjoyment  of  this  right  is 
not  assured  discontent  will  prevail,  immigration 
will  cease,  and  the  social  and  industrial  forces  will 
continue  to  be  disturbed  by  the  migration  of 
laborers  and  the  consequent  diminution  of  pros 
perity.  The  National  Government  should  exer 
cise  all*  its  constitutional  authority  to  put  an  end 
to  these  evils,  for  all  the  people  and  all  the 
States  are  members  of  one  body ;  and  no  mem 
ber  can  suffer  without  injury  to  all. 

The   most  serious   evils  which   now  afflict  the 
South  arise  from  the  fact  that  there  is  not  such 


524 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


freedom  and  toleration  of  political  opinion  and  ac 
tion  that  the  minority  party  can  exercise  an  effec 
tive  and  wholesome  restraint  upon  the  party  in 
power.  Without  such  restraint  party  rule  be 
comes  tyrannical  and  corrupt.  The  prosperity 
which  is  made  possible  in  the  South,  by  its  great 
advantages  of  soil  and  climate,  will  never  be  real 
ized  until  every  voter  can  freely  and  safely  support 
any  party  he  pleases.  Next  in  importance  to 
freedom  and  justice  is  popular  education,  without 
which  neither  justice  nor  freedom  can  be  perma 
nently  maintained.  Its  interests  are  intrusted  to 
the  States  and  the  voluntary  action  of  the  people. 
Whatever  help  the  nation  can  justly  afford  should 
be  generously  given  to  aid  the  States  in  support 
ing  common  schools ;  but  it  would  be  unjust  to 
our  people  and  dangerous  to  our  institutions  to 
apply  any  portion  of  the -revenues  of  the  nation  or 
of  the  States  to  the  support  of  sectarian  schools. 
The  separation  of  the  Church  and  the  State  in 
everything  relating  to  taxation  should  be  absolute. 
On  the  subject  of  national  finances  my  views  have 
been  so  frequently  and  fully  expressed  that  little  is 
needed  in  the  way  of  additional  statement.  The 
public  debt  is  now  so  well  secured,  and  the  rate  of 
annual  interest  has  been  so  reduced  by  refunding, 
that  rigid  economy  in  expenditures  and  the  faithful 
application  of  our  surplus  revenues  to  the  payment 
of  the  principal  of  the  debt,  will  gradually,  but  cer 
tainly  free  the  people  from  its  burdens,  and  close 
with  honor  the  financial  chapter  of  the  war.  At 
the  same  time  the  Government  can  provide  for  all 
its  ordinary  expenditures,  and  discharge  its  sacred 
obligations  to  the  soldiers  of  the  Union  and  to  the 
\\idows  and  orphans  of  those  who  fdl  in  its  de- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD  525 

fense.  The  resumption  of  specie  payments,  which 
the  Republican  party  so  courageously  and  suc 
cessfully  accomplished,  has  removed  from  the  field 
of  controversy  many  questions  that  long  and  se 
riously  disturbed  the  credit  of  the  Government 
and  the  business  of  the  country.  Our  paper  cur 
rency  is  now  as  national  as  the  flag,  and  resump 
tion  has  not  only  made  it  everywhere  equal  to 
coin,  but  has  brought  into  use  our  store  of  gold 
and  silver.  The  circulating  medium  is  more  abun 
dant  than  ever  before,  and  we  need  only  to  main 
tain  the  equality  of  all  our  dollars  to  insure  to 
labor  and  capital  a  measure  of  value  from  the  use 
of  which  no  one  can  suffer  loss.  The  great  pros 
perity  which  the  country  is  now  enjoying  should 
not  be  endangered  by  any  violent  change  or 
doubtful  financial  experiments. 

In  reference  to  our  custom  laws,  a  policy  should 
be  pursued  which  will  bring  revenues  to  the  Trea 
sury,  and  will  enable  the  labor  and  capital  em 
ployed  in  our  great  industries  to  compete  fairly  in 
our  own  markets  with  the  labor  and  capital  of 
foreign  producers.  We  legislate  for  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  not  for  the  whole  world ; 
and  it  is  our  glory  that  the  American  laborer  is 
more  intelligent  and  better  paid  than  his  foreign 
competitor.  Our  country  cannot  be  independent 
unless  its  people,  with  their  abundant  natural  re 
sources,  possess  the  requisite  skill  at  any  time  to 
clothe,  arm  and  equip  themselves  for  war,  and  in 
time  of  peace  to  produce  all  the  necessary  imple 
ments  of  labor.  It  was  the  manifest  intention  of 
the  founders  of  the  Government  to  provide  for 
the  common  defense,  not  by  standing  armies 
alone,  but  by  raising  among  the  people  a  greater 


526 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


army  of  artisans,  whose  intelligence  and  skill 
should  powerfully  contribute  to  the  safety  and 
glory  of  the  nation.  Fortunately  for  the  interests 
of  commerce  there  is  no  longer  any  formidable 
opposition  to  appropriations  for  the  improvement 
of  our  harbors  and  great  navigable  rivers,  pro 
vided  that  the  expenditures  for  that  purpose  are 
strictly  limited  to  works  of  national  importance. 
The  Mississippi  River,  with  its  great  tributaries, 
is  of  such  vital  importance  to  so  many  millions  of 
people  that  the  safety  of  its  navigation  requires 
exceptional  consideration.  In  order  to  secure 
to  the  nation  the  control  of  all  its  waters,  Presi 
dent  Jefferson  negotiated  the  purchase  of  a  vast 
territory,  extending  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean.  The  wisdom  of  Congress 
should  be  invoked  to  devise  some  plan  by  which 
that  great  river  shall  cease  to  be  a  terror  to  those 
who  dwell  upon  its  banks,  and  by  which  its  ship 
ping  may  safely  carry  the  industrial  products  of 
twenty-five  millions  of  people. 

The  interests  of  agriculture,  which  is  the  basis 
of  all  our  material  prosperity,  and  in  which  seven- 
twelfths  of  our  population  are  engaged,  as  well  as 
the  interests  of  manufactures  and  commerce,  de 
mand  that  the  facilities  for  cheap  transportation 
shall  be  increased  by  the  use  of  all  our  great  water 
courses.  The  material  interests  of  this  country, 
the  traditions  of  its  settlement  and  the  sentiment 
of  our  people  have  led  the  Government  to  offer 
the  widest  hospitality  to  immigrants  who  seek  our 
shores  for  new  and  happier  homes,  willing  to  share 
the  burdens  as  well  as  the  benefits  of  our  society, 
and  intending  that  their  posterity  shall  become  an 
andistinguishable  part  of  our  population.  The 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  527 

recent  movement  of  the  Chinese  to  our  Pacific 
coast  partakes  but  little  of  the  qualities  of  such  an 
immigration,  either  in  its  purposes  or  its  result.  It 
is  too  much  like  an  importation  to  be  welcomed 
without  restriction ;  too  much  like  an  invasion  to 
be  looked  upon  without  solicitude.  We  cannot 
consent  to  allow  any  form  of  servile  labor  to  be 
introduced  among  us  under  the  guise  of  immigra 
tion.  Recognizing  the  gravity  of  this  subject,  the 
present  administration,  supported  by  Congress, 
has  sent  to  China  a  commission  of  distinguished 
citizens  for  the  purpose  of  securing  such  a  modifi 
cation  of  the  existing  treaty  as  will  prevent  the 
evils  likely  to  arise  from  the  present  situation.  It 
is  confidently  believed  that  these  diplomatic  nego 
tiations  will  be  successful  without  the  loss  of  that 
commercial  intercouse  between  the  two  great 
powers  which  promises  a  great  increase  of  recip 
rocal  trade  and  the  enlargement  of  our  markets. 
Should  these  efforts  fail,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  Con 
gress  to  mitigate  the  evils  already  felt,  and  pre 
vent  their  increase  by  such  restrictions  as,  without 
violence  or  injustice,  will  place  upon  a  sure  foun 
dation  the  peace  of  our  communities  and  the  free 
dom  and  dignity  of  labor. 

The  appointment  of  citizens  to  the  various  exe 
cutive  and  judicial  offices  of  the  Government  is, 
perhaps,  the  most  difficult  of  all  duties  which  the 
Constitution  has  imposed  upon  the  Executive. 
The  convention  wisely  demands  that  Congress 
shall  co-operate  with  the  Executive  Department,  in 
placing  the  civil  service  on  a  better  basis.  Expe 
rience  has  proved  that,  with  our  frequent  changes 
of  administration,  no  system  of  reform  can  be 
made  effective  and  permanent  without  the  aid  of 


528 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


legislation.  Appointments  to  the  military  and 
naval  service  are  so  regulated  by  law  and  custom, 
as  to  leave  but  little  ground  of  complaint.  It 
may  not  be  wise  to  make  similar  regulations  by 
law  for  the  civil  service,  but,  without  invading  the 
authority  or  necessary  discretion  of  the  Executive, 
Congress  should  devise  a  method  that  will  deter 
mine  the  tenure  of  office,  and  greatly  reduce  the 
uncertainty  which  makes  that  service  so  uncertain 
and  unsatisfactory.  Without  depriving  any  officer 
of  his  rights  as  a  citizen,  the  Government  should 
require  him  to  discharge  all  his  official  duties  with 
intelligence,  efficiency  and  faithfulness.  To  select 
wisely  from  our  vast  population  those  who  are  best 
fitted  for  the  many  offices  to  be  filled,  requires  an 
acquaintance  far  beyond  the  range  of  any  one 
man.  The  Executive  should,  therefore,  seek  and 
receive  the  information  and  assistance  of  those 
whose  knowledge  of  the  communities  in  which 
the  duties  are  to  be  performed,  best  qualifies  them 
to  aid  in  making  the  wisest  choice.  The  doctrines 
announced  by  the  Chicago  Convention  are  not  the 
temporary  devices  of  a  party  to  attract  votes  and 
carry  an  election.  They  are  deliberate  convic 
tions,  resulting  from  a  careful  study  of  the  spirit  of 
our  institutions,  the  events  of  our  history  and  the 
best  impulses  of  our  people.  In  my  judgment, 
these  principles  should  control  the  legislation  and 
administration  of  the  Government.  In  any  event, 
they  will  guide  my  conduct  until  experience  points 
out  a  better  way.  If  elected,  it  will  be  my  purpose 
to  enforce  strict  obedience  to  the  Constitution  and 
the  laws,  and  "o  promote  as  best  I  may  the  interest 
and  honor  of  the  whole  country,  relying  for  sup 
port  upon  the  wisdom  of  Congress,  the  intelli- 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD.  r2g 

gence  and  patriotism  of  the  people  and  the  favor 
of  God. 

With  great  respect,  I  am  very  truly  yours, 

J.  A.  GARFIELD. 

To  Hon.  George  F.  Hoar,  Chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee. 


-  ,o  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

THE   FUTURE. 

WITH  our  readers  we  have  gone  over 
General  Garfield's  career  from  its  hum 
blest  beginnings  to  its  present  signally 
distinguished  h6nors.  No  one  can  follow  the  in 
cidental  steps  in  that  career  without  being  struck 
with  the  intrinsic  greatness  of  the  man  who  so 
won  his  way  to  the  front.  In  all  the  long  years 
that  stand  behind  him,  his  has  been  one  continu 
ous  service  to  the  country.  Teaching,  fighting, 
legislating,  he  has  had  only  the  one  aim,  the  good 
of  his  fellow-men.  Does  not  such  a  career  de 
serve  reward  ?  If  it  does  not,  what  meed  of  ser 
vice,  what  tale  of  labor  in  behalf  of  the  Republic 
does?  What  course  of  training  for  the  White 
House  is  more  exactly  American  than  his  has 
been  ?  A  poor  boy  fights  his  way  inch  by  inch, 
taking  no  fresh  step  forward  until  he  has  qualified 
himself  for  the  new  position,  until  conspicuous 
merit  places  him  at  the  head  of  the  column.  A 
brilliant  soldier,  a  patriot,  a  statesman  of  great 
constructive  capacity  and  almost  unequaled  power 
of  expression;  distinguished  from  the  common 
run  of  party  men  by  broader  views,  a  more  liberal 
mind,  and  a  more  intelligent  statesmanship,  is 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD: 

what  James  A.  Garfield  is  to-day.  And  with  a 
record  rarely  equaled  in  its  unique  earnestness  of 
purpose,  and  unparalleled  among1  his  immediate 
contemporaries,  he  comes  before  the  country  for 
its  suffrages. 

If  General  Garfield  is  elected  President,  he  will 
be  in  some  respects  a  notable  executive.  He  will 
be  the  youngest  man  who  has  ever  ruled  in  the 
White  House,  except  James  K.  Polk.  He  has 
served  more  consecutive  terms  in  Congress  than 
any  man  of  his  age  that  ever  entered  the  House 
of  Representatives.  He  will  be  the  first  man  ever 
elected  President  who  was  a  member-elect  of  the 
Senate,  and  transferred  to  the  White  House  be 
fore  he  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate.  He  is  the 
first  man  ever  nominated  for  the  presidency  by  a 
convention  wherein  he  was  laboring  to  secure  the 
selection  of  another.  He  is  the  first  man  ever 
nominated  for  that  office  who  regularly  appeared 
in  the  pulpit  of  any  church.  He  is  the  first  man 
ever  nominated  for  that  high  office  who  once  pre 
sided  over  an  institution  of  learning  as  its  presi 
dent.  He  is  one  of  the  finest  scholars  ever  desig 
nated  by  a  party  as  a  candidate  for  presidential 
honors.  He  was  as  poor  in  his  youth  as  Abraham 
Lincoln,  and  his  success  in  life  is  as  much  of  an 
encouragement  to  the  young  men  of  the  nation  as 
that  of  any  man  who  has  come  to  the  front  in  this 
free  land.  And  what  is  more  to  his  credit,  he  was 
nominated  without  being  under  obligations  to  any- 


r-2  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

body  for  his  nomination.  He  is  not  in  debt  for  his 
candidacy  to  the  politicians — he  can  enter  upon 
the  discharge  of  his  duties  in  the  great  office  with 
more  freedom  than  any  man  who  has  held  it,  with 
the  exception  of  the  Vice-Presidents  who  have 
succeeded  to  the  presidency. 

The  Chicago  Convention  could  not  have  nomi 
nated  another  man  who  touches  the  American 
mind  and  heart  at  so  many  points.  His  early  life 
of  labor,  his  sympathy  with  the  working-classes, 
endear  him  to  the  toiling  millions.  There  is  a 
pathos  in  his  history  that  touches  the  heart  of 
the  humble  worker.  His  masterly  grasp  of  states 
manship  and  his  steady  fealty  to  sound  doctrine 
during  all  the  financial  treachery  of  the  last  ten 
years  gain  him  the  support  of  merchants,  manu 
facturers  and  bankers.  The  school-teachers  of 
the  land  count  him  as  one  of  their  number.  He 
is  more  acceptable  to  the  religious  element  than 
another  could  be.  Enter  the  chill  atmosphere  of 
the  college  and  university  lecture-rooms,  where 
men  are  not  stirred  by  campaign  stories,  but  who 
respect  character,  thoroughness  and  scholarship, 
and  you  find  he  is  a  favorite.  He  is  a  favorite 
everywhere,  even  with  his  enemies.  And  the  Re 
publican  party,  reunited  again,  will  press  its  army 
of  voters,  with  its  proudest  banners,  its  greatest 
enthusiasm,  straight  on  to  the  fight,  for  Garfield 
and  glory. 

And  the  second  of  November  will  decide  what 


JAMES  A.   GARFIELD. 


533 


value  the  American  nation  places  upon  a  man  who 
served  it  all  his  life  with  unflinching  generosity 
and  patriotism.  Shall  it  be  written,  reader,  that 
merit  was  recognized  in  the  crown  of  success,  or 
must  future  historians  record  that  once  again  a 
republic  was  ungrateful  ? 


LIFE  OF 


HON.  CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


"If  I  misappropriated  a  cent,  and  in  walking  down  town, 
saw  two  men  talking  on  the  corner  together,  I  would 
imagine  that  they  were  talking  of  my  dishonesty,  and  the 
very  thought  would  drive  me  mad." — Letter  from  Chester 
A.  Arthur  to  a  friend,  written  while  holding  the  position  of 
Quartermaster-  General. 


GENERAL  CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ARTHUR'S  EARLY  LIFE. 


HE    exodus    from    foreign    lands    to    this 


country  has,  at  all  times,  since  the  early 
years  of  the  present  century,  been  re 
markable  for  its  steadiness — though  varying  dur 
ing  the  decades.  A  home  in  freedom  and  a  chance 
for  a  fortune  in  climes  where  centuries  have  not 
bound  with  iron  every  man's  position,  is  always 
an  incentive  to  brave  spirits. 

Among  those  who  took  the  tide  in  its  flow,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  twenties,  was  a  young  Pro 
testant  Irishman,  from  Ballymena,  County  Antrim, 
who  bore  the  name  of  William  Arthur.  He  was 
eighteen  years  of  age,  a  graduate  of  Belfast  Col 
lege,  arid  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  intention  of 
becoming  a  Baptist  clergyman,  and  advocating  the 
cause  of  Christ.  In  this  he  persevered,  was  ad 
mitted  to  the  ministry,  took  a  degree  of  D.  D.  and 
began  a  career  of  great  usefulness,  which  did  not 
terminate  until  he  died,  at  Newtonville,  near  Al 
bany,  October  27th,  1875.  He  was,  in  many  re 
spects,  a  remarkable  man.  He  acquired  a  wide 
fame  in  his  chosen  career,  and  entered  success 
fully  the  great  competition  of  authors.  He  pub 
lished  a  work  on  "Family  Names"  that  is  to-day 
regarded  as  one  of  the  curiosities  of  English 


533 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


erudite  literature.  From  1855  to  ^63,  he  was 
pastor  of  the  Calvary  Baptist  Church,  in  New 
York  City,  and  he,  at  other  times,  filled  pulpits  at 
Bennington,  Hinesburg,  Fairfield  and  Williston, 
in  Vermont,  and  York,  Perry,  Greenwich  and 
Schnectady,  Lansingburg,  Hoosic,  West  Troy  and 
Newtonville,  in  the  State  of  New  York. 

He  married,  not  long  after  entering  the  minis 
try,  an  American,  Malvina  Stone,  who  bore  him 
a  family  of  two  sons  and  five  daughters.  Of 
these,  Chester  Allan,  the  subject  of  this  sketch 
and,  to-day,  nominee  for  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  on  the  Republican  ticket,  is  the 
oldest. 

He  was  born  at  Fairfield,  Franklin  County, 
Vermont,  October  5th,  1830.  After  the  troubles 
of  infancy  were  over  he  encountered  those  of 
school-life,  the  early  days  of  which  were  passed 
under  the  tutelage  of  his  father.  From  his  home 
studies  he  went  to  a  wider  field  of  instruction  in 
the  institutions  of  Schenectady,  in  the  gram 
mar  school  of  which  place  he  was  prepared  for 
entering  Union  College.  This  he  did  at  the 
age  of  fifteen  (1845),  an<^  took  successfully  the 
regular  course,  excelling  in  all  his  studies  and 
graduating  very  high  in  the  class  of  1848.  He 
was  a  member  and  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  Psi 
Upsilon  Society.  During  this  time,  like  many  an 
other  boy  who  graduated  with  honors  from  an 
American  college,  he  eked  out  his  funds  by  teach- 


CUES  TER  A.  AR  TIIUR. 


ing  a  country  school.  A  letter,  written  about  this 
period,  presents  a  truthful  picture  of  what  it 
meant  to  teach  school  and  "board  round"  with  the 
parents  of  those  taught: 

"The  committee-man  soon  arrived,  to  transfer  me  to  the 
scene  of  my  future  labors.  The  committee  was  a  puny  man, 
and,  as  afterward  appeared,  everything  had  been  spared  in 
his  mechanism,  ethically  as  well  as  corporeally.  His  principal 
features  were  his  boots,  which,  like  all  Yankee's,  were  blacked 
only  on  the  frontispiece,  he  not  wishing  to  invest  anything 
where  he  could  not  see  the  benefit.  They  had  tremendous 
lurid  soles,  probably  to  keep  up  the  equilibrium  between  his 
moral  and  physical  system.  Just  imagine  a  young  man,  with 
hope  and  expectation  beaming  on  his  countenance,  with  an 
unruffled  mem,  in  a  yellow  wagon,  striped  with  green,  like 
all  down  East  vehicles.  Before  me  and  attached  to  the  con 
cern  was  a  vertebrated  quadruped,  an  amalgamated  specimen 
of  comparative  anatomy  and  animal  manikinism.  From  its 
size  it  seemed  to  have  been  bought  by  weight,  and  from  its 
condition  its  present  owner  must  have  had  charge  of  it  be 
fore  the  sale,  with  an  eye  to  its  purchase.  It  seemed  to  have 
lived  in  carnivorous  times,  for  all  its  flesh  had  departed  and 
each  moment,  as  it  passed,  had  taken  a  hair  as  a  memento. 
But  now  these  mementos  were  gone,  and  the  wind  could 
only  moan  a  peace  to  its  mane.  However,  under  all  these 
circumstances,  we  at  last  arrived  at  an  old  fabrication  on  one 
side  of  the  road,  called  a  house,  the  only  claim  to  the  title 
being  the  presence  of  an  immense  chimney.  The  animal 
portion  of  our  establishment  had  come  to  a  standstill,  and  it 
seemed  to  be  conclusive  that  this  was  our  destination. 

"  We  entered  the  domicile.  Everything  was  fixed  up,  and 
the  old  trunk  being  placed  in  the  best  room,  the  process  of 
getting  acquainted  commenced.  This  is  very  simple.  For 
two  little  'quids'  climb  up  on  your  knee,  ask  for  your  knife 
and  offer  to  '  swop  '  at  once  on  terms  very  disadvantageous  to 
32 


c  40    '  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

you,  as  they  think  you  are  green.  To  convince  you  that 
there  is  no  gammon,  they  test  the  temper  of  their  blades 
upon  all  that  connects  your  buttons  with  your  garments. 
The  head  of  the  family  talking  at  the  same  time,  I  was  con 
vinced  that  there  were  some  words  in  the  English  language 
that  they  did  not  know,  and  many  out  of  it  that  I  did  not 
understand.  At  tea  the  character  of  the  family  was  reviewed 
and  the  biographies  of  individuals  were  related  in  the  most 
plain  and  unequivocal  terms.  The  materfamilias  had  a  tongue 
as  glib  as  a  great  ant-eater,  and  it  was  used  to  the  particular 
detriment  of  her  neighbors  and  to  the  praise  of  her  own  do 
mestic  arrangements,  which  certainly  needed  all. 

"  I  am  not  an  epicure,  and  if  I  had  been,  the  peculiar  ar 
rangements  of  the  college  clubs  would  have  eliminated  all 
such  superfluous  proclivities.  The  daily  mode  of  living  at 
the  committee's  was  the  antipodes  of  epicureanism.  In  my 
opinion,  the  diet  of  the  Grahamites  was  as  much  superior  to 
it,  as  the  feasts  of  the  gods  were  to  the  daily  meals  of  the 
lazarone,  Lazarus.  It  caused  me  to  think  how  the  frugal  fare 
of  Zeno,  the  stoic,  would  have  appeared  under  the  domestic 
arrangements  of  the  harpies.  For  their  distinct  dietetical 
system  was  founded  more  in  accordance  with  the  price  of 
corn  and  the  requirements  of  the  law  in  respect  to  a  peck  of 
dirt  than  the  physical  condition  of  the  partakers.  My  ex 
amination  for  a  teacher's  certificate  took  place  on  the  night 
of  my  arrival,  and  it  was  highly  interesting  to  witness  the 
feats  of  erudition  before  unheard  of  since  the  dark  ages. 
For  they,  being  untrammeled  by  most  of  the  customary  forms 
of  language,  were  in  a  good  situation  to  excite  the  wonder 
ment  of  one  so  unsophisticated. 

"  On  the  morrow  the  hour  for  commencing  the  literary  in 
struction  came,  and  with  it  the  scholars.  The  school-house 
was  an  old  red  fabric,  situated  at  the  cross-roads.  Just  behind 
could  be  seen  a  few  birches — a  grove  in  which  the  shrine  of 
education  is  often  placed — and  the  numberless  broken  boughs 
showed  that  the  worship  depended  very  much  upon  the  nature 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR.  c  ,  j 

of  the  surrounding  scenery.  It  was  an  old  building,  and  had 
occupied  the  same  position  in  the  community  for  many  years. 
It  had  sent  forth  many  enterprising  young  men,  as  vendors  of 
the  multifarious  modifications  of  time,  and  as  itinerent  physi 
cians  for  the  vagaries  of  lunatic  time-pieces.  It  had  given  a 
turn  to  many  a  youngster's  life  that  had  gone  with  him  to  the 
end.  Spelling-schools  numberless  had  taken  place  within  its 
walls;  hearts  had  been  lost  and  won;  innumerable  ' swop- 
pings  '  had  been  transacted ;  the  aromatic  bark  of  birches 
had  wasted  its  sweetness  on  the  obdurate  back  of  the  inveter 
ate  rogue.  In  the  plastering  above  were  the  remains  of  the 
blank  leaves  of  many  books — having  been  reduced  to  a  pulpy 
state,  by  a  process  well-known  to  idle  urchins,  and  then  pro 
jected  with  unerring  aim  to  their  destined  location.  Here  the 
weary  pedagogue  had  spent  his  energies,  and  counted  the 
dragging  hours  in  pouring  knowledge  through  youthful  heads, 
wondering  why  the  alphabet  was  not  innate  as  a  matter  of  con 
venience. 

"  However,  my  school  commenced.  It  was  composed  of 
motley  races  of  brats.  There  were  nearly  all  the  goddesses, 
all  the  saints,  and  many  of  the  wise-men  of  antiquity  nomin 
ally  present.  There  was  an  African  damsel,  a  score  of  as 
pirants  for  alphabetical  mastery,  and  many  a  specimen  of  the 
Yankee  swop -jack-knives.  The  most  prominent  object  was 
the  oldest  boy  in  school  descanting  upon  the  merits  of  some 
wooden  combs,  and  endeavoring  to  negotiate  a  sale  with  some 
small  boys.  I  should  be  happy  to  give  the  experience  in  the 
school-room  if  time  and  space  would  permit.  There  was  but 
one  battle — a  strong  farmer's  boy  endeavored  to  overthrow 
your  humble  servant,  and  his  authority  at  the  same  time,  but, 
thanks  to  agility  and  gymnastic  practice,  there  was  a  triumph 
for  the  teacher.  Beware  of  trusting  to  the  statistical  calcula 
tions  of  committee-men  in  respect  to  the  number  of  the 
scholars,  for  they  are  as  fallacious  as  the  idea  of  getting  your 
pay.  And,  when  you  have  over  forty  youngsters  learning  the 
rudiments  of  an  education,  do  not  delude  yourself  by  com 
plying  with  the  directions  to  hear  them  four  times  a  day." 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER   II. 

ARTHUR   AS    A    LAWYER. 

ON  graduating,  the  predilection  young  Ar 
thur  had  shown  during  his  college  course 
was  allowed  its  opportunity,  and  he  en 
tered  the  law  school  at  Ballston  Springs.  Two 
years  of  study  here,  and  he  gravitated  back  to  a 
former  occupation,  teaching,  accepting  the  place 
of  principal  at  the  North  Pownal  Academy,  Ben- 
nington  County,  Vermont.  This  was  in  1851. 
By  rigid  economy  and  hard  work  he  had  managed 
to  save  five  hundred  dollars,  and  with  this  in  his 
pocket  he  went  to  New  York,  and  entered  the  law 
office  of  Erastus  D.  Culver,  afterward  minister  to 
one  of  the  South  American  States,  and  a  judge 
of  the  Civil  Court  of  Brooklyn.  Soon  after  enter 
ing  Judge  Culver's  office,  he  was — in  1852 — ad 
mitted  to  the  bar,  and  formed  the  firm  of  Culver, 
Partsen  &  Arthur,  which  was  dissolved  in  1837. 
No  sooner  had  he  won  his  title  to  appear  in 
the  courts,  than  he  formed  a  partnership  with 
an  old  friend,  Henry  D.  Gardner,  with  an  in 
tention  of  practicing  in  the  West,  and  for  three 
months  these  young  gentlemen  roamed  through 
the  Western  States  in  search  of  a  place  to  lo 
cate.  In  the  end,  not  satisfied,  they  returned  to 
New  York,  and  began  a  practice,  successful  al- 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR.  ~  .  ~ 

most  from  the  start,  and  which  lasted  ten  years, 
till  1865,  when  Mr.  Arthur  continued  on  alone. 

Mr.  Arthur,  soon  after  being  called  to  the  bar, 
married  a  daughter  of  Lieutenant  Herndon,  who 
died  last  January,  leaving  two  children,  a  son  of 
fourteen,  and  a  daughter  of  eight. 

The  law  career  of  Mr.  Arthur  includes  some 
notable  cases.  One  of  his  first  cases  was  the  cele 
brated  Lemmon  suit.  In  1852  Jonathan  and  Juliet 
Lemmon,  Virginia  slaveholders,  intending  to  emi 
grate  to  Texas,  went  to  New  York  to  await  the 
sailing  of  a  steamer,  bringing  eight  slaves  with 
them.  A  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was  obtained  from 
Judge  Paine  to  test  the  question  whether  the  pro 
visions  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  law  were  in  force  in 

o 

that  State.  Judge  Paine  rendered  a  decision, 
holding  that  they  were  not,  and  ordering  the  Lem 
mon  slaves  to  be  liberated.  Henry  L.  Clinton 
was  one  of  the  counsel  for  the  slaveholders.  A 
howl  of  rage  went  up  from  the  South,  and  the 
Virginia  Legislature  authorized  the  Attorney-Gen 
eral  of  that  State  to  assist  in  taking  an  appeal. 
William  M.  Evarts  and  Chester  A.  Arthur  were 
employed  to  represent  the  people,  and  they  won 
their  case,  which  then  \vent  to  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States.  Charles  O'Connor  here 
espoused  the  cause  of  the  slaveholders,  but  he, 
too,  was  beaten  by  Messrs.  Evarts  and  Arthur, 
and  a  long  step  was  thus  taken  toward  the  eman 
cipation  of  the  black  race. 


CAA  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

Even  as  late  as  1856  colored  people  were  not 
permitted  to  ride  on  the  Fourth  Avenue  street 
cars.  Lizzie  Jennings,  a  colored  woman  of  excel 
lent  character,  superintendent  of  a  Sunday-school, 
was  roughly  expelled  from  a  Fourth  Avenue  car 
because  she  was  black.  She  brought  a  suit  against 
the  railroad  company,  and  applied  to  Mr.  Arthur 
for  advice.  He  accepted  charge  of  the  case,  and 
managed  it  before  Judge  Rockwell,  in  a  Brooklyn 
court.  The  jury  gave  a  verdict  of  five  hundred 
dollars  damages  in  favor  of  the  colored  woman. 
The  five  hundred  dollars  was  paid  by  the  railroad 
company,  and  the  next  day  the  company  issued  an 
order  to  permit  colored  persons  to  ride  on  their 
cars,  and  the  other  car  companies  quickly  followed 
their  example.  Before  that  the  Sixth  Avenue 
Company  ran  a  few  special  cars  for  colored  per 
sons,  and  the  other  lines  refused  to  let  them  ride 
at  all. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  E.  D.  Morgan  was 
elected  Governor  of  New  York,  and  in  making 
up  his  staff  he  appointed  Mr.  Arthur  engineer-in- 
chief.  He  had  just  before  this  held  the  position 
of  Judge  Advocate  of  the  Second  Brigade,  State 
Militia.  He  was  a  little  later  appointed  inspector- 
general,  and  soon  after,  January  2/th,  1862,  was 
advanced  to  the  very  important  post  of  quarter 
master-general,  which  he  held  until  the  expiration 
of  Morgan's  term  of  office.  In  these  offices  he 
did  yeoman's  service  for  the  Government  in  the 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR.  r  ,  r 

545 

equipment  of  volunteers.     Of  his  services  then  a 
friend  wrote : 

"No  higher  encomium  can  be  passed  upon  him  than  the 
mention  of  the  fact  that,  although  the  war  account  of  the 
State  of  New  York  was  at  least  ten  times  larger  than  that  of 
any  other  State,  yet  it  was  the  first  audited  and  allowed  in 
Washington,  and  without  the  deduction  of  a  single  dollar, 
while  the  quartermasters'  accounts  from  other  States  were  re 
duced  from  one  to  ten  millions  of  dollars.  During  his  in 
cumbency  every  present  sent  to  him  was  immediately  returned. 
Among  others,  a  prominent  clothing-house  offered  him  a  mag 
nificent  uniform,  and  a  printing-house  proffered  a  costly 
saddle  and  trappings.  Both  gifts  were  indignantly  rejected. 
When  he  became  quartermaster  he  was  poor.  When  his  term 
expired  he  was  poorer  still.  He  had  opportunities  to  make 
millions  unquestioned.  Contracts  larger  than  the  world  had 
ever  seen  were  at  his  disposal.  He  had  to  provide  for  the 
clothing,  arming  and  transportation  of  hundreds  of  thou 
sands  of  men.  So  zealous  was  he  of  his  integrity,  that  I  have 
known  instances  where  he  could  have  made  thousands  of 
dollars  legitimately  and  yet  he  refused  to  do  it,  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  a  public  officer  and  meant  to  be  like  Caesar's  wife 
— above  suspicion.  His  own  words  in  regard  to  this  amply 
illustrate  his  character:  'If  I  misappropriated  a  cent,  and 
in  walking  down  town  saw  two  men  talking  on  the  corner 
together,  I  would  imagine  that  they  w6re  talking  of  my  dis 
honesty,  and  the  very  thought  would  drive  me  mad.'  ' 

In  July,  1862,  he  was  invited  to  be  present  at  a 
secret  meeting  of  the  loyal  governors,  held  in  New 
York,  for  discussing  measures  to  provide  troops 
to  carry  on  the  war.  He  was  the  only  person  pres 
ent  who  was  not  a  governor.  In  the  same  year 
he  was  on  duty  on  the  staff  of  Major-General 


546 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


Hunt,  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  as  inspector 
of  New  York  troops  in  the  field.  At  the  expira 
tion  of  Governor  Morgan's  term,  he  returned  to 
his  la'w  practice,  and  business  of  the  most  lucra 
tive  character  poured  in.  Much  of  this  work  con 
sisted  in  the  collection  of  war  claims  and  the  draft 
ing  of  important  bills  for  speedy  legislation.  In 
consequence,  a  great  deal  of  his  time  was  spent  in 
Albany  and  Washington,  where  his  uniform  suc 
cess  won  him  a  national  reputation.  For  a  short 
time  he  held  the  position  of  counsel  to  the  Board 
of  Tax  Commissioners,  at  a  salary  of  ten  thousand 
dollars  per  annum.  In  1871,  he  formed  a  partner 
ship  with  Mr.  Ransom,  and  later  with  Mr.  Phelps, 
the  present  district  attorney  of  New  York  City, 
and  he  is  now  the  senior  member  of  the  firm  of 
Arthur,  Phelps,  Knevals  &  Ransom. 

Like  his  predecessor,  he  is  an  ardent  disciple  of 
Walton,  and  a  member  of  the  Restigouche  Salmon 
Fishing  Club.  He  is  a  man  of  great  culture  and 
wide  experience,  with  manners  of  the  utmost 
geniality.  He  and  his  home  are  thus  described : 

"In  person  he  is  over  six  feet  high,  but  he  does 
not  resemble  overmuch  the  pictures  that  the  papers  have 
published  of  him.  In  these,  as  in  his  lithographic  likenesses, 
he  is  given  an  Arthur  Sullivan  chin,  that  double  fold, 
English,  beefy  and  unpleasant.  General  Arthur  has  not  this 
actually.  His  face  is  full,  fat  and  fair.  It  is  clean  shaven 
except  for  the  thin  gray  whiskers.  -  No  one  feature  is  more 
marked  than  another,  and  yet  to  look  at  his  placid  eyes,  it  is 
most  natural  and  easy  to  believe  that  a  greater  intellectual 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


force  exists  behind  their  somewhat  listless  gaze  than  is  at 
first  apparent.  Being  a  lawyer  he  has  that  sense  of  judicial 
fairness,  that  poise  of  manner  and  judgment  that  always  com 
bines  to  make  a  good  presiding  officer  of  any  legislative  body. 
There  is  nothing  about  him  of  the  politician,  as  so  many 
might  suppose  from  the  career  he  has  led.  He  does  not  talk 
in  offensive  accents,  his  voice  is  low  and  gentlemanly.  He 
dresses  in  perfect  good  taste  ;  at  present,  entirely  in  black. 
He  is  fairly  corpulent  as  his  pictures  very  well  suggest.  His 
hair  is  dark,  his  eyes  are  brown. 

"There  is  little  in  Lexington  Avenue  to  distinguish  one 
block  from  another.  No.  123  is  just  one  of  the  dozen  in  its 
own  particular  block  near  Sixteenth  Street.  Here  Chester  A. 
Arthur  lives.  Inside  the  house  is  exactly  what  was.  to  be  ex 
pected.  It  is  a  house  in  which  gold  and  white  was  selected  for 
the  drawing-room.  At  present  all  the  beauties  of  furnishing 
are  beneath  the  homely  ban  of  furniture  covers.  The  gilt 
gasoliers  are  swathed  in  musquito-net,  so  are  the  pictures. 
Enough  of  these  can,  however,  be  seen  to  testify  that  the 
dweller  here  is  a  man  of  correct  taste.  The  cattle  pieces  are 
all  better  than  Verbockhoven  ever  drew;  the  quaint  bit  of  still 
life  beside  the  mantle,  looks  to  be,  from  where  you  sit,  a  gen 
uine  Teneirs.  Its  companion  is,  perhaps,  an  Ostade.  Upon 
the  low  book-cases,  that  contain  some  handsome  volumes,  are 
some  excellent  bronzes,  one  a  spirited  group  just  over  your 
host's  shoulder  looks  to  be  Russian  handiwork.  It  certainly 
is  a  Cossack  horse.  General  Arthur  undoubtedly  has  been  a 
traveler  in  his  fancies,  and  yet,  he  is  a  man  who  cares  for 
cushions  and  comfort.  His  parlor  has  no  stiff  furniture.  The 
tete-a-tete  is  a  very  easy  one,  the  arm-chairs  are  generous  in 
in  proportion,  and  generous  in  stuffing.  Near  the  fire-place 
a  handsome  silk  screen  shows  a  monogram  in  rainbow-colored 
silk,  the  work  of  deft  fingers.  But  it  is  impossible  to  take  a 
mental  inventory  and  participate  in  your  host's  conversation. 
Turn  your  attention  to  him  rather  than  his." 


548 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


CHAPTER  III. 

ARTHUR    IN   POLITICS. 

MR.  ARTHUR  always  took  an  interest  in 
politics  and  the  political  surroundings  of 
his  day.  His  political  life  began  at  the 
age  of  fourteen,  as  a  champion  of  the  Whig 
party.  He  shared,  too,  in  the  turbulence  of 
political  life  at  that  period,  and  it  is  related  of  him 
during  the  Polk-Clay  canvass  that,  while  he  and 
some  of  his  companions  were  raising  an  ash  pole 
in  honor  of  Henry  Clay,  some  Democratic  boys 
attacked  the  party  of  Whigs,  and  young  Arthur, 
who  was  the  recognized  leader  of  the  party,  or 
dered  a  charge,  and,  taking  the  front  ranks  him 
self,  drove  the  young  Democrats  from  the  field 
with  broken  heads  and  subdued  spirits.  He  was 
a  delegate  to  the  Saratoga  Convention  that 
founded  the  Republican  party  in  New  York  State. 
He  was  active  in  local  politics,  and  he  gradually 
became  one  of  the  leaders.  He  nominated,  and 
by  his  efforts  elected  the  Hon.  Thomas  Murphy  a 
State  Senator.  When  the  latter  resigned  the 
Collectorship  of  the  Port,  in  November,  1871,  he 
was  nominated  by  President  Grant  to  the  vacancy. 
The  nomination  came  to  him  as  a  great  sur 
prise.  The  post  was  offered  to  ex-Congressman 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


John  A.  Griswold,  of  Troy,  and,  on  his  declining, 
to  William  Orton,  who  also  declined.  They  both 
joined  in  recommending  General  Arthur.  He 
was  appointed  November  2Oth.  Upon  the  expi 
ration  of  his  four  years'  term,  he  had  so  accepta 
bly  filled  the  post,  that  he  was  reappointed  and 
unanimously  confirmed  by  the  Senate  without  the 
usual  reference  to  a  committee,  a  compliment 
usually  reserved  for  ex-Senators.  He  was  re 
moved  by  President  Hayes  on  July  I2th,  1878, 
despite  the  fact  that  two  special  committees  made 
searching  investigation  into  his  administration, 
and  both  reported  themselves  unable  to  find  any 
thing  upon  which  to  base  a  charge  against  him. 
In  their  pronunciamentos  announcing  the  change, 
both  President  Hayes  and  Secretary  Sherman 
bore  official  witness  to  the  purity  of  his  acts  while 
in  office.  A  petition  for  his  retention  was  signed 
by  every  Judge  of  every  court  in  the  city,  by  all 
the  prominent  members  of  the  bar,  and  by  nearly 
every  important  merchant  in  the  collection  dis 
trict,  but  this  General  Arthur  himself  suppressed. 
In  a  letter  to  Secretary  Sherman,  reviewing  the 
work  of  one  of  the  investigating  committees, 
General  Arthur  produced  statistics  to  show  that 
during  his  term  of  over  six  years  in  office  the  per 
centage  of  removals  was  only  two  and  three-quar 
ters,  against  an  annual  average  of  about  twenty- 
eight  per  cent,  under  his  three  immediate  prede 
cessors,  and  an  annual  average  of  about  twenty- 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


four  per  cent,  since  1857.  Of  the  nine  hundred 
and  twenty-three  persons  in  office  prior  to  his  ap 
pointment,  five  hundred  and  thirty-one  were  still 
retained  on  May  ist,  1877.  All  appointments 
except  two  to  the  one  hundred  positions  com 
manding  salaries  of  two  thousand  dollars  per 
year  were  made  on  the  plan  of  advancing  men 
from  the  lower  to  the  higher  grades  on  the  re 
commendation  of  heads  of  bureaus.  The  reforms 
which  General  Arthur  instituted  in  the  methods 
of  doing  business  in  the  custom-house  were  as 
numerous  as  they  were  grateful  to  the  mercantile 
community.  Since  his  removal  he  has  been  en 
gaged  in  the  practice  of  the  law,  and  in  the  direc 
tion  of  Republican  politics  in  the  State,  being 
Chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Committee, 
and  has  always  contributed  greatly,  by  successful 
management,  to  the  success  of  the  Republican 
ticket. 

He  was  nominated  at  Chicago  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent,  at  the  evening  session  of  the  convention,  on 
Tuesday,  June  loth.  The  convention  met  with 
out  plan  in  regard  to  completing  the  ticket.  No 
body  cared  for  delay  and  the  roll  was  promptly 
called  for  nominations  for  Vice-President. 

California  presented  E.  B.  Washburne  ;  Con 
necticut  brought  out  ex-Governor  Jewell;  Florida 
handed  in  the  name  of  Judge  Settle  ;  Tennessee 
urged  Horace  Maynard.  But  these  attracted 
little  attention.  Then  ex-Lieutenant-Governor 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR.  ,- rr  i 

Woodford  rose  in  the  New  York  delegation,  and 
standing  upon  his  seat,  and  after  a  brief  reference 
to  the  loyal  support  which  New  York  had  given 
to  General  Grant,  said  that  New  York  could  not 
be  behind  any  in  support  of  the  candidate  nomi 
nated  to-day,  and  he  presented  the  name  of  Gen 
eral  C.  A.  Arthur  for  the  second  place  on  the 
ticket.  The  nomination  was  received  with  a 
good  deal  of  applause  in  the  New  York  dele 
gation. 

It  was  seconded  by  Governor  Dennison,  of  Ohio, 
and  immediately  supported  by  a  speech  from 
Storrs,  of  Illinois,  in  behalf  of  Arthur  and  a  sug 
gestion  from  Filley,  of  Missouri,  that  the  nomina 
tion  be  made  by  acclamation,  it  was  apparent  to 
every  one  what  had  been  going  on  during  the  re 
cess — Arthur  had  become  Garfield's  choice  for 
Vice-President,  and  the  Ohio  men,  with  the  help 
of  the  old  guard  of  the  Grant  hosts,  had  arranged 
to  put  him  through.  As  a  general  thing,  the 
crowd  had  very  little  interest  for  another  candi 
date.  They  were  impatient  for  a  ballot,  and 
hooted  at  succeeding  speakers.  Hicks,  of  Florida, 
finally  withdrew  Settle's  name,  and  was  followed 
by  Cessna,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  said  that  the 
great  Keystone  State  seconded  Arthur's  nomina 
tion.  A  ballot  was  finally  reached.  Its  result 
was  so  generally  foreseen  that  no  particular  con 
cern  was  manifested  over  it.  There  was  some 
cheering,  but  the  enthusiasm  of  this  extraordinary 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


convention  had  about  worn  out.  The  ballot  stood: 
Arthur,  468;  Washburne,  19;  Maynard,  30; 
Jewell,  44;  Bruce,  8;  Woodford,  i;  Davis,  2. 
The  nomination  of  Arthur  was  made  unanimous, 
on  motion  of  California,  and  then  a  committee 
of  one  from  each  State,  with  Senator  Hoar  for 
chairman,  was  appointed  to  notify  the  candidates 
of  their  nomination.  Filley,  of  Missouri,  then 
got  in  a  motion  to  adjourn  sine  die,  which  was 
carried. 

General  Arthur,  in  returning  to  his  home,  ar 
rived  in  New  York  on  Wednesday  evening,  at 
seven  o'clock,  and  met  with  a  highly-flattering  re 
ception  from  his  friends  and  fellow-citizens.  A 
multitude  filled  the  sidewalks  and  the  doors  of  the 
Forty-second  Street  front  of  the  depot  at  half-past 
six,  a  more  influential  assemblage  probably  than 
ever  before  gathered  at  that  place  ;  for,  instead  of 
the  curiosity-seekers  that  have  followed  in  the 
wake  of  Presidents  of  the  United  States  who  have 
entered  the  city  or  departed  from  it  through  the 
Grand  Central  Depot,  the  men  who  waited  on 
that  sidewalk  and  in  the  corridors  were  of  New 
York's  best,  assembled  to  attest  their  grateful 
sense  of  the  honor  that  a  national  convention  had 
bestowed  upon  one  of  their  neighbors.  There 
were  thirty-five  members  of  the  Ninth  Ward  Re 
publican  Association,  and  the  associations  in  all 
the  Assembly  districts  were  well  represented.  The 
moment  General  Arthur  stepped  from  the  train, 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 

"  Three  cheers  for  the  next  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  !"  was  shouted.  They  were  given 
with  a  will,  and  with  them  a  tiger.  Three  more. 
Then  three  cheers  and  a  tiger  for  General  Chester 
A.  Arthur,  and  the  cheering  was  continued.  The 
general  greeted  a  relative,  and  then  shook  hands 
with  Mr.  Thomas  A.  Acton,  Superintendent  of  the 
Assay  Office  ;  then  with  Colonel  Charles  Rikel, 
of  the  Army  and  Navy  Club,  and  then  with  Mr. 
George  Bliss,  Justice  Morgan,  Mr.  Benjamin  K. 
Phelps  and  Assistant  District  Attorney  Daniel  G. 
Rollins. 

Then  turning  to  the  multitude,  who  had  ceased 
their  huzzas  and  were  waiting  for  a  speech,  he 
said  :  "  I  thank  you  for  this  kind  reception,  and 
am  glad  to  see  your  familiar  faces  again."  Cheer 
upon  cheer  followed,  and  the  general,  supported 
by  Mr.  Thomas  C.  Acton  and  Mr.  Sheridan  Shook, 
walked  out  and  drove  home.  At  night  the  Re 
publicans  of  New  York  serenaded  him,  the  ren 
dezvous  being  made  at  the  plaza,  in  Union  Square, 
at  nine  o'clock.  There  was  an  immense  turnout, 
and  the  line  marched  in  procession  to  his  resi 
dence,  in  Lexington  Avenue,  with  music  and  fire 
works. 

General  Arthur's  acceptance  of  the  nomination 
is  as  follows  : 


YORK,  July  i5th,  1880. 

DEAR  SIR:  I   accept  the  position  assigned  me  by  the 
great  party  whose  action  you   announce.     This   acceptance 


" 


CCA  LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 

implies  approval  of  the  principles  declared  by  the  convention, 
but  recent  usage  permits  me  to  add  some  expression  of  my 
own  views.  The  right  and  duty  to  secure  honesty  and  order 
in  popular  elections  is  a  matter  so  vital  that  it  must  stand  in 
front.  The  authority  of  the  National  Government  to  preserve 
from  fraud  and  force  elections  at  which  its  officers  are  chosen 
is  a  chief  point  on  which  the  two  parties  are  plainly  and  in 
tensely  opposed.  Acts  of  Congress  for  ten  years  have,  in 
New  York  and  elsewhere,  done  much  to  curb  the  violence  and 
wrong  to  which  the  ballot  and  the  count  have  been  again  and 
again  subjected — sometimes  despoiling  great  cities,  sometimes 
stifling  the  voice  of  a  whole  State ;  often  seating,  not  only  in 
Congress,  but  on  the  bench,  and  in  legislatures,  numbers  of 
men  never  chosen  by  the  people.  The  Democratic  party, 
since  gaining  possession  of  the  two  houses  of  Congress,  has 
made  these  just  laws  the  object  of  bitter,  ceaseless  assault, 
and,  despite  all  resistance,  has  hedged  them  with  restrictions 
cunningly  contrived  to  baffle  and  paralyze  them.  This  ag 
gressive  majority  boldly  attempted  to  extort  from  the  Execu 
tive  his  approval  of  various  enactments  destructive  of  these 
election  laws,  by  revolutionary  threats  that  a  constitutional 
exercise  of  the  veto  power  would  be  punished  by  withholding 
the  appropriations  necessary  to  carry  on  the  Government. 
And  these  threats  were  actually  carried  out  by  refusing  the 
needed  appropriations,  and  by  forcing  an  extra  session  of 
Congress,  lasting  for  months,  and  resulting  in  concessions  to 
this  usurping  demand,  which  are  likely,  in  many  States,  to 
subject  the  majority  to  the  lawless  will  of  a  minority.  Omi 
nous  signs  of  public  disapproval  alone  subdued  this  arrogant 
power  into  a  sullen  surrender,  for  the  time  being,  of  a  part  of 
its  demands.  The  Republican  party  has  strongly  approved 
the  stern  refusal  of  its  representatives  to  suffer  the  overthrow 
of  statutes  believed  to  be  salutary  and  just.  It  has  always  in 
sisted,  and  now  insists,  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  of  America  is  empowered,  and  in  duty  bound  to  effec 
tually  protect  the  elections  denoted  by  fhe  Constitution  as 
national. 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


555 


"More  than  this,  the  Republican  party  holds,  as  a  cardinal 
point  in  its  creed,  that  the  Government  should,  by  every 
means  known  to  the  Constitution,  protect  all  American 
citizens  everywhere  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  civil  and 
political  rights.  As  a  great  part  of  its  work  of  reconstruc 
tion,  the  Republican  party  gave  the  ballot  to  the  emanci 
pated  slave  as  his  right  and  defense.  A  large  increase  in  the 
number  of  members  of  Congress,  and  of  the  Electoral  Col 
lege,  from  the  former  slave-holding  States,  was  the  imme 
diate  result.  The  history  of  recent  years  abounds  in  evi 
dence  that  in  many  ways  and  in  many  places — especially 
where  their  number  has  been  great  enough  to  endanger  Demo 
cratic  control — the  very  men  by  whose  elevation  to  citizen 
ship  this  increase  of  representation  was  effected  have  been 
debarred  and  robbed  of  their  voice  and  their  vote.  It  is 
true  that  no  State  statute  or  Constitution  in  so  many  words 
denies  or  abridges  the  exercise  of  their  political  rights;  but 
the  modes  employed  to  bar  their  way  are  no  less  effectual. 
It  is  a  suggestive  and  startling  thought  that  the  increased 
power  derived  from  the  enfranchisement  of  a  race  now  de 
nied  its  share  in  governing  the  country — wielded  by  those 
who  lately  sought  the  overthrow  of  the  Government — is  now 
the  sole  reliance  to  defeat  the  party  which  represented  the 
sovereignty  and  nationality  of  the  American  people  in  the 
greatest  crisis  of  our  history.  Republicans  cherish  none  of 
the  resentments  which  may  have  animated  them  during  the 
actual  conflict  of  arms.  They  long  for  a  full  and  real  recon 
ciliation  between  the  sections  which  were  needlessly  and  la 
mentably  at  strife ;  they  .sincerely  offer  the  hand  of  good 
will,  but  they  ask  in  return  a  pledge  of  good  faith.  They 
deeply  feel  that  the  party,  whose  career  is  so  illustrious  in 
great  and  patriotic  achievement,  will  not  fulfill  its  destiny 
until  peace  and  prosperity  are  established  in  all  the  land,  nor 
until  liberty  of  thought,  conscience  and  action,  and  equality 
of  opportunity  shall  be  not  merely  cold  formalities  of  statute, 
but  living  birthrights,  which  the  humble  may  confidently 
claim  and  the  powerful  dare  not  deny. 
33 


556 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


"The  resolution  referring  to  the  public  service  seems  to  me 
deserving  of  approval.  Surely,  no  man  should  be  the  encum- 
bent  of  an  office  the  duties  of  which  he  is,  for  any  cause,  un 
fit  to  perform,  who  is  lacking  in  the  ability,  fidelity,  or 
integrity  which  a  proper  administration  of  such  office 
demands.  This  sentiment  would  doubtless  meet  with  general 
acquiescence,  but  opinion  has  been  widely  divided  upon  the 
wisdom  and  practicability  of  the  various  reformatory  schemes 
which  have  been  suggested,  and  of  certain  proposed  regula 
tions  governing  appointments  to  public  office.  The  efficiency 
of  such  regulations  have  been  distrusted,  mainly  because  they 
have  seemed  to  exalt  mere  educational  and  abstract  tests 
above  general  business  capacity,  and  even  special  fitness  for 
the  particular  work  in  hand.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  rules 
which  should  be  applied  to  the  management  of  the  public  ser 
vice  may  properly  conform,  in  the  main,  to  such  as  regulate 
the  conduct  of  successful  private  business.  Original  appoint 
ments  should  be  based  upon  ascertained  fitness.  The  tenure 
of  office  should  be  stable.  Positions  of  responsibility  should, 
so  far  as  practicable,  be  filled  by  the  promotion  of  worthy 
and  efficient  officers.  The  investigation  of  all  complaints, 
and  the  punishment  of  all  official  misconduct,  should  be 
prompt  and  thorough.  These  views,  which  I  have  long  held, 
repeatedly  declared  and  uniformly  applied  when  called  upon 
to  act,  I  find  embodied  in  the  resolution,  which,  of  course,  I 
approve.  I  will  add  that,  by  the  acceptance  of  public  office, 
whether  high  or  low,  one  does  not,  in  my  judgment,  escape 
any  of  his  responsibilities  as  a  citizen,  or  lose  or  impair  any 
of  his  rights  as  a  citizen,  and  that  he  should  enjoy  absolute 
liberty  to  think  and  speak  and  act  in  political  matters  ac 
cording  to  his  own  will  and  conscience,  provided  only  that 
he  honorably,  faithfully  and  fully  discharges  all  his  official 
duties. 

"The  resumption  of  specie  payments — one  of  the  fruits  of 
Republican  policy — has  brought  the  return  of  abundant  pros 
perity,  and  the  settlement  of  many  distracting  questions. 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


The  restoration  of  sound  money,  the  large  reduction  of  our 
public  debt  and  of  the  burden  of  interest,  the  high  advancement 
of  the  public  credit,  all  attest  the  ability  and  courage  of  the 
Republican  party  to  deal  with  such  financial  problems  as  may 
hereafter  demand  solution.  Our  paper  currency  is  now  as 
good  as  gold,  and  silver  is  performing  its  legitimate  function 
for  the  purpose  of  change.  The  principles  which  should 
govern  the  relations  of  these  elements  of  the  currency  are 
simple  and  clear.  There  must  be  no  deteriorated  coin,  no 
depreciated  paper.  And  every  dollar,  whether  of  metal  or 
paper,  should  stand  the  test  of  the  world's  fixed  standard. 

"  The  value  of  popular  education  can  hardly  be  overstated. 
Although  its  interests  must  of  necessity  be  chiefly  confided  to 
voluntary  effort  and  the  individual  action  of  the  several  States, 
they  should  be  encouraged,  so  far  as  the  Constitution  permits, 
by  the  generous  co-operation  of  the  National  Government. 
The  interests  of  the  whole  country  demand  that  the  advan 
tages  of  our  common  school  system  should  be  brought  within 
the  reach  of  every  citizen,  and  that  no  revenues  of  the  nation 
or  of  the  State  should  be  devoted  to  the  support  of  sectarian 
schools. 

"  Such  changes  should  be  made  in  the  present  tariff  and 
system  of  taxation,  as  will  relieve  any  over-burdened  industry 
or  class,  and  enable  our  manufacturers  and  artisans  to  com 
pete  successfully  with  those  of  other  lands. 

"The  Government  should  aid  works  of  internal  improve 
ment  national  in  their  character,  and  should  promote  the  de 
velopment  of  our  water-courses  and  harbors  wherever  the 
general  interests  of  commerce  require. 

"  Four  years  ago,  as  now,  the  nation  stood  at  the  threshold 
of  a  presidential  election,  and  the  Republican  party,  in  so 
liciting  a  continuance  of  its  ascendency,  founded  its  hopes  of 
success,  not  upon  its  promises,  but  upon  its  history.  Its  sub 
sequent  course  has  been  such  as  to  strengthen  the  claims 
which  it  then  made  to  the  confidence  and  support  of  the 
country.  On  the  other  hand,  considerations  more  urgent 


558 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  CAREER  OF 


than  have  ever  before  existed  forbid  the  accession  of  its  op 
ponents  to  power.  Their  success,  if  success  'attends  them, 
must  chiefly  come  from  the  united  support  of  that  section  which 
sought  the  forcible  disruption  of  the  Union,  and  which,  ac 
cording  to  all  the  teachings  of  our  past  history,  will  demand 
ascendency  in  the  councils  of  the  party  to  whose  triumph  it 
will  have  made  by  far  the  largest  contribution. 

"There  is  the  gravest  reason  for  apprehension  that  ex 
orbitant  claims  upon  the  public  treasury,  by  no  means  limited 
to  the  hundreds  of  millions  already  covered  by  bills  intro 
duced  in  Gongress  within  the  past  four  years,  would  be  suc 
cessfully  urged  if  the  Democratic  party  should  succeed  in 
supplementing  its  present  control  of  the  National  Legislature 
by  electing  the  Executive  also. 

"  There  is  danger  in  intrusting  the  control  of  the  whole 
law-making  power  of  the  Government  to  a  party  which  has 
in  almost  every  Southern  State  repudiated  obligations  quite 
as  sacred  as  those  to  which  the  faith  of  the  nation  now  stands 
pledged. 

"  I  do  not  doubt  that  success  awaits  the  Republican  party, 
and  that  its  triumph  will  assure  a  just,  economical  and  pa 
triotic  administration.  I  am  respectfully,  your  obedient 
servant, 

"C.  A.  ARTHUR." 
To  the  HON.  GEORGE  F.  HOAR,  President  of  the  Republican  National 

Convention. 


APPENDIX. 


It  is  as  much  the  duty  of  all  good  men  to  protect  and  de 
fend  the  reputation  of  worthy  public  servants  as  to  detect  and 
punish  public  rascals. 

"A  Century  in  Congress,"  by  J.  A.  Garfield,  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly 
for  August,  1877. 


APPENDIX. 


561 


CHAPTER  I. 

A   VICTIM   TO    SUCCESS. 

PARTISAN  malignity  knows  no  rest,  it  is  active  as  the 
breeze  and  as  omnipresent.  No  opponent  is  ever 
allowed  to  live  unmolested  by  its  storm  of  abuse.  If 
nothing  can  be  said  against  him  with  truth,  some  slender 
thread  of  innocent  fact  is  taken  and  twisted  and  woven  into  a 
cloth  of  most  damning  color,  from  which  allegations  and 
slanders  illimitable  are  cut  with  wholesale  recklessness.  No 
innocence  of  motive,  no  purity  of  action  is  ever  allowed.  No 
matter,  a  long  life  of  daily  demonstrated  honesty  before 
the  action  so  frantically  condemned ;  no  matter,  a  purity  of 
existence  afterward,  that  is  but  a  later  link  in  the  chain  of  a 
perfect  life,  and  a  proof  of  the  victim's  integrity.  He  belongs 
to  a  different  party,  and  so  belonging,  must  suffer.  The  ac 
ceptance  of  office  is  the  signal  for  the  attack.  Henceforth, 
there  is  no  peace,  the  word  of  the  accused  counts  for  nothing, 
the  defense  of  his  friends  is  equally  valueless,  and  should  there 
be  those  among  his  enemies  who,  believing,  have  the  courage 
to  affirm  his  innocence,  their  testimony  is  jeered  at  by  their. 
own  friends  as  being  prompted  by  motives  of  personal  feeling 
rather  than  justice.  Nothing  is  allowed  to  be  true,  honest  or 
decent.  Everything  on  the  opposite  side  is  black,  black, 
black.  Public  virtue  is  a  thing  of  the  past,  public  vice  the 
only  merit  of  the  present.  You  are  a  pure,  high-minded 
statesman,  if  you  are  of  my  party ;  if  you  are  my  enemy,  you 
are  a  thief,  a  liar  and  a  perjurer  ! 

No  man  of  abiMty  ever  passes  through  a  term  at  the  na 
tional  capital  without  knowing  what  partisan  malignity  means. 
The  little  men  of  government  may  escape  it,  but  not  the 
great.  The  very  humanity  of  a  great  man  leads  him,  now 


562 


APPENDIX. 


and  then,  into  errors,  the  innocent  commission  of  which  will 
prove  the  text  for  more  personal  abuse  than  he,  in  his  opti 
mism  ever  imagined  to  exist.  He  shoots  his  arrow  in  all  confi 
dence  that  he  is  doing  no  more  than  his  ever-constant  probity 
directs  as  his  duty ;  he  has  not  selected  the  arrow  with  suffi 
ciently  careful  eye,  it  returns  and  wounds  him.  Because  it 
was  a  skillfully-arranged  trick  of  his  enemies.  For  trusting 
too  much  to  the  honesty  of  others,  for  thinking  that  the  great 
men  around  him  are  men  of  character,  for  believing  that  this 
world  is  good,  rather  than  bad,  he  is  tried  at  the  bar  of  par 
tisan  public  opinion,  condemned  with  lightning-like  parti 
ality  and  execrated  as  a  moral  criminal  for  that  he  did  not 
hold  his  associates  to  be  criminals,  and  consort  with  them 
accordingly. 

This  was  the  experience  of  James  A.  Garfield  at  the  na 
tional  capital.  And  we  introduce  here  the  subject  of  his  con 
nection  with  the  Credit  Mobilier  affair,  the  De  Golyer  Pave 
ment  Contract  and  the  Salary  Grab,  not  because  there  is  any 
necessity  for  restating  his  innocence — sufficiently  established 
over  and  over  again — but  because,  if  we  did  not,  there  are  those 
so  mentally  lopsided  as  to  hasten  to  affirm  that  we  believed  in 
the  charges,  because  we  made  no  mention  of  them.  Rather 
than  permit  a  misconception,  we  give  the  space  necessary  to 
effectually  lay  the  matters  forever  at  rest. 

The  three  matters  to  be  examined  are  the  Credit  Mobilier 
scandal,  the  De  Golyer  Contract  and  the  Salary  Grab.  We 
will  take  them  in  their  order. 

For  the  benefit  of  the  reader,  an  explanation  of  what  the 
Credit  Mobilier  was,  is  necessary:  The  Credit  Mobilier 
Company  was  a  corporation  organized  under  the  laws  of  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  authorized  by  its  charter  to  pur 
chase  and  sell  various  kinds  of  securities  and  to  make  ad 
vances  of  money  and  credit  to  railroad  and  other  improve 
ment  companies.  The  class  of  business  described  in  its 
charter,  was  such  as,  if  honestly  conducted,  the  most  upright 
citizen  might  properly  engage  in.  On  the  i6th  of  August, 


APPENDIX. 


563 


1867,  Oakcs  Ames  made  a  contract  with  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  Company  to  build  six  hundred  and  sixty-seven 
miles  of  road,  from  the  one  hundredth  meridian  westward, 
for  an  amount  aggregating  forty-seven  million  nine  hundred 
and  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  in  cash,  or  in  the  securities 
of  the  company.  On  the  i5th  of  October,  1867,  a  triple  con 
tract  was  made  between  Mr.  Ames  of  the  first  part,  seven  per 
sons  as  trustees  of  the  second  part,  and  the  Credit  Mobilier 
Company  of  the  third  part,  by  the  terms  of  which  the  Credit 
Mobilier  Company  was  to  advance  money  to  build  the  road 
and  to  receive  thereon  seven  per  cent,  interest  and  two  and 
a  half  per  cent,  commission ;  the  seven  trustees  were  to  exe 
cute  the  Ames'  contract  and  the  profits  were  to  be  divided 
among  them  and  such  other  stockholders  of  the  Credit  Mo 
bilier  Company  as  should  deliver  to  them  an  irrevocable 
proxy  to  vote  the  stock  of  the  Union  Pacific  held 'by  them. 
The  principal  stockholders  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company 
were  also  holders  of  a  majority  of  the  stock  of  the  Union 
Pacific  Railroad.  On  the  face  of  this  agreement,  the  part  to 
be  performed  by  the  Credit  Mobilier  as  a  corporation  was 
simple  and  unobjectionable,  being  simply  to  advance  money  to 
the  contractors  and  to  receive  therefor  about  ten  per  cent,  as 
interest  and  commissions.  But  the  facts  were  that  a  ring  in 
side  the  Credit  Mobilier  obtained  the  control  both  of  that 
corporation  and  of  the  profits  of  the  Ames'  contract.  The 
day  after  the  triple  contract  was  signed,  by  a  private  agree 
ment  made  in  writing,  the  seven  trustees  pledged  themselves  to 
each  other,  so  as  to  vote  all  the  Pacific  Railroad  stock  which 
they  held  in  their  own  right  or  by  proxy,  as  to  keep  in  power 
all  the  members  of  the  then  existing  Board  of  Directors  of 
the  railroad  company  not  appointed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  By  this  agreement,  a  majority  of  the  direc 
tors  were  within  the  power  of  the  seven  trustees. 

The  result  was  that  the  Ames'  contract  and  the  triple 
agreement,  amounted  in  fact  to  a  contract  made  by  seven 
leading  stockholders  of  the  Pacific  Railroad  with  themselves, 


APPENDIX. 


so  that  the  men  who  fixed  the  price  at  which  the  road  would 
be  built,  were  the  same  men  who  would  receive  the  profits  of 
the  contract.  Thus  the  guardians  of  a  great  public  trust  were 
enabled  to  contract  with  themselves  at  an  exorbitant  price, 
which  virtually  brought  into  their  possession,  as  private  indi 
viduals,  almost  all  the  property  of  the  railroad  company. 
The  six  hundred  and  sixty-seven  miles  covered  by  the  con 
tract  included  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  miles  already 
completed — the  profits  on  which  inured  to  the  benefit  of  the 
contractors.  Before  the  connection  with  the  Ames'  contract 
the  Credit  Mobilier  Company  had  already  been  engaged  in 
several  non-remunerative  enterprises,  and  its  stock  was  below 
par.  The  triple  contract  of  October,  1867,  gave  it  at  once 
considerable  additional  value.  It  should  be  borne  in  mind, 
however,  that  the  relations  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  Company 
to  the  seven  trustees  to  the  Oakes  Ames'  contract,  and  to  the 
Pacific  Railroad  Company  were  known  to  but  few  persons, 
and  they  kept  them  secret  until  long  afterward.  Nothing  was 
known  of  it  to  the  general  public  until  the  facts  were  brought 
out  in  the  investigations. 

In  view  of  the  facts  as  above  stated,  it  is  evident  that  a 
purchaser  of  such  shares  of  Credit  Mobilier  stock  as  were 
brought  under  the  operation  of  the  triple  contract,  would  be 
a  sharer  in  the  profits  derived  by  that  arrangement  from  the 
assets  of  the  Pacific  Railroad,  a  large  part  of  which  consisted 
of  bonds  and  lands  granted  to  the  road  by  the  United  States. 
The  holding  of  such  stock  by  a  member  of  Congress  would 
depend  for  its  moral  qualities  wholly  upon  the  fact  whether 
he  did  or  did  not  know  of  the  arrangement  out  of  which  the 
profits,  would  come.  If  he  knew  of  the  fraudulent  arrange 
ment  by  which  the  lands  and  bonds  of  t>he  United  States  de 
livered  to  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  constructing  its  road,  were  to  be  paid  out  at  enorm 
ously  extravagant  rates,  and  the  proceeds  to  be  paid  out  as 
dividends  to  a  ring  of  stockholders  made  the  Credit  Mobilier 
Company,  he  could  not  with  any  propriety  hold  such  stock  or 


APPENDIX. 


565 


agree  to  hold  it  or  any  of  its  proceeds.  If  it  was  morally 
wrong  to  purchase  it,  it  was  morally  wrong  to  hesitate  whether 
to  purchase  it  or  not. 

That  was  the  company  and  its  operations,  and  we  have 
drawn  the  offense  on  its  highest  ethical  ground. 

Now,  the  charges  against  General  Garfield,  in  connection 
with  the  company,  are  as  follows  : 

(i.)  That  Mr.  Garfield,  soon  after  the  beginning  of  the 
session  of  1867-68,  agreed  to  take  ten  shares  of  the  stock  of 
the  said  company,  at  par  and  accrued  interest.  (2.)  That 
Oakes  Ames  paid  to  Mr.  Garfield  three  hundred  and  twenty- 
nine  dollars,  as  a  balance  of  dividends  on  stock  in  this  dis 
reputable  transaction.  (3.)  That  he  was  convicted  of  this  by 
the  (Poland)  committee  that  sat  to  investigate  the  Credit 
Mobilier.  (4.)  That  the  committee,  inferentially,  in  their 
report  accused  Mr.  Garfield  of  having  lied  in  regard  to  the 
affair. 

In  refuting  these,  let  us  take  them  up  separately,  as  num 
bered.  First.  On  this  point  we  have  Mr.  Garfield 's  testi 
mony  before  the  Poland  committee  (pp.  128,  129) : 

"The  first  I  ever  heard  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  was  some 
time  in  1866  or  1867 — I  cannot  fix  the  date — when  George 
Francis  Train  called  on  me,  and  said  he  was  organizing  a 
company  to  be  known  as  the  Credit  Mobilier  of  America,  to 
be  formed  on  the  model  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  of  France; 
that  the  object  of  the  company  was  to  purchase  lands  and 
build  houses  along  the  line  of  the  Pacific  Railroad,  at  points 
where  cities  and  villages  were  likely  to  spring  up ;  that  he 
had  no  doubt  the  money  thus  invested  would  double  or  treble 
itself  each  year ;  that  subscriptions  were  limited  to  one  thou 
sand  dollars  each,  and  he  wished  me  to  subscribe.  He 
showed  me  a  long  list  of  subscribers,  among  them  Mr.  Oakes 
Ames,  to  whom  he  referred  me  for  further  information  con 
cerning  the  enterprise.  I  answered  that  I  had  not  the  money 
to  spare,  and  if  I  had,  I  would  not  subscribe  without  knowing 
more  about  the  proposed  organization.  Mr.  Train  left  me, 
saying  he  would  hold  a  place  open  for  me,  and  hoped  I  would 
yet  conclude  to  subscribe.  The  same  day  I  asked  Mr.  Ames 
what  he  thought  of  the  enterprise.  He  expressed  the  opinion 


566 


APPENDIX. 


that  the  investment  would  be  safe  and  profitable.  I  heard 
nothing  further  on  the  subject  for  a  year  or  more,  and  it  was 
almost  forgotten,  when  some  time  during  the  long  session  of 
1868  Mr.  Ames  spoke  of  it  again,  said  the  company  had  or 
ganized,  was  doing  well,  and  he  thought  would  soon  pay 
large  dividends. 

"  He  said  that  some  of  the  stock  had  been  left,  or  was  to 
be  left  in  his  hands  to  sell,  and  I  could  take  the  amount  which 
Mr.  Train  had  offered  me  by  paying  the  one  thousand  dollars 
and  the  accrued  interest.  He  said  if  I  was  not  able  to  pay 
for  it  then,  he  would  hold  it  for  me  till  I  could  pay,  or  until 
some  of  the  dividends  were  payable.  I  told  him  I  would 
consider  the  matter;  but  would  not  agree  to  take  any  stock 
until  I  knew,  from  the  examination  of  the  charter  and  the 
conditions  of  the  subscription,  the  extent  to  which  I  should 
become  pecuniarily  liable.  He  said  he  was  not  sure,  but 
thought  a  stockholder  would  become  liable  only  for  the  par 
value  of  his  stock ;  that  he  had  not  the  stock  and  papers  with 
him,  but  would  have  them  after  awhile. 

"From  the  case,  as  presented,  I  probably  should  have 
taken  the  stock,  if  I  had  been  satisfied  in  regard  to  the  extent 
of  pecuniary  liability.  Thus  the  matter  rested  for  some  time, 
I  think  until  the  following  year.  During  that  interval  I  un 
derstood  that  there  were  dividends  due  amounting  to  nearly 
three  times  the  par  value  of  the  stock.  But,  in  the  meantime 
I  had  heard  that  the  company  was  involved  in  some  contro 
versy  with  the  Pacific  Railroad,  and  that  Mr.  Ames'  right  to 
sell  the  stock  was  denied.  When  I  next  saw  Mr.  Ames,  I 
told  him  I  had  concluded  not  to  take  the  stock.  There  the 
matter  ended,  so  far  as  I  was  concerned,  and  I  had  no  further 
knowledge  of  the  company's  operations  until  the  subject  began 
to  be  discussed  in  the  newspapers  last  fall. 
'  "  Nothing,  was  ever  said  to  me  by  Mr.  Train  or  Mr.  Ames, 
to  indicate  or  imply  that  the  Credit  Mobilier  was  or  could  be 
in  any  way  connected  with  the  legislation  of  Congress  for  the 
Pacific  Railroad,  or  for  any  other  purposes.  Mr.  Ames  never 
gave,  or  offered  to  give,  me  any  stock  or  other  valuable  thing 
as  a  gift.  I  once  asked  and  obtained  from  him,  and  after 
ward  repaid  to  him,  a  loan  of  three  hundred  dollars ;  that 
amount  is  the  only  valuable  thing  I  ever  received  from  or  de 
livered  to  him. 

"  I  never  owned,  received,  or  agreed  to  receive  any  stock 
of  the  Credit  Mobilier,  or  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  or 
any  dividend  or  profits  arising  from  either  of  them."  , 


APPENDIX. 


567 


Mr.  Ames,  on  whose  testimony  all  the  charges  against  Mr. 
Garfield  are  based,  and  about  whose  testimony  we  shall  have 
later  to  say  a  word,  swore  before  the  committee,  four  weeks 
before  Mr.  Garfield  gave  his  testimony:  "  I  agreed  to  get  ten 
shares  of  stock  for  him,  and  hold  it  until  he  could  pay  for  it. 
He  never  did  pay  for  it  or  receive  it"  (p.  21).  Upon  this 
point,  that  the  stock  never  was  paid  for  or  received,  Ames 
was  always  positive.  On  the  first  charge,  therefore,  that  Mr. 
Garfield  agreed  to  take  ten  shares  of  stock,  all  there  is  to  it  is, 
that  he  said  he  would  consider  the  matter,  and  after  consider 
ing,  told  Mr.  Ames  that  he  concluded  not  to  take  the  stock. 

The  second  point  enumerated  against  Mr.  Garfield  was 
that  Mr.  Ames,  in  pursuance  of  his  plan  to  continue  the 
legislation  of  Congress  in  favor  of  the  schemes  of  the  Credit 
Mobilier,  paid  Mr.  Garfield  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine 
dollars.  He  is  said  to  have  done  this  because  he  desired 
Mr.  Garfield's  influence.  To  do  it,  he  considered  the  ten 
shares  offered  to  and  refused  by  Mr.  Garfield,  as  still  stand 
ing  in  his  (Garfield's)  name.  The  dividends  on  these,  by 
this  time,  amounted  to  the  original  purchase  and  three  hun 
dred  and  twenty-nine  dollars  additional.  This  three  hun 
dred  and  twenty-nine  dollars  additional,  Mr.  Ames  then 
says  he  paid  to  Mr.  Garfield,  telling  him,  of  course,  that  his 
stock  was  now  all  paid  for. 

We  have  above,  Mr.  Garfield's  own  sworn  statement,  that 
he  "never  received  any  dividend  or  profits  arising  from  the 
Credit  Mobilier  or  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad."  The  tes 
timony  implicating  the  contrary  is  entirely  from  Mr.  Ames, 
and  is  as  follows: 

Page  28 — Committee's  Report: 

Q.  In  reference  to  Mr.  Garfield,  you  say  that  you  agreed 
to  get  the  ten  shares  for  him,  and  to  hold  them  until  he  could 
pay  for  them,  and  that  he'never  did  pay  for  them  nor  receive 
them?  A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  He  never  paid  any  money  on  that  stock  nor  received 
any  money  from  it  ?  A,  Not  on  account  of  it, 


568 


APPENDIX. 


Q.  He  received  no  dividends?  A.  No,  sir;  I  think  not. 
He  says  he  did  not.  My  own  recollection  is  not  very  clear. 

Q.  So  that,  as  you  understand,  Mr.  Garfield  never  parted 
with  any  money,  nor  received  any  money  on  that  trans 
action?  A.  No,  sir;  he  had  some  money  from  me  once — 
some  three  or  four  hundred  dollars — and  called  it  a  loan. 
He  says  that  is  all  he  ever  received  from  me,  and  that  he 
considered  it  a  loan.  He  never  took  his  stock,  and  never 
paid  for  it. 

Q.  Did  you  understand  it  so  ?  A.  Yes ;  I  am  willing  so 
to  understand  it.  I  do  not  recollect  paying  him  any  divi 
dend,  and  have  forgotten  that  I  paid  him  any  money. 

Page  40 : 

Q.  Who  received  the  dividends  ?  A.  Messrs.  Kelley  and 
Garfield  never  paid  for  their  stock,  and  never  received  their 
dividends. 

Subsequently  Mr.  Ames,  alleging  that  Mr.  Garfield  had 
received  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine  dollars  from  him  as 
dividend  on  his  stock,  attempted  to  prove  it.  He  presented 
to  the  committee  a  statement  of  an  alleged  acccount  with 
General  Garfield,  as  follows  : 

J.  A.  G.  Dr. 

1868.     To  10  shares  stock  Credit  Mobilier  of  A.,  $1,000 

Interest 47 

June  10.     To  cash 329 

Total $i>3?6 

Cr. 

1868.     By  dividend  bonds  Union  Pacific  Railroad 

$1,000  at  80  per  cent.,  less  3  per  cent...  $776 

June  17.     By  dividend  collected  for  your  account,  600 


Total £i,376 

This  account  he  claimed  to  have  made  up  from  his  memo 
randum  book,  but  when  the  memorandum  book  was  subse 
quently  presented,  it  was  found  that  the  account  here  quoted 
was  not  copied  from  it,  but  was  partly  made  up  from  memory. 
By  comparing  this  account  with  the  entry  made  in  diary,  as 


APPENDIX. 


569 


first  quoted,  it  will  be  seen  that  they  are  not  duplicates,  either 
in  substance  or  form ;  and  that  in  this  account  a  new  element 
is  added,  namely,  an  alleged  payment  of  three  hundred  and 
twenty-nine  dollars  in  cash  June  ipth.  This  is  the  very  ele 
ment  in  dispute.  The  pretended  proof  that  this  sum  was 
paid  General  Garfield,  is  found  in  the  production  of  a  check 
drawn  by  Mr.  Ames  on  the  sergeant-at-arms.  The  following 
is  the  language  of  the  check,  as  reported  in  the  testimony : 

"June  22d,  1868. 

"  Pay  O.  A.  or  bearer  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine  dol 
lars,  and  charge  to  my  account. 

"  OAKES  AMES." 

This  check  bears  no  indorsement  or  other  marks  than  the 
words  and  figures  given  above.  It  was  drawn  on  the  226.  of 
June,  and,  as  shown  by  the  books  of  the  sergeant-at-arms, 
was  paid  the  same  day.  But  if  this  check  was  paid  to  Gen 
eral  Garfield  on  the  account  just  quoted,  it  must  have  been 
delivered  to  him  three  days  before  it  was  drawn — for  the  ac 
count  says  that  he  received  payment  on  the  i9th  of  June. 

Furthermore  as  to  the  check.  There  is  absolutely  nothing 
but  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Ames  to  connect  Mr.  Garfield  with 
it.  Let  us  look  at  Mr.  Ames'  testimony.  After  he  had  testi 
fied  that  he  paid  Mr.  Garfield  the  three  hundred  and  twenty- 
nine  dollars  as  dividends  on  stock,  he  (Ames)  was  asked : 

Page  295  : 

Q.   How  was  this  paid  ?     A.   Paid  in  money,  I  believe. 

Page  297: 

Q.  You  say  that  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine  dollars 
was  paid  to  him.  How  was  that  paid  ?  A.  I  presume  by  a 
check  on  the  sergeant-at-arms.  I  find  there  are  checks  filed 
without  indicating  who  they  were  for. 

Page  353  : 

Q.  This  check  seems  to  have  been  paid  by  somebody,  and 
taken  up  by  the  sergeant-at-arms.  Those  initials  are  your 
own  ?  A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Do  you  know  who  had  the  benefit  of  this  check?  A. 
I  cannot  tell  you. 


APPENDIX. 


Q.  Do  you  think  you  received  the  money  on  it  yourself? 
A.  I  have  no  idea.  I  may  have  drawn  the  money  and 
handed  it  to  another  person.  It  was  paid  in  that  transaction. 
It  may  have  been  paid  to  Mr.  Garfield.  There  were  several 
sums  of  that  amount. 

Q.  Have  you  any  memory  in  regard  to  this  check  ?  A.  I 
have  no  memory  as  to  that  particular  check. 

Page  35  4: 

Q.  In  regard  to  Mr.  Garfield,  do  you  know  whether  you 
gave  him  a  check  or  paid  him  the  money  ?  A.  I  think  I  did 
not  pay  him  the  money.  He  got  it  from  the  sergeant-at-arms. 

Page  355  : 

Q.  You  think  the  check  on  which  you  wrote  nothing  to 
indicate  the  payee,  must  have  been  Mr.  Garfield's?  A.  Yes, 
sir.  That  is  my  judgment. 

Page  460  : 

A.  I  am  not  sure  how  I  paid  Mr.  Garfield. 

Page  471  : 

Q.  In  testifying  in  Mr.  Garfield's  case,  you  say  you  may 
have  drawn  the  money  on  the  check  and  paid  it  him.  Is 
not  your  answer  equally  applicable  to  the  case  of  Mr.  Col- 
fax?  A.  No,  sir. 

Q.  Why  not?  A.  I  put  Mr.  Colfax's  initials  on  the  check, 
while  I  put  no  initials  on  Mr.  Garfield's  and  I  may  have 
drawn  the  money  myself. 

Q.  Did  not  Mr.  Garfield's  check  belong  to  him?  A.  Mr. 
Garfield  had  not  paid  for  his  stock.  He  was  entitled  to  three 
hundred  and  twenty-nine  dollars  balance.  But  Mr.  Colfax 
paid  for  his  and  I  had  no  business  with  his  twelve  hundred 
dollars. 

Q.  Is  your  recollection  in  regard  to  this  payment  to  Mr. 
Colfax  any  more  clear  than  your  recollection  as  to  the  pay 
ment  to  Mr.  Garfield  ?  A.  Yes,  sir.  I  think  it  is. 

Finally,  Mr.  Dillon,  cashier  to  the  sergeant-at-arms,  testi 
fied.  Page  479": 

Q.  There  is  a  check  payable  to  Oakes  Ames  or  bearer. 
Have  you  any  recollection  of  that?  A.  That  was  paid  to 
himself.  I  have  no  doubt,  myself,  that  I  paid  that  to  Mr. 
Ames. 

Now  we  ask  the  reader  to  remember  that  there  is  not  one 
jot  or  tittle  of  corroborative  evidence.  Everything  injurious 
to  Mr.  GurfK-ld  is  given  above,  and  all  of  Mr.  Ames's  testi- 


APPENDIX. 


mony  concerning  Mr.  Garfield  is  quoted.  Consequently,  we 
are  asked  to  believe  that  he  was  guilty  of  bribery  and  corrup 
tion  because  Mr.  Ames  says  in  one  of  seven  paragraphs  quoted 
that  he  paid  Mr.  Garfield  money;  in  another  that  he  may 
have  paid  Mr.  Garfield  the  money  ;  and  in  three  of  them  he 
thinks  or  presumes  that  he  paid  Mr.  Garfield  a  check  ;  and 
in  the  other  two  he  says  he  doesn't  know. 

Is  this  any  kind  of  evidence  to  any  fair  thinking  man  ? 

On  the  contrary,  Mr.  Garfield  "  affirms  with  perfect  dis 
tinctness  of  memory"  that  he  "received  no  check  from  Mr. 
Ames." 

The  only  money  he  ever  received  from  him  was  in  cur 
rency,  a  loan  of  three  hundred  dollars,  which  he  repaid  him, 
and  which  Mr.  Ames  acknowledged  in  a  note  to  Mr.  Garfield 
on  January  i5th,  1873. 

Now,  as  to  the  third  and  fourth  accusations  that  he  was  con 
victed  of  this  by  the  committee,  and  that  that  committee  infer- 
entially  charged  him  with  lying.  The  report,  on  pages  viii  and 
ix,  says  of  Representatives  Elaine,  Dawes,  Scofield,  Bingham, 
Kelley  and  Garfield,  that  "  the  committee  do  not  find  "  that 
"  they  were  aware  of  the  object  of  Mr.  Ames,  or  that  they  had 
any  other  purpose  in  taking  this  stock,"  so  far  as  any  of  them 
did  take  it,  "than  to  make  a  profitable  investment;"  that  "the 
committee  have  not  been  able  to  find  that  any  of  these  mem 
bers  of  Congress  have  been  affected  in  their  official  action  in 
consequence  of  their  interest  in  the  Credit  Mobilier  stock," 
so  far  as  they  had  any  interest  ;  that  "  the  committee  do  not 
find"  that  any  of  them,  "in  contracting  with  Mr.  Ames,"  so 
far  as  they  did  contract,  "had  any  corrupt  motive  or  purpose," 
or  were  "  aware  that  Mr.  Ames  had  any."  That  is  to  say,  the 
committee  holds  all  the  members  named,  with  the  two  excep 
tions  specified,  guiltless  of  bribery  and  corruption.  But,  say 
the  accusers,  the  committee,  while  it  reports  Garfield  to  be 
innocent  in  this  respect,  inferentially  declares  him  to  be  guilty 
of  lying.  Here  is  the  passage  referring  particularly  to  Gar- 
field  (p.  vii)  : 

34 


APPENDIX. 


"He  (Garfield)  agreed  with  Mr.  Ames  to  take  ten  shares 
of  Credit  Mobilier  stock,  but  did  not  pay  for  the  same.  Mr. 
Ames  received  the  eighty  per  centum  dividend  in  bonds,  and 
sold  them  for  ninety-seven  per  centum,  and  also  received  the 
sixty  per  centum  cash  dividend,  which,  together  with  the 
price  of  the  stock  and  interest,  left  a  balance  of  $329.  This 
sum  was  paid  over  to  Mr.  Garfield  by  a  check  on  the  ser- 
g«ant-at-arms,  and  Garfield  then  understood  this  sum  was  the 
balance  of  dividends  after  paying  for  the  stock.  Mr.  Ames 
received  all  the  dividends,  and  the  committee  do  not  find 
that,  since  the  payment  of  the  £329,  there  has  been  any  com 
munication  between  Mr.  Ames  and  Garfield  on  the  subject 
until  this  investigation  began." 

This  is  all  that  there  is  in  the  report  reflecting  injuriously, 
even  by  inference,  upon  Garfield.  The  committee,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  specifically  acquits  him  of  all  wrong-doing 
in  the  matter.  So  far  as  the  report  reflects  upon  him  at  all, 
it  does  so  by  adopting  the  view  of  Oakes  Ames  rather  than 
the  view  of  Garfield  of  the  negotiation  of  contract  between 
them — a  vague  negotiation  and  a  skeleton  contract  even  upon 
Ames'  own  showing. 

Our  readers  can  judge  for  themselves  which  view  to  take ; 
Mr.  Garfield's  direct  denial  or  the  hazy,  everyway  contradic 
tory  presumptions  of  Mr.  Ames. 

It  was  but  natural  that  Mr.  Garfield  should  defend  him 
self  from  the  accusations.  He  did  so  vigorously  and 
thoroughly,  leaving  his  record  as  unstained  as  it  was  before  he 
entered  Congress.  He  said : 

"That  I  neither  purchased  nor  agreed  to  purchase  the 
Credit  Mobilier  stock  which  Mr.  Ames  offered  to  sell  me,  nor 
did  I  receive  any  dividend  arising  from  it.  This  appears  not 
only  from  my  own  testimony,  but  from  that  first  given  by  Mr. 
Ames,  which  is  not  overthrown  by  his  subsequent  statements, 
and  is  strongly  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  in  the  case  of  each 
of  those  who  did  purchase  the  stock  there  was  produced  as 
evidence  of  the  sale  either  a  certificate  of  stock,  receipt  of 
payment,  a  check  drawn  in  the  name  of  the  payee  or  entries 
in  Mr.  Ames'  diary  of  a  stock  account  marked  adjusted  and 
<  luscd,  but  that  no  one  of  these  evidences  existed  in  reference 


APPENDIX. 


to  me.  This  position  is  further  confirmed  by  the  subsequent 
testimony  of  Mr.  Ames,  who,  though'  he  claimed  that  I  did 
receive  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine  dollars  from  him  on 
account  of  stock,  yet  he  repeatedly  testified  that  beyond  that 
amount,  I  never  received  or  demanded  any  dividend,  that 
none  was  ever  offered  to  me,  nor  was  the  subject  alluded  to 
in  conversation.  Mr.  Ames  admitted  in  his  testimony  that 
after  December,  1867,  the  various  stock  and  bond  dividends 
amounted  to  an  aggregate  of  more  than  eight  hundred  per 
cent.,  and  that  between  January,  1868,  and  May,  1871,  all 
these  dividends  were  paid  to  several  of  those  who  purchased 
stock.  My  conduct  was  wholly  inconsistent  with  the  suppo 
sition  of  such  ownership,  for  during  the  year  1869  I  was  bor 
rowing  money  to  build  a  house  in  Washington,  and  securing 
my  creditors  by  mortgages  on  my  property  ;  and  all  this  time 
it  was  admitted  that  I  received  no  dividends  and  claimed 
none.  The  attempt  to  prove  a  sale  of  the  stock  to  me  is 
wholly  inconclusive,  for  it  rests,  first,  on  a  check  payable  to  Mr. 
Ames  himself,  concerning  which,  he  said  several  times  in  his 
testimony  he  did  not  know  to  whom  it  was  paid  ;  and,  second, 
upon  loose  undated  entries  in  his  diary,  which  neither  prove 
a  sale  of  the  stock  nor  any  payment  on  it.  The  only  fact 
from  which  it  is  possible  for  Mr.  Ames  to  have  inferred  an 
agreement  to  buy  the  stock  was  the  loan  to  me  of  three  hun 
dred  dollars.  But  that  loan  was  made  months  before  the 
check  of  June  22d,  1868,  and  was  repaid  in  the  winter  of  1869, 
and  after  that  date  there  were  no  transactions  of  any  sort  be 
tween  us,  and  before  the  investigation  was  ended  Mr.  Ames 
admitted  that  on  the  chief  point  of  difference  between  us  he 
might  be  mistaken. 

"  That  the  offer  which  Mr.  Ames  made  to  me,  as  I  under 
stood  it,  was  one  which  involved  no  wrong  or  impropriety. 
I  had  no  means  of  knowing  and  had  no  reason  for  supposing 
that  behind  this  offer  to  sell  me  a  small  amount  of  stock  lay 
hidden  a  scheme  to  defraud  the  Pacific  Railroad  and  imperil 
the  interest  of  the  United  States,  and  on  the  first  intimation 
of  the  real  nature  of  the  case,  I  declined  any  further  consid 
eration  of  the  subject.  That  whatever  may  have  been  the 
facts  in  the  case,  I  stated  them  in  my  testimony  as  I  have  al 
ways  understood  them  ;  and  there  has  been  no  contradiction, 
prevarication  or  evasion  on  my  part." 

In  winding  up  his  review  of  the  whole  matter.  General 
Garfield  uses  the  following  language  : 


APPENDIX. 


"If  there  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  who  is  willing  to 
believe  that  for  three  hundred  and  twenty-nine  dollars  I  have 
bartered  away  my  good  name  and  to  falsehood  have  added 
perjury,  these  words  are  not  addressed  to  him.  If  there  be  one 
who  thinks  that  any  part  of  my  public  life  has  been  gauged  on 
so  low  a  level  as  these  charges  would  place  it,  I  do  not  address 
him.  I  address  those  who  are  willing  to  believe  that  it  is  pos 
sible  for  a  man  to  serve  the  public  without  personal  dishonor. 
I  have  endeavored  in  this  review  to  point  out  the  means  by 
which  the  managers  of  a  corporation,  wearing  a  garb  of 
honorable  industry  have  robbed  and  defrauded  a  great  na 
tional  enterprise,  and  attempted  by  cunning  and  deception, 
for  selfish  ends,  to  enlist  in  its  interests  those  who  would  have 
been  the  first  to  crush  the  attempt  had  their  objects  been 
known. 

"If  any  of  scheming  corporations  or  corrupt  rings  that 
have  done  so  much  to  disgrace  the  country  by  their  attempts 
to  control  its  legislation,  have  ever  found  in  me  a  conscious 
supporter  or  ally  in  any  dishonorable  scneme,  they  are  at  full 
liberty  to  disclose  it.  In  the  discussion  of  the  many  grave 
and  difficult  questions  of  public  policy  which  have  occupied 
the  thoughts  of  the  nation  during  the  last  twelve  years,  I 
have  borne  some  part,  and  I  confidently  appeal  to  the  public 
records  for  a  vindication  of  my  conduct." 

All  minor  charges  growing  out  of  the  above  principal  ones, 
it  is  not  necessary  to  discuss,  as  they  naturally  fall  to  the 
ground  with  the  collapse  of  the  main  accusations. 

Perhaps  the  reader  may  say  to  himself  here,  that  the  au 
thor's  admiration  for  the  subject  of  his  sketch  has  colored 
his  views  in  regard  to  this  transaction.  To  meet  this  we 
oppose,  first,  the  absolute  faith  and  confidence  in  General 
Garfield  held  by  all  Republicans,  notably  so  those  of  Ohio, 
who  investigated  their  representative,  only  to  reaffirm  their 
belief  in  his  positive  consistent  integrity. 

Judge  Poland,  chairman  of  the  investigating  committee, 
expressed  himself  the  other  day  thus  : 

"At  the  time  of  the  investigation  the  public  mind  was 
greatly  excited  on  the  subject,  and  it  involved  the  character 
and  reputation  of  so  many  prominent  men,  that  probably  no 


APPENDIX. 


mere  personal  matter  ever  was  so  thoroughly  canvassed  and 
discussed  by  the  reading  and  intelligent  people  of  this  coun 
try.  After  the  most  exhaustive  discussion  and  reflection,  the 
judgment  of  the  people  of  this  country  was  made  up  as  to  each 
man  who  was  named  as  connected  with  it.  Saying  nothing 
in  regard  to  any  other  man,  I  think  I  may  most  truthfully  say 
that  this  public  and  popular  judgment  fully  and  absolutely 
acquitted  General  Garfield  of  all  wrong,  either  in  act  or  in 
tent,  in  relation  to  the  matter.  No  man  could  have  been 
continued  in  public  life,  and  constantly  risen  in  public  stand 
ing  and  in  the  public  estimation,  by  the  consent  and  approval 
of  the  best  men  of  both  parties,  as  General  Garfield  has,  if 
there  existed  a  suspicion  of  wrong-doing  against  him.  I  re 
gard  this  popular  and  continued  verdict  of  the  people  as  con 
clusive." 

Second,  we  oppose  the  opinions  of  some  of  the  more 
prominent  Democrats.  The  Hon.  Henry  B.  Payne,  of  Cleve. 
land;  the  Hon.  Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio;  Henry  Watter- 
son,  of  Kentucky,  and  others  equally  prominent,  have  all 
declared  their  belief  in  General  Garfield's  absolute  incor 
ruptibility,  and  his  entire  integrity,  during  his  long  public 
career.  That  they  are  in  good  company  in  so  believing  and 
testifying,  the  following  letter  will  prove  : 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Februrary  i5th,  1873. 

"Mv  DEAR  SIR: — From  the  beginning  of  the  investigation 
concerning  Mr.  Ames'  use  of  the  Credit  Mobiiier,  I  believed 
that  General  Garfield  was  free  from  all  guilty  connection  with 
that  business.  This  opinion  is  founded  not  merely  on  my 
confidence  in  his  integrity,  but  on  some  special  knowledge  of  his 
case.  I  may  have  told  you  all  about  it  in  conversation,  but  I 
desire  now  to  repeat  it  by  way  of  a  reminder. 

"I  assert  unhesitatingly  that,  whatever  General  Garfield 
may  have  done  or  forborne  to  do,  he  acted  in  profound  igno 
rance  of  the  nature  and  character  of  the  thing  which  Mr. 
Ames  was  proposing  to  sell.  He  had  not  the  slightest  suspi 
cion  that  he  was  to  be  taken  into  a  ring  organized  for  the  pur 
pose  of  defrauding  the  public,  nor  did  he  know  that  the  stock 
was  in  any  manner  connected  with  anything  which  came,  or 
could  come,  within  the  legislative  jurisdiction  of  Congress. 


576 


APPENDIX. 


The  case  against  him  lacks  the  scientcr  which  alone  constitutes 
guilt. 

"  In  the  winter  of  1869-' 70,  I  told  General  Garfield  of  the 
fact  that  his  name  was  on  Ames'  list ;  that  Ames  charged  him 
with  being  one  of  his  distributees ;  explained  to  him  the  char 
acter,  origin  and  objects  of  the  Credit  Mobilier;  pointed 
out  the  connection  it  had  with  Congressional  legislation,  and 
showed  him  how  impossible  it  was  for  a  member  of  Congress 
to  hold  stock  in  it  without  bringing  his  private  interests  in 
conflict  with  his  public  duty.  That  all  this  was  to  him  a  per 
fectly  new  revelation  I  am  as  sure  as  I  can  be  of  such  a  fact,  or 
of  any  fact  which  is  capable  of  being  proved  only  by  moral  cir 
cumstances.  He  told  me  then  the  whole  story  of  Train's  offer 
to  him  and  Ames'  subsequent  solicitation,  and  his  own  action  in 
the  premises,  much  as  he  details  it  to  the  committee.  I  do  not 
undertake  to  reproduce  the  conversation,  but  the  effect  of  it 
all  was  to  convince  me  thoroughly  that  when  he  listened  to 
Ames  he  was  perfectly  unconscious  of  anything  evil.  I 
watched  carefully  every  word  that  fell  from  him  on  this  point, 
and  did  not  regard  his  narrative  of  the  transaction  in  other 
respects  with  much  interest,  because  in  my  view  everything 
else  was  insignificant.  I  did  not  care  whether  he  had  made  a 
bargain  technically  binding  or  not;  his  integrity  depended 
upon  the  question  whether  he  acted  with  his  eyes  open.  If  he 
had  known  the  true  character  of  the  proposition  made  to  him 
he  would  not  have  endured  it,  much  less  embraced  it. 

"Now,  couple  this  with  Mr.  Ames'  admission  that  he  gave 
no  explanation  whatever  of  the  matter  to  General  Garfield, 
then  reflect  that  not  a  particle  of  proof  exists  to  show  that  he 
learned  anything  about  it  previous  to  his  conversation  with 
me,  and  I  think  you  will  say  that  it  is  altogether  unjust  to  put 
him  on  the  list  of  those  who  knowingly  and  willfully  joined 
the  fraudulent  association  in  question. 

"  J.  S.  BLACK. 
"  HON.  J.  G.  ELAINE,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives." 

And  one  further  word,  from  Bonn  Piatt,  who  went  into  this 
matter  thoroughly : 

"General  Garfield,  personally  considered,  is  singularly 
pure  and  upright.  He  is  one  of  the  few  men  in  public  life 
who  can  look  his  beautiful  little  wife  and  lovely  children  in 
the  face  without  shame.  We  say  this  advisedly,  for  we  have 


APPENDIX. 


known  General  Garfield  intimately  all  his  public  life,  and  we 
can  advise  the  mud  machine,  called  partisan  papers,  that  at 
tempts  at  blackmailing  Garfield's  character  will  be  signal 
failures,  and  will  be  met  by  protests  from  such  eminent  Demo 
crats  as  the  Hons.  Jeremiah  Black,  Allen  G.  Thurman  and 
Justice  Field,  who  have  already  put  themselves  to  record  in 
his  behalf.  Garfield's  purity  is  so  thorough  that  it  gives  him 
a  perilous  confidence  in  men,  and  has  gotten  him  into  trouble, 
precisely  as  a  confiding  boy  gets  into  scrapes.  In  that  Credit 
Mobilier  affair,  for  example,  we  know,  and  have  so  testified, 
that  at  the  very  time  it  was  claimed  he  was  scheming  to  en 
rich  himself  through  Ames'  rascality,  he  was  'shinning' 
about  Washington,  striving  to  borrow  $300  to  pay  house  rent, 
and  so  ignorant  of  the  commonest  financial  process  that  he 
did  not  know  how  to  negotiate  an  ordinary  note  of  hand.  He 
has  not  only  lived  in  the  open  air,  but  has  occupied  positions 
where,  like  other  leaders,  he  could  have  winked  himself  into 
millions.  He  holds  to-day  the  honored  position  of  being  the 
only  poor  man  among  the  political  leaders." 

Republican  papers  have  naturally  acquitted  him,  openly, 
frankly,  fully.  Such  of  the  independent  papers  as  are  entitled 
to  that  name,  and  have  not  adopted  it  as  a  cover  to  obtain  a 
wider  publicity  for  doctrines  that  do  not  thrive  when  printed 
in  an  openly  Democratic  organ,  have  also  acquitted  him. 
One  of  the  best  of  the  honestly  independent  papers  is  the 
Boston  Herald.  It  said  of  Garfield,  and  its  words  may  be 
taken  as  representing  that  class:  "Nobody  but  an  idiot, 
moved  by  partisan  rage  or  the  necessity  for  bread  and  butter, 
would  dare  accuse  Garfield  of  dishonesty.  '  ' 


5/3 


APPENDIX. 


CHAPTER  II. 

WE  will  now  consider  the  rest  of  the  charges.  The 
second  set  relate  to  the  De  Golyer  Contract  for 
wood  pavement  in  the  city  of  Washington. 

The  charges  are:  (i.)  That  in  the  year  1872  General 
Garfield  received  a  counsel  fee  of  five  thousand  dollars  from 
De  Golyer  and  McClelland,  the  owners  of  a  patent  for  wood 
pavement  which  was  laid  down  at  a  great  cost  in  the  streets 
of  the  city  of  Washington,  under  a  contract  with  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  (2.)  That  he  did  no 
counsel  work  in  the  case.  (3.)  That  the  money  was  paid  for 
no  other  purpose  than  to  influence  his  conduct  as  a  member 
of  the  Congress  by  which  an  appropriation  for  this  wood 
pavement  was  made,  and  especially  as  Chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Appropriations  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

In  regard  to  them,  General  Garfield  testified  before  the  In 
vestigating  Committee : 

"The  whole  story  is  plainly  and  briefly  told.  A  day  or 
two  before  the  adjournment  of  the  Congress  which  adjourned 
in  the  latter  part  of  May  or  the  first  part  of  June,  1872, 
Richard  C.  Parsons,  who  was  a  practicing  lawyer  in  Cleve 
land,  but  was  then  the  Marshal  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  an 
old  acquaintance  of  mine,  came  to  my  house  and  said  that  he 
was  called  away  summarily  by  important  business;  that  he 
was  retained  in  a  case  on  which  he  had  spent  a  great  deal  of 
time,  and  that  there  was  but  one  thing  remaining  to  be  done, 
to  make  a  brief  of  the  relative  merits  of  a  large  number  of 
wooden  pavements ;  that  the  board  of  public  works  had 
agreed  that  they  would  put  down  a  certain  amount  of  wooden 
pavement  in  the  city,  a  certain  amount  of  concrete,  and  a 
certain  amount  of  other  kinds  of  pavement ;  that  they  had 
fixed  the  price  at  which  they  would  put  down  each  of  the  dif 
ferent  kinds,  and  that  the  only  thing  remaining  was  to  deter- 


APPENDIX. 


mine  which  was  the  best  pavement  of  each  of  these  several 
kinds.  He  said  he  should  lose  his  fee  unless  the  brief  on  the 
merits  of  these  pavements  was  made,  and  that  he  was  sud 
denly  and  necessarily  called  away  home  ;  and  he  asked  me  to 
prepare  the  brief.  He  brought  his  papers  to  my  house,  and 
models  of  the  pavement.  I  told  him  I  could  not  look  at  the 
case  until  the  end  of  the  session.  When  Congress  adjourned 
I  sat  down  to  the  case  in  the  most  open  manner,  as  I  would 
prepare  a  brief  for  the  Supreme  Court,  and  worked  upon  this 
matter.  There  were,  perhaps,  forty  kinds  of  wood  pavement, 
and  several  chemical  analyses  of  the  ingredients  of  the  differ 
ent  pavements.  I  went  over  the  whole  ground  carefully  and 
thoroughly,  and  prepared  a  brief  on  the  relative  claims  of 
these  pavements  for  the  consideratipn  of  the  board.  That 
was  all  I  did.  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  terms  of  the  con 
tract  ;  I  knew  nothing  of  its  conditions,  and  I  never  had  a 
word  to  say  about  the  price  of  the  pavement.  I  knew  noth 
ing  about  it.  I  simply  made  a  brief  upon  the  relative  merits 
of  the  various  patent  pavements;  and  it  no  more  occurred  to 
me  that  the  thing  I  was  doing  had  relation  to  a  ring,  or  to  a 
body  of  men  connected  with  a  scheme,  or  in  any  way  con 
nected  with  Congress,  or  related  in  any  way  to  any  of  my. 
duties  in  connection  with  the  Committee  on  Appropriations, 
than  it  occurred  to  me  that  it  was  interfering  with  your  per 
sonal  rights  as  a  citizen.  I  prepared  the  brief  and  went 
home.  Mr.  Parsons  subsequently  sent  me  a  portion  of  his 
own  fee. 

"A  year  later,  when  the  affairs  of  the  District  of  Columbia 
came  to  be  overhauled,  Congress  became  satisfied  that  the 
government  of  the  District  had  better  be  abolished,  and  this 
whole  matter  was  very  thoroughly  investigated  by  a  commit 
tee  of  the  two  Houses.  They  went  into  the  question  of  the 
merits  of  this  pavement,  some  claiming  that  it  was  bad,  and 
some  claiming  that  the  Government  had  paid  too  much  for  it. 
Mr.  Chittenden  was  called  as  a  witness.  I  ought  to  say  here 
that  I  never  saw  Mr.  Chittenden  until  about  the  time  I  made 
the  brief;  I  did  not  and  do  not  know  De  Golyer  and  McClel 
land  ;  I  would  not  know  them  on  the  street;  I  am  not  aware 
that  I  ever  saw  Mr.  Nickerson  before;  and  if  anybody  in  this 
business  had  any  scheme  relating  to  me,  it  was  never  men 
tioned  to  me  in  the  remotest  way.  It  never  was  suggested  to 
me  that  this  matter  could  relate  to  my  duties  as  a  member  of 
Congress  in  any  way  whatever.  All  that  I  did  was  done 


APPENDIX. 


openly.  Everybody  who  railed  upon  me  could  see  what  I 
was  doing,  and,  if  there  was  any  intention  or  purpose  on  the 
part  of  anybody  to  connect  me  in  any  way  with  any  ring  or 
any  dishonorable  scheme,  it  was  seduously  concealed  from 
me.  As  I  have  said,  three  years  ago  a  joint  committee  of  the  two 
Houses  investigated  this  matter  thoroughly.  Mr.  Parsons  was 
summoned,  was  examined  and  cross-examined  ;  Mr.  Chitten- 
den  was  examined  ;  Mr.  Nickerson  was  examined.  When  I 
heard  that  my  name  was  being  used  in  the  matter,  I  went  to 
the  chairmen  on  both  sides  —  for  it  was  a  joint  committee. 
Senator  Thurman,  of  my  own  State,  was  on  the  committee; 
Mr.  Jewett,  now  president  of  the  Erie  Railway,  was  on  the 
committee.  I  said  to  the  chairman  that,  if  there  was  any 
thing  in  connection  with  the  case  which  reflected  upon  me, 
and  that  they  thought  I  ought  to  answer,  I  would  be  obliged 
to  them  if  they  would  inform  me.  The  chairman,  on  the 
part  of  the  House,  Mr.  Wilson,  said  that  he  had  looked  the 
matter  all  over,  and  that  what  I  had  done  was  perfectly 
proper;  but  if  anything  should  occur  to  make  any  explana 
tion  necessary,  I  should  appear  before  the  committee,  he 
would  send  me  word.  He  never  did  send  for  me. 

"In  the  course  of  the  campaign  of  1874,  a  gentleman  from 
my  district  wrote  in  regard  to  it  to  Mr.  Wilson,  the  chairman 
of  the  joint  committee  on  the  part  of  the  House,  and  received 
a  letter  in  reply,  which  I  read  : 

"  '  CONNERSVILLE,  Ind.,  Aug.  ist,  1874.  —  Hon.  Geo.  W. 
Steele.  —  Dear  Sir:  To  the  request  for  information  as  to 
whether  or  not  the  action  of  General  Garfield,  in  connection 
with  the  affairs  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  was  the  subject 
of  condemnation  by  the  committee  that  recently  had  those 
affairs  under  consideration,  I  answer  that  it  was  not  ;  nor  was 
there,  in  my  opinion,  any  evidence  that  would  have  warranted 
any  unfavorable  criticism  upon  his  conduct. 

"  'The  facts  disclosed  by  the  evidence,  so  far  as  he  is  con 
cerned,  are  briefly  these: 

"  '  The  Board  of  Public  Works  was  considering  the  question 
as  to  the  kind  of  pavements  that  should  be  laid.  There  was 
a  contest  as  to  the  respective  merits  of  various  wooden  pave 
ments.  Mr.  Parsons  represented,  as  attorney,'  the  De  Golye-r 
&  McClelland  patent,  and  being  called  away  from  Washing 
ton  about  the  time  the  hearing  was  to  be  had  before  the 
Board  of  Public  Works  on  this  subject,  procured  General  Gar- 


APPENDIX, 


581 


field  to  appear  before  the  board  in  his  stead  and  argue  the 
merits  of  this  patent.  This  he  did,  and  this  was  the  whole  of 
his  connection  in  the  matter.  It  was  not  a  question  as  to  the 
kind  of  contract  that  should  be  made,  but  as  to  whether  this 
particular  kind  of  pavement  should  be  laid.  The  criticism  of 
the  committee  was  not  upon  the  pavement  in  favor  of  which 
General  Garfield  argued,  but  was  upon  the  contract  made  with 
reference  to  it ;  and  there  was  no  evidence  which  would  war 
rant  the  conclusion  that  he  had  anything  to  do  with  the  latter. 
Very  respectfully,  etc.,  J.  M.  WILSON.' 

"I  want  to  say  this,  further.  That  if  anybody  in  the  world 
holds  that  my  fee  in  connection  with  this  pavement,  even  by 
suggestion  or  implication,  had  any  relation  whatever  to  any 
appropriation  by  Congress  for  anything  connected  with  this 
District,  or  anything  else,  it  is  due  to  me,  it  is  due  to  this 
committee,  and  it  is  due  to  Congress,  that  that  person  be 
summoned.  If  there  be  a  man  on  this  earth  who  makes  such 
a  charge,  that  man  is  the  most  infamous  perjurer  that  lives, 
and  I  shall  be  glad  to  confront  him  anywhere  in  this  world. 
I  am  quite  sure  this  committee  will  not  allow  hearsay  and  con 
tradictory  testimony  to  raise  a  presumption  against  me.  Now, 
I  will  say  very  frankly  to  the  committee  that,  if  I  had  known 
or  imagined  that  there  was  an  intent  such  as  this  witness  in 
sinuates,  on  the  part  of  anybody,  that  my  employment  by  a 
brother  lawyer  to  prepare  a  brief  on  a  perfectly  legitimate 
question — a  question  of  the  relative  merits  of  certain  lawful 
patents — had  any  connection  whatever,  or  any  supposed  con 
nection  in  the  mind  of  any  man,  with  my  public  duties,  I 
certainly  would  have  taken  no  such  engagement.  I  would 
have  been  a  weak  and  a  very  foolish  man  to  have  done  so, 
and  I  trust  that  gentlemen  who  know  me  will  believe  that  I 
would  at  least  have  had  too  much  respect  for  my  own  ambi 
tion  to  have  done  such  a  thing." 

Garfield  further  showed — and  this  is  the  only  important 
fact  in  the  whole  case — that  Congress  did  not  make  any  ap 
propriation  to  pay  for  the  pavement  and  was  not  asked  to 
make  any,  and  that  therefore  the  official  conduct  of  Garfield 
could  not  be  affected  by  the  fee  because  he  could  have  no 
official  relations  to  the  matter.  The  contract  for  the  pave 
ment  was  made  by  the  Board  of  Public  Works  and  was  paid 


eg,,  APPENDIX. 

lor  by  a  general  local  loan  already  authorized  by  law  and  by 
a  tax  or  assessment  levied  by  the  Government  of  the  District 
of  Columbia — just  as  local  improvements  in  other  cities  are 
paid  for  by  the  property  which  they  are  supposed  to  benefit 
Congress  might  be  called  upon  to  meet  general  deficiencies  in 
the  revenues  of  the  District,  but  this  contingency  was  remote 
and  did  not  form  a  condition  of  the  De  Golyer  and  McClel 
land  contract.  With  this  only  the  Board  of  Public  Works 
was  concerned.  Garfield *s  story  was  supported  by  the  testi 
mony  of  Commissioner  Shepherd  before  the  committee.  He 
says  that  Congress  was  not  in  session  when  the  contract  was 
awarded  ;  and  further:  "We  had  ample  appropriations  for  all 
the  work  we  had  awarded,  including  that,  without  regard  to 
any  appropriation  from  Congress.  All  these  contracts  were 
awarded  on  the  basis  of  the  four  million  loan,  and  the  assess 
ments  by  the  city  which  were  authorized  by  that  law.  They 
were  not  at 'all  contingent  upon  Congressional  appropriation." 
One  further  point.  This  was  not  an  exceptional  thing  with 
General  Garfield — the  brief  before  the  Supreme  Court — as  he 
had  argued  on  an  average  during  his  Congressional  career 
about  seven  cases  a  year. 


THERE  is  but  one  more  matter  to  be  taken  up  that  has 
been  misconstrued  against  General  Garfield.     Happily 
it  can  be  as  effectually  disposed  of  as  the  other  two,  and 
in  fewer  words.     We  refer  to  the  "  Salary  Grab  :" 

General  Garfield  is  called  a  "salary-grabber,"  and  it  is 
charged  that  he  was  mainly  influential  in  the  passage  of  the 
retro-active  law  of  March  3d,  1873,  by  which  the  pay  of  mem 
bers  of  Congress  was  largely  increased.  This  charge  is  easily 
refuted.  The  bill  first  made  its  appearance,  together  with  a 
report  submitted  by  Mr.  B.  F.  Butler,  from  the  Judiciary 
Committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  yth  of 
February.  On  the  loth  of  February,  Mr.  Butler  moved  to 
suspend  the  rules  and  adopt  a  resolution  directing  the  incor- 


APPENDIX. 


583 


poration  of  this  bill  with  the  Miscellaneous  Appropriation 
bill.  The  motion  was  lost,  Garfield  voting  in  the  negative. 
(See  McPherson's  "Hand-Book  of  Politics,"  for  1874,  p.  9). 
It  came  up  again  in  various  forms  on  the  28th  of  February, 
and  Garfield  voted  against  it  five  times.  (See  pp.  14  and 
15.)  Finally  the  measure  came  before  a  conference  commit 
tee  of  the  Senate  and  House.  Of  that  committee  Garfield 
was  a  member.  He  opposed  in  the  conference  that  part  of 
the  appropriation  bill  which  related  to  salaries  of  members 
of  Congress,  but  signed  the  report  for  reasons  which  he  gave 
in  a  speech  in  the  House,  on  the  3d  of  March.  "  I  was  op 
posed,"  he  said,  "  to  the  increase  in  the  conference,  as  I  have 
been  opposed  to  it  in  the  discussion  and  in  my  votes  here ; 
but  my  associate  conferees  were  in  favor  of  the  Senate  amend 
ment,  and  I  was  compelled  to  choose  between  signing  the 
report  and  running  the  risk  of  bringing  on  an  extra  session  of 
Congress."  In  answer  to  questions,  he  said  that  it  would  in 
volve  "an  additional  expenditure  of  about  one  and  a  quarter 
millions"  for  that  Congress,  and  that  he  thought  "the  House 
ought  to  know  all  the  facts."  This  showed  that  he  was  still 
unfriendly  to  the  measure,  and  only  agreed  to  it  under  stress 
of  circumstances.  For  the  same  reason  he  voted  in  the  af 
firmative  on  the  final  passage  of  the  bill.  In  the  list  of  rep 
resentatives  who  redeposited  their  back  pay,  or  "covered  it 
into  the  Treasury,"  according  to  the  technical  description  of 
the  process,  Garfield's  name  stands  fourth,  opposite  the  date 
April  2d,  1873.  Garfield  also  voted  for  the  bill  to  repeal  the 
Salary  act.  (See  McPherson,  pp.  20-23.)  Comment  upon 
these  facts  is  unnecessary. 

In  a  letter  upon  this  subject,  written  by  General  Garfield 
to  a  friend,  in  1873,  ne  tnus  refers  to  th*5  measure: 

"  When  I  went  into  the  army  I  did  so  expecting  to  follow 
the  path  of  duty,  whether  it  led  me  to  life  or  death.  In  en 
tering  Congress  I  undertook  to  follow  the  path  of  duty  there, 
whether  it  led  to  political  life  or  political  death.  I  have  cast 
many  thousands  of  votes  during  my  ten  years  of  service,  and 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  a^e  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


/ 

'V\ 

AUli  1  8  iy/8 

fff-.  era. 

' 





LD  21A-60m-10,'65 
(F7763slO)476B 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


